testimony · July 17, 2018
Congressional Testimony
Jerome H. Powell
MONETARY POLICY AND
THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY
HEARING
BEFORETHE
COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
JULY 18, 2018
Printed for the use of the Committee on Financial Services
Serial No. 115–110
(
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
31–509 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018
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HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES
JEB HENSARLING, Texas, Chairman
PATRICK T. MCHENRY, North Carolina, MAXINE WATERS, California, Ranking
Vice Chairman Member
PETER T. KING, New York CAROLYN B. MALONEY, New York
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California NYDIA M. VELA´ZQUEZ, New York
FRANK D. LUCAS, Oklahoma BRAD SHERMAN, California
STEVAN PEARCE, New Mexico GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
BILL POSEY, Florida MICHAEL E. CAPUANO, Massachusetts
BLAINE LUETKEMEYER, Missouri WM. LACY CLAY, Missouri
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan STEPHEN F. LYNCH, Massachusetts
SEAN P. DUFFY, Wisconsin DAVID SCOTT, Georgia
STEVE STIVERS, Ohio AL GREEN, Texas
RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois EMANUEL CLEAVER, Missouri
DENNIS A. ROSS, Florida GWEN MOORE, Wisconsin
ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina KEITH ELLISON, Minnesota
ANN WAGNER, Missouri ED PERLMUTTER, Colorado
ANDY BARR, Kentucky JAMES A. HIMES, Connecticut
KEITH J. ROTHFUS, Pennsylvania BILL FOSTER, Illinois
LUKE MESSER, Indiana DANIEL T. KILDEE, Michigan
SCOTT TIPTON, Colorado JOHN K. DELANEY, Maryland
ROGER WILLIAMS, Texas KYRSTEN SINEMA, Arizona
BRUCE POLIQUIN, Maine JOYCE BEATTY, Ohio
MIA LOVE, Utah DENNY HECK, Washington
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas JUAN VARGAS, California
TOM EMMER, Minnesota JOSH GOTTHEIMER, New Jersey
LEE M. ZELDIN, New York VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas
DAVID A. TROTT, Michigan CHARLIE CRIST, Florida
BARRY LOUDERMILK, Georgia RUBEN KIHUEN, Nevada
ALEXANDER X. MOONEY, West Virginia
THOMAS MACARTHUR, New Jersey
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio
TED BUDD, North Carolina
DAVID KUSTOFF, Tennessee
CLAUDIA TENNEY, New York
TREY HOLLINGSWORTH, Indiana
SHANNON MCGAHN, Staff Director
(II)
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C O N T E N T S
Page
Hearing held on:
July 18, 2018 ..................................................................................................... 1
Appendix:
July 18, 2018 ..................................................................................................... 63
WITNESSES
WEDNESDAY, JULY 18, 2018
Powell, Hon. Jerome H., Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Re-
serve System ......................................................................................................... 5
APPENDIX
Prepared statements:
Powell, Hon. Jerome H. .................................................................................... 64
ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
Powell, Hon. Jerome H.:
Written responses to questions for the record submitted by Representa-
tives Beatty, Gottheimer, Huizenga, Messer, Sinema, Sherman, and
Stivers ............................................................................................................ 136
(III)
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MONETARY POLICY AND
THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY
Wednesday, July 18, 2018
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES,
Washington, D.C.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m., in room
2128, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Jeb Hensarling [chair-
man of the committee] presiding.
Present: Representatives Hensarling, McHenry, Royce, Lucas,
Pearce, Posey, Luetkemeyer, Huizenga, Duffy, Stivers, Hultgren,
Ross, Pittenger, Wagner, Barr, Rothfus, Tipton, Williams, Poliquin,
Love, Hill, Emmer, Zeldin, Trott, Loudermilk, Mooney, MacArthur,
Davidson, Budd, Kustoff, Tenney, Hollingsworth, Waters, Maloney,
Sherman, Clay, Scott, Green, Cleaver, Moore, Ellison, Perlmutter,
Himes, Foster, Kildee, Delaney, Sinema, Beatty, Heck, Vargas,
Gottheimer, and Crist.
Chairman HENSARLING. The committee will come to order. With-
out objection, the Chair is authorized to declare a recess of the
committee at any time. And all members will have 5 legislative
days within which to submit extraneous materials to the Chair for
inclusion in the record.
This hearing is for the purpose of receiving the semiannual testi-
mony of the Chair of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System on monetary policy and the state of the economy.
I now recognize myself for 3–1/2 minutes to give an opening
statement.
As we meet today, thanks to the fiscal policies of the Trump Ad-
ministration and this Congress, many Americans are seeing the
strongest economy of their lifetime. Most importantly, 3 percent av-
erage economic growth is back, 90 percent of Americans are seeing
bigger paychecks, and in the last quarter real disposable income in-
creased a very strong 3.4 percent, and unemployment remains near
a 50-year low.
But the economy may be challenged in significant ways if either
we find ourselves in a protracted global trade war or the unconven-
tional monetary policy tools of the Fed are not carefully and skill-
fully wound down in transition to normalcy.
In February, during or last Humphrey-Hawkins hearing, I ques-
tioned whether the Fed would ever return to a monetary policy bal-
ance sheet after a decade of accumulating and maintaining, in con-
trast, a macroprudential balance sheet. And my concern remains,
because less than a year into the Fed’s balance sheet wind-down
(1)
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some FOMC (Federal Open Market Committee) members are al-
ready calling to slow down or end the process.
We were told by the Fed that letting the roll-off schedule run for
3 or 4 years would be less exciting than watching paint dry. But
as we meet today, we face the prospect that maybe the paint stays
wet.
In other words, we seem to be faced with an increasing prospect
of a balance sheet that may never return to a more conventional
size or composition.
I believe this is problematic. An unconventional balance sheet
may well threaten ultimately the integrity and independence of the
Feds’s conduct of monetary policy by enabling competing activities
that lie outside its mandate for stable prices and full employment.
This matter must be reviewed carefully.
Additionally, I have governance concerns. I would note today that
only three individuals, as a practical matter, are actually empow-
ered to set U.S. monetary policy.
This is a matter of concern. We know that interest rates on re-
serve deposits have now supplanted open market operations of the
FOMC in playing the lead role in conducting monetary policy,
given that the Board of Governors can administer interest rates on
reserve deposits without any input from the FOMC or any district
bank president. This means three individuals—or, to be more pre-
cise, two, given a majority vote—set monetary policy in the U.S.
I certainly don’t believe this is currently being abused, but I do
believe, as a matter of public policy, the full FOMC should vote on
where to set interest rates on reserve deposits. And furthermore,
I would call upon the Senate to expeditiously confirm the Federal
Reserve Board Governors that the President has long since nomi-
nated.
Finally, many members, including myself, share a concern about
the apparent inconsistency of a 2 percent inflation target with the
goal of price stability. A 2 percent inflation target means that every
dollar a couple sets aside at a child’s birth for her college education
will have lost approximately 30 percent of its purchasing power by
the time the first tuition bill arrives.
I understand that other central banks do this. I understand this
may be good policy. But if so, Congress should decide this, because
Section 2A of the Federal Reserve Act mandates, quote, ‘‘stable
prices.’’ And last I looked up the word ‘‘stable’’ in the dictionary it
means quote, unquote, ‘‘fixed,’’ quote, unquote, ‘‘not changing,’’ or,
quote, unquote ‘‘permanent.’’ And yet we see even some advocating
a policy rate target that allows for even greater swings than the
current 2 percent inflation target.
Chairman Powell, we welcome you and we look forward to hear-
ing more about these issues, and we look forward to a prudent path
to normalization where interest rates are once again market based
and credit is allocated to its most efficient use.
I now recognize the Ranking Member of the committee, the
gentlelady from California, for 3 minutes for an opening statement.
Ms. WATERS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And welcome, Chairman Powell.
Mr. Chairman, I am very concerned about the impact of the reck-
less economic policies of Donald Trump on hardworking Americans,
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vulnerable families, and our Nation’s economy. This President has
started a trade war that is already harming American consumers
and companies.
For example, Whirlpool, based in Michigan has seen its share
price drop over 15 percent as a result of Trump’s tariffs on steel
and aluminum. Washing machines and dryer prices have increased
20 percent. According to The Wall Street Journal, the mayor of
Clyde, Ohio, where Whirlpool has a plant, commented on the tariffs
saying, I quote, ‘‘People’s anxiety level is higher because nobody
knows what is going on,’’ quote, unquote.
The tax scam that the Congressional Republicans and President
Trump pushed through, explodes the deficit and raises taxes on 86
million American families to help out big corporations and very
wealthy individuals. But most of these corporations are not using
the windfall to pay better wages to their employees. Instead, they
are buying back their own stock to boost share prices and enrich
their CEOs. And in the end, this massive misguided giveaway will
be paid for by future generations of taxpayers.
In addition, the Trump Administration’s latest budget proposal
makes deep cuts to important healthcare, nutritional assistance,
housing and community development programs, and would be det-
rimental to families, veterans, seniors, and persons with disabil-
ities.
In all, the Trump Administration’s policies are deeply harmful
and threaten the hard-earned economic gains put in motion during
the Obama Administration. As a result of Democratic policies and
the policies of the Federal Reserve, we are now experiencing the
longest stretch of private sector job growth on record, but with
these harmful economic policies Trump is putting all of that
progress at risk.
So I am interested in Chairman Powell’s views on these matters,
especially the long-term effect of Trump’s damaging economic poli-
cies and what tools, if any, the Federal Reserve has to prevent a
possible recession that could be triggered by the policies of this Ad-
ministration.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentlelady yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Kentucky, Mr.
Barr, the Chairman of the Monetary Policy and Trade Sub-
committee, for 1–1/2 minutes.
Mr. BARR. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Powell, thank you for testifying today.
As Chairman Hensarling has already stated, the economy is
strong and the data supports this statement. Americans have more
money in their paychecks thanks to tax reform, job creation is
strong, unemployment is near a 50-year low, and many Americans
who left the workforce during the financial crisis are reentering it.
While overall the economic outlook of America is bright, there
are a few items that we need to carefully watch. One is uncertainty
surrounding U.S. trade policy which impacts key Kentucky indus-
try such as bourbon, agriculture, and auto manufacturing. Another
is the legacy of the Fed’s unconventional monetary policies and
bloated asset sheet that continues to distort credit allocation. A
third is a flattening yield curve that some economists warn could
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signal a downturn. And a final risk is out-of-date regulation, such
as the G–SIB surcharge calculation that puts American banks at
a disadvantage relative to their international competitors.
Chairman Powell, thank you for your service at the Federal Re-
serve, and I look forward to hearing from you today about these
and other important topics.
I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentlelady from Wisconsin, Ms.
Moore, the Ranking Member of the Monetary Policy and Trade
Subcommittee, for 1 minute.
Ms. MOORE. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, it is lovely to see you again.
I am going to paraphrase and channel Ben Franklin here: Dodd-
Frank gave America a stable economic system if we can keep it.
I fear your greatest challenges in the future will be directly re-
lated to the actions of Republican policymakers and our President.
Ruinous trickle-down tax cuts, adopting their policies that drive
debt and income inequality, and of course the Wells Fargo model,
will saddle regular Americans with fourth-place payday loans to
pay it all back.
Destabilizing financial deregulation and unqualified nominees
like Kathy Kraninger to head the Consumer Financial Protection
Bureau, capricious trade wars, Harley in my district, farmers in my
State bracing for ruin, fiscal mismanagement, low grade scams,
and incompetence all seem to be hallmarks of Mr. Trump.
But, as we discuss Esther 4:14, you have been called for such a
time as this. God bless you.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentlelady yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman form Michigan, Mr. Kil-
dee, the vice Ranking Member, for 1 minute.
Mr. KILDEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for yielding.
Chairman Powell, thank you for being here.
I lead an initiative in Congress entitled The Future of America’s
Cities and Towns. Its purpose is to fuel a national conversation
around the economic health of our country’s older industrial cities
and towns, places like my hometown of Flint, that have not fully
recovered from the Great Recession.
Even with the job growth and economic recovery we have seen,
it is uneven. In economic terms there is no average American any-
more. A whole cohort of communities across the country continue
to experience the kind of stress that threatens their sustainability
as communities and the fiscal solvency of their municipalities.
I believe we have to have a much more serious and thoughtful
conversation about how we support these places and the millions
of people who live there. Many of the regional banks, such as the
Boston, Cleveland, and Chicago banks, have taken an interest in
working to improve the fiscal health of these places within their ju-
risdiction. And so I would be interested in hearing your thoughts
on how the Fed can help these places.
Monetary policy is by nature a broad tool for economic growth.
We must have a particular focus on creating more economic oppor-
tunity for those families and those communities that continue to
struggle.
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Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your indulgence.
Chairman HENSARLING. Today we welcome back to the com-
mittee for his second appearance Governor Powell, Chairman of the
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Governor Pow-
ell has previously testified for this committee, so I believe he needs
no further introduction.
Without objection, the witness’ written statement will be made
part of the record.
Chairman Powell, you are now recognized for your testimony.
Welcome.
STATEMENT OF THE HON. JEROME H. POWELL
Mr. POWELL. Thank you very much, and good morning, Chair-
man Hensarling, Ranking Member Waters, and other members of
the committee here today. I am happy to present the Federal Re-
serve’s semiannual Monetary Policy Report to Congress.
Let me start by saying that my colleagues and I strongly support
the goals that Congress has set for us for monetary policy: Max-
imum employment and price stability.
We also support clear and open communication about the policies
we undertake to achieve these goals. We owe you and the general
public clear explanations of what we are doing and why we are
doing it. Monetary policy affects everyone and should be a mystery
to no one.
For the past 3 years we have been gradually returning interest
rates and the Fed’s securities holdings to more normal levels as the
economy strengthens. And we believe this is the best way we can
help set conditions in which Americans who want a job can find
one and in which inflation remains low and stable.
I will review the current economic situation and outlook and then
turn to monetary policy.
Since I last testified here in February, the job market has contin-
ued to strengthen and inflation has moved up. In the most recent
data, inflation was a little above 2 percent, the level that the Fed-
eral Open Market Committee thinks will best achieve our price sta-
bility and employment objectives over the longer run. The latest
figure was boosted by a significant increase in gasoline and other
energy prices.
An average of 215,000 net new jobs were created each month this
year in the first half of the year. That number is somewhat higher
than the monthly average for 2017. It is also a good deal higher
than the average number of people who enter the workforce each
month on net.
The unemployment rate edged down one-tenth of a percent over
the first half of the year to 4.0 percent in June, which is near the
lowest level of the past two decades.
In addition, the share of the population that either has a job or
has looked for one in the past month, what we call the labor force
participation rate, has not changed much since late 2013, and this
development is another sign of labor market strength.
Part of what has kept that participation rate stable is that more
working-age people have started looking for a job, which has helped
make up for the large number of baby boomers who are retiring
and leaving the workforce.
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Another piece of good news is that the robust conditions in the
labor market are being felt by many different groups. For example,
the unemployment rates for African Americans and Hispanics have
fallen sharply over the past few years and are now near their low-
est levels since the Bureau of Labor Statistics began reporting data
for these groups in 1972.
Groups with higher unemployment rates have tended to benefit
the most as the job market has strengthened. But jobless rates for
these groups are still higher than those for Whites. And while
three-quarters of Whites responded in a recent Federal Reserve
survey that they were doing at least OK financially in 2017, only
two-thirds of African Americans and Hispanics responded that way.
Incoming data show that alongside the strong job market, the
U.S. economy has grown at a solid pace so far this year. The value
of goods and services produced in the economy, or GDP, rose at a
modest annual rate of 2 percent in the first quarter after adjusting
for inflation. However, the latest data suggested that economic
growth in second quarter was considerably stronger than in the
first.
And this solid pace of growth so far this year is based on several
factors. Robust job gains, rising after-tax incomes, and optimism
among households have lifted consumer spending in recent months.
Investment by businesses has continued to grow at a healthy rate.
Good economic performance in other countries has supported U.S.
exports and manufacturing. And while housing construction has
not increased this year, it is up noticeably from where it stood a
few years ago.
I will turn now to inflation. After several years in which inflation
ran below our 2 percent objective, the recent data are encouraging.
The price index for personal consumption expenditures, or PCE in-
flation, as we call it, which is an overall measure of prices paid by
consumers, increased 2.3 percent over the 12 months ending in
May, and that number is up from 1.5 percent a year ago.
Overall inflation increased partly because of higher oil prices,
which caused a sharp rise in gasoline and other energy prices paid
by consumers.
Because energy prices move up and down a great deal, we also
look at core inflation. Core inflation excludes energy and food
prices and is generally a better indicator of future overall inflation.
Core inflation was 2.0 percent for the 12 months ending in May,
compared with 1.5 percent a year ago. We will continue to keep a
close eye on inflation with a goal of keeping it near 2 percent.
Looking ahead, my colleagues on the FOMC and I expect that
with appropriate monetary policy the job market will remain strong
and inflation will stay near 2 percent over the next several years.
This judgment reflects several factors. First, interest rates and fi-
nancial conditions more broadly remain favorable to growth. Sec-
ond, our financial system is much stronger than before the crisis
and is in a good position to meet the credit needs of households and
businesses. Third, Federal tax and spending policies will likely con-
tinue to support the expansion. And fourth, the outlook for eco-
nomic growth abroad remains solid, despite greater uncertainties
in several parts of the world.
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Now, what I have just described is what we see as the most like-
ly path for the economy. Of course, economic outcomes that we ac-
tually experience often turn out to be a good deal stronger or weak-
er than those in our best forecast. For example, it is difficult to pre-
dict the ultimate outcome of current discussions over trade policy,
as well as the size and timing of economic effects of the recent
changes in fiscal policy.
Overall, we see the risk of the economy unexpectedly weakening
as roughly balanced with the possibility of the economy growing
faster than we currently anticipate.
Over the first half of 2018 the FOMC has continued to gradually
reduce monetary policy accommodation. In other words, we have
continued to dial back the extra boost that was needed to help the
economy recover from the financial crisis and the recession.
Specifically, we raised the target range for the Federal funds rate
by 1/4 percentage point at both our March and June meetings,
bringing the target today to its current range of 1–3/4 percent to
2 percent.
In addition, last October we started gradually reducing our hold-
ings of Treasury and mortgage-backed securities, and that process
has been running quite smoothly. Our policies reflect the strong
performance of the economy and are intended to help make sure
that continues.
The payment of interest on balances held by banks in their ac-
counts at the Federal Reserve has played a key role in carrying out
these policies, as the current Monetary Policy Report explains in
some detail. Payment of interest on these balances is our principal
tool for keeping the Federal funds rate in the FOMC’s target range.
This tool has made it possible for us to gradually return interest
rates to a more normal level without disrupting financial markets
and the economy.
As I mentioned, after many years of running below target, our
longer-run objective of 2 percent inflation has recently moved close
to that level, and our challenge will be to keep it there. Many fac-
tors affect inflation. Some of them are temporary and others longer
lasting. Inflation will at times be above 2 percent and at other
times below. And we say that the 2 percent objective is symmetric
because the FOMC would be concerned if inflation were running
persistently above or below that 2 percent objective.
The unemployment rate is low and expected to fall further.
Americans who want jobs have a good chance of finding them.
Moreover, wages are growing a little faster than they did a few
years ago.
That said, they are still not rising as fast as in the years before
the crisis. One explanation could be that productivity growth has
been low in recent years. On a brighter note, though, moderate
wage growth also tells us that the job market is not causing high
inflation.
With a strong job market, inflation close to our objective, and the
risks to the outlook roughly balanced, the FOMC believes that for
now the best way forward is to keep gradually raising the Federal
funds rate. We are aware that on the one hand raising interest
rates too slowly may lead to high inflation or financial market ex-
cesses. On the other hand, if we raise rates too rapidly the economy
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could weaken and inflation could persistently run below our objec-
tive.
The committee will continue to weigh a wide range of relevant
information when deciding what monetary policy will be appro-
priate. As always, our actions will depend on the economic outlook,
which may change as we receive new data.
For guideposts on appropriate policy, the FOMC routinely looks
at monetary policy rules that recommend a level for the Federal
funds rate based on the current rates of inflation and unemploy-
ment. The July Monetary Policy Report gives an update on mone-
tary policy rules and their role in our policy discussions. I continue
to find these rules helpful, although using them requires careful
judgment.
Thank you very much, and I will look forward to our conversa-
tion.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Powell can be found on page 64
of the appendix.]
Chairman HENSARLING. Thank you, Chairman Powell.
The Chair now yields to himself 5 minutes for questions.
I don’t believe, Chairman Powell, there was a discussion about
this on the Senate side yesterday. I didn’t hear much about it in
your testimony. But I still seek greater specificity on the current
goals for the wind-down of the balance sheet.
It is my current understanding that it is the goal, with respect
to the pace, that this wind-down will take about 3 to 4 years, that
ultimately the size of the balance sheet, as of today, the target is
2 to 2.5 trillion. And with respect to composition, primarily Treas-
ury’s, but some MBS (mortgage-backed security).
Is my understanding correct? Is that the current goal of the Fed?
Mr. POWELL. So the plan is to return the balance sheet over time
to a mainly Treasury balance sheet. I have provided estimates, oth-
ers have provided estimates, of how long that with take. They are
fairly uncertain. But my estimate has been 3 or 4 years.
What will guide the time at which we will ultimately stop
shrinking the balance sheet will really be a function—and the ulti-
mate size of the balance sheet—will really be a function of the
public’s demand for our liabilities.
During quantitative easing that was really about assets. In the
long run what matters is the public’s demand for currency, which
has grown very strongly for the last few years, and also the public’s
demand for reserves. And in an era where we require the banks to
have lots of high quality liquid assets, reserves are the ultimate
high quality liquidity asset.
So I think we are going to be finding out how big that demand
is for those two liabilities, and also some others. I think there are
estimates. We don’t have a target range, for example.
Chairman HENSARLING. OK. So you really don’t know.
Mr. POWELL. That is right.
Chairman HENSARLING. Obviously, we all acknowledge there will
be a greater demand for reserves, but I still would anticipate that
in the 2 to 2.5 trillion that might actually exceed demand.
So I guess, Chairman Powell, my next question is, is it a goal of
the Fed—so I understand you want to keep IOER (interest rate on
excess reserves), that particularly today this is how monetary pol-
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icy is determined. But do you see a day, is it the goal of the Federal
Reserve to again have open market operations, the FOMC, pri-
marily drive monetary policy?
So I guess this is really the debate between the floor and the cor-
ridor. Currently we are using the floor. But is that the ultimate
goal? Is this a permanent tool? Or will we see a future where IOER
sets the floor, the FOMC sets the higher end, and let the market
determine the interest rate in between that floor and ceiling? What
is the goal of the Fed?
Mr. POWELL. The committee has not made a decision on whether
in the longer run will it go back to a corridor system or stay in
what we have now, which is a floor system.
Chairman HENSARLING. When might the Fed contemplate this?
Mr. POWELL. We will be returning to that question, I would say
fairly soon. It is something we have talked about periodically at
various FOMC meetings. And my thinking is that we will return
to that discussion in a serious way in the relatively near future.
Chairman HENSARLING. Well, one thing I would have you con-
sider, Chairman Powell, as the Board of Governors takes a look at
this, is ultimately the potential risk to the Fed’s independence of
having such an unconventional-size balance sheet.
I would say regrettably, Congress raided a relatively small fund
of the Federal Reserve to fund a transportation bill. I tried to fight
that. I wasn’t successful. It has been raided twice. So I have joined
in with my colleagues.
We also know now that the Fed funds the Bureau of Consumer
Financial Protection. Both of these have nothing to do with mone-
tary policy. I could foresee a day with a large, large balance sheet
out there, and with the potential of either municipalities of States
on the brink of insolvency, having Congress decide the Fed needs
to buy their bonds and prop them up.
I can also see one day, an infrastructure bill coming down the
pike, with no good way to pay for it, and there is a big pot of money
that the Fed has, maybe the Fed should be directed to buy these
bonds. And I think we are seeing some of this, frankly, across the
pond when I look at the Swiss central bank or the ECB.
So I am just curious, as you think about the size of your balance
sheet, do you ever consider its impact on your independence?
Mr. POWELL. We do think about those things. And we have said
that the balance sheet will return to a size that is no larger than
it needs to be for us to effect monetary policy in our chosen frame-
work.
Chairman HENSARLING. Well, I just assure you, Mr. Chairman,
if there is a big pot of money out there, this Congress might find
a way to get its hands on it. So you might consider that as you con-
sider the size of your balance sheet.
The time of the Chair has long since expired. The Chair now rec-
ognizes the Ranking Member.
Ms. WATERS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chair Powell, while I have heard you state repeatedly that it is
too soon to tell whether the economic efforts of the recent imple-
mentation of tariffs will be either positive or negative, there are al-
ready serious indications that we are headed for trouble.
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In the most recent June FOMC meeting minutes, several partici-
pants noted that their district business contacts had expressed con-
cern about the adverse effects of tariffs and other proposed trade
restrictions on future investment activity and that they were not
planning any new investments to increase capacity.
Mid Continent Nail, America’s largest nail manufacturer, based
in Missouri, has already laid off 60 workers and expects to go out
of business by Labor Day. Harley-Davidson, based in Wisconsin, is
moving jobs overseas to Europe to avoid tariffs on its exports.
Whirlpool, based in Michigan, has seen its share price drop over
15 percent as a result of Trump’s tariffs on steel and aluminum.
Washing machine and dryer prices have increased 20 percent in
the past 3 months as a result, the steepest rise in the past 12
years, according to the Department of Labor.
These tariffs are affecting the price of everything from bicycles
to washers to automobiles. In addition to these immediate effects,
to your point, there may be delayed negative effect on the economy
as well. While the U.S. is taking a protectionist stance toward
trade policy, the rest of the world is moving forward on trade with-
out us.
What long-term economic effects can we expect to see if these
tariffs continue to escalate to the point of a trade war? Do you ex-
pect the economic effects of a trade war to be felt more acutely in
certain regions of the U.S.? And furthermore, is the Fed well suited
to respond to a recession caused by a trade war? If not, what can
be done?
Mr. POWELL. I should start by quickly reminding all of us, in-
cluding me, that we stay in our lane at the Fed, and when we talk
about things like fiscal policy and trade policy that are not as-
signed to us, we try to stay at a high level, a principle level.
But answering your question, if this process leads to a world of
higher tariffs on a wide range of goods and services that are traded
and those are sustained for a longer period of time—in other words,
if it results in a more protectionist world, that will be bad for our
economy. And it will be bad for other economies, too. It will be bad
for the world economy.
That is not what the Administration says they are trying to
achieve. It isn’t up to us to criticize their policies in this activity.
But the evidence is clear that countries that remain open to
trade have higher productivity, they have higher incomes. Not
every group is affected positively by trade. There are groups that
are hurt by trade. And I think all countries have learned that they
need to do a better job of addressing the needs of those populations,
but not through trade barriers and tariffs of that kind.
Ms. WATERS. While certainly the Fed does not have direct re-
sponsibility for trade and for tariffs, were you consulted at all when
the tariff decisions were made?
Mr. POWELL. No, we play no role in the Administration’s discus-
sions on these. Like I imagine just about everyone here, we hear
from our extensive network of business contacts a rising chorus of
concern.
As you pointed out, lots and lots of individual companies have
been harmed by this. We don’t see it in the aggregate numbers yet
because it is a $20 trillion economy and these things take time to
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show up. But we hear many, many stories of companies that are
concerned and are now beginning to make investment decisions—
or not make them—because of this.
Ms. WATERS. Have you had any action at all in relationship to
the Chamber of Commerce? Have they talked with you? Have they
sought your opinion? Have you talked with them? What do you
know about the Chamber of Commerce position on tariffs?
Mr. POWELL. Well, I saw that they took a very strong public posi-
tion against tariffs. We try to have good relations and strong rela-
tions with the Chamber. I haven’t personally discussed their posi-
tion on trade, but I know what it is.
Ms. WATERS. Do you know what specifically they were concerned
about as it relates to tariffs in a particular part of country, agri-
culture, et cetera?
Mr. POWELL. I shouldn’t speak for them, but I think it is really
a general thing. The bottom line is a more protectionist economy
is an economy that is less competitive, it is less productive. We
know that. This is the torch we have been carrying around the
world for 75 years.
So it is not a good thing, if that is where this goes. We don’t
know ultimately yet where this will lead. The Administration says
they want lower tariffs, and that would be good for the economy,
if we achieve that.
Ms. WATERS. Well, thank you very much.
And I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentlelady yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Kentucky, Mr.
Barr, Chair of the Monetary Policy and Trade Subcommittee.
Mr. BARR. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Powell, welcome back to the committee.
Some economists argue that a flattening of the yield curve is an
indication that an economy is headed for a recession. Obviously,
with the strong data that we are seeing, we don’t see any indica-
tion of a recession in the near-term.
But I asked you this question 6 months ago in your last report,
and I asked you, given the flattening of the yield curve and the risk
potentially that short-term rates might exceed long-term rates,
whether there would be any plans within the normalization strat-
egy to accelerate the roll-off of longer-term assets more quickly to
counteract the flattening of the yield curve? I believe you indicated
that there were no such plans 6 months ago.
I just wanted to ask you, given the fact that that yield curve has
flattened even further in the interim, since we last met, is there
any discussion within the FOMC to alter or accelerate the balance
sheet reduction program in contemplation of this flattening yield
curve?
Mr. POWELL. Thank you.
No, there is not. We very carefully developed and socialized to
the public the balance sheet reduction, balance sheet normalization
plan. It is working smoothly. We are not thinking really about
changing it, except in the conditions that we have identified, which
would be a meaningful downturn.
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Mr. BARR. If that is the case, what are the Fed’s plans with re-
spect to that flattening yield curve? And what risk does that pose
to the economy?
Mr. POWELL. Maybe let me tell you how I think about the yield
curve.
We know why the short end of the yield curve is moving up. It
is because essentially out to 2 years or so really the market is pric-
ing in its expectations of what the Fed will do, plus or minus
maybe a little bit of a term premium when you get out to 2 years.
So we know why the short end is moving up.
The real question is, what is the story with long rates? So the
long rate, like take the 10-year Treasury, you have to decompose
that and ask what is in it.
And I think the whole point of the yield curve conversation is
that you can decompose that, and in that, whatever the long-term
rate is, 2.85 percent this morning, 10-year—what is in there is a
term premium. But there is also the market’s estimate of the long-
run neutral rate. And so it is telling you something and we are lis-
tening.
But it involves many other things. You have to do a decomposi-
tion to pull that out. And then that tells you what the stance of
monetary policy is. So whether a policy is accommodative or wheth-
er it is restrictive. And that is the important question, not the
shape of the yield curve.
Mr. BARR. Chairman, would you agree that the oversized balance
sheet is putting downward pressure on those long-term interest
rates, continues to put downward pressure?
Mr. POWELL. Yes, but to a diminishing degree.
Mr. BARR. Let me switch gears to IOER. For decades now the
Board of Governors has administered interest rates on reserves,
not for the intended purpose of fairly compensating commercial
banks for required deposits at Federal Reserve banks, but rather
as a monetary policy rate.
Given the fact that IOER is now your principal tool for interest
rate setting, would it not be better if IOER was set by the FOMC,
a much more diverse body that includes not only the Governors,
but also the five voting district bank presidents, as opposed to just
the Board of Governors?
Mr. POWELL. I guess I would—I think of it this way. The FOMC
sets the target range for the Federal funds rate. IOER is just a tool
to make sure that the Federal funds rate trades in the range that
has been set by the FOMC. So it is really just a tool to follow
through on the much more important decision which is made by
the FOMC.
Mr. BARR. Well, thank you. This committee and the Congress is
considering a proposal to transfer that responsibility of IOER to
the FOMC, the larger, more diverse group, and we continue to en-
gage you on that.
Let me finally conclude with a question about trade. I agree with
your assessment that free trade and low tariffs result in better eco-
nomic performance as opposed to a trade war or high tariffs.
How important is it for the Administration to quickly resolve its
trade and tariff negotiations? And what are the risks of a pro-
tracted period of increasing tariffs?
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Mr. POWELL. Again, wanting not to be an adviser or in any way
a participant in these discussions, which are really up to the Ad-
ministration, uncertainty is one of those things where businesses—
there was a lot of momentum in the economy earlier this year. I
wouldn’t want to see uncertainty lead people to start putting off de-
cisions, and that would be the risk of a long, protracted discussion.
Mr. BARR. Thank you for your answers.
I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentlelady from Wisconsin, Ms.
Moore, Ranking Member the Monetary Policy and Trade Sub-
committee.
Ms. MOORE. Thank you so much Mr. Chairman.
Again, welcome back, Mr. Chairman.
You talk a lot about productivity, and indeed economists keep
talking about an aging population, the boomers, and that is impact-
ing productivity, and how lagging productivity is an ongoing drag
on economic growth.
I an wondering if you think that having a comprehensive immi-
gration policy would help increase productivity?
Mr. POWELL. Immigration is another one of those policies that is
high up on the list of things that are not assigned to us, but I
can—I can still—so I am going to try to stay in our lane.
But I do think to the extent these issues connect to the health
of the economy in the long run, then we have an obligation to
speak to that.
So you think about potential growth in the United States, you
can really boil it down to how fast is the labor force growing and
how much is output per hour growing. That is it, that is all you
have.
Ms. MOORE. Our CRS does anticipate that over the next decade
or so it could increase our economy by a trillion dollars to get these
people out of the shadows.
You talk in your remarks about the lower unemployment rates
for African Americans and Hispanics. That is something we are all
celebrating. But I swear to you, I know a lot of African Americans,
I am related to them, I don’t know many that don’t have two jobs
in order to make it. I know some who have bachelor’s degrees, and
yet they are forced to live with roommates because they can’t sus-
tain themselves.
So what we have found is that while there might be lower unem-
ployment, wages have actually decreased, despite the tax cuts,
which claimed that there were going to be $4,000 for everybody, we
know we got these one-time-only bonuses.
Wages have decreased and income equality has increased. And I
am wondering what your projection is for flat or lowered wages de-
spite increased unemployment.
Mr. POWELL. We look at a wide range of wage and compensation
indicators, and pretty consistently across the board, if you look
back at where they were 5 years ago and look back where they are
now, they have all moved up. They used to be right around 2 per-
cent increase per year. Now they are around 3 percent. We think
this is a good thing.
Ms. MOORE. So African Americans, their wages are increasing?
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Mr. POWELL. Yes. I think it is pretty broad at this point in dif-
ferent—
Ms. MOORE. And I would surely like to see these data, because
other economists have said that it has actually decreased. All right.
Thank you.
I am wondering—I know you aren’t going to ask any questions
about the tax cut, so I’ll let you off—I am wondering, though, about
the big tax cut, I have to ask, the big tax cut that we just provided
and it has increased income inequality.
I am just wondering what your thoughts are and projections
about how sustainable that is when 80 percent of these tax cuts
have gone for shareholder type buybacks versus increase in wages
or capital improvements. I am wondering what do you think going
forward, what impact that will have on economic growth.
Mr. POWELL. U.S. Fiscal policy has been on an unsustainable
path for some time. It continues to be unsustainable.
Ms. MOORE. Higher debt?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. The debt is going up and I think it is growing
faster than the economy. We need to get the economy growing fast-
er than the debt, it comes down to that, and we are not doing that.
It is something we should be working on now. We should all be
working on that together.
Ms. MOORE. Do you think that shareholder buybacks is a healthy
indicator of healthy prospect for growth?
Mr. POWELL. I think when a company decides to buy back stock,
they are saying that we have more cash than we can put to work
for our shareholders, that is the capital markets working. That
money doesn’t go away, of course, it goes into people who then can
spend it or—
Ms. MOORE. This is more money for them to use to chase yield.
Don’t you think that the chasing of yield creates bubbles and that
is one of big problems that we had in 2008, is money chasing yield?
Mr. POWELL. I think we certainly can find ourselves in a situa-
tion where we are seeing financial bubbles. We watch that very
closely. Don’t see that now, but it is a key risk that we monitor
very carefully.
Ms. MOORE. And I thank you so much, sir.
Mr. POWELL. Thank you.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentlelady has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Missouri, Mr.
Luetkemeyer, Chairman of our Financial Institutions Sub-
committee.
Mr. LUETKEMEYER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And welcome, Chairman Powell.
Yesterday we had a hearing with our Financial Institutions Sub-
committee, and I asked the question of Acting Comptroller of the
Currency, Keith Noreika, about the implementation about S. 2155,
and specifically whether or not the statutory language around the
$250 billion threshold for SIFI (systemically important financial in-
stitution) designation was clear. Mr. Noreika said that the lan-
guage and Congressional intent were pretty straightforward.
And so my question to you is, would you agree with your former
colleague that the language is pretty clear, no ambiguity there,
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that you know exactly what should be done with those banks under
250 with regards to SIFI activity and testing?
Mr. POWELL. I think that it is very clear and I think that the
language gives us the authority that we need.
Mr. LUETKEMEYER. OK. So now we know what we should be
doing. How long would you anticipate it is going to take to imple-
ment the statute with regards to 2155?
Mr. POWELL. So with regards to that particular provision, we are
thinking already about exactly the framework we are going to pub-
lish for comment and receive public comment on that will allow us
to identify systemic risk or risks to safety and soundness among
banks below 250.
Some of the aspects of 2155 were already out of door. We pub-
lished a document on Friday of July Fourth week which talked
about many things that we are doing. We have a big job to imple-
ment 2155 and we are going at it very hard.
Mr. LUETKEMEYER. Thank you very much. And it is nice to know
that—or it should be noted anyway—that those banks under 250
are not significantly important financial institutions from the
standpoint of endangering the economy. That is what a SIFI is sup-
posed to be, a bank that would endanger—while they are nice size
banks, they are not something that is going to endanger the econ-
omy and therefore they fall under a different regulatory regime. So
we thank you for that.
With regards to another issue I brought up yesterday, former
Governor Dan Tarullo said in his farewell address that stress test-
ing programs should be moved into the normal examination cycle.
And I agree with that proposition and said while I don’t underesti-
mate the importance of stress tests, those tests should be run by
regulators. Banks are doing this right now on a regular basis with
regulatory oversight.
Would you agree with Governor Tarullo that we need to assimi-
late those exams, the stress testing things into the regular exam-
ination cycle, or do you want to retain those as a separate type of
testing that the banks are going to be putting out information for
and modeling?
Mr. POWELL. I believe he was talking about the qualitative as-
pect, so we are looking to return the qualitative part of the test
over time to the regular examination cycle. And we are looking for
the right way and time to do that.
Mr. LUETKEMEYER. Well, it seemed to me, just to throw ideas
out, that it would seem to me if the Fed would have several dif-
ferent models and then they would go into the bank, take the infor-
mation from it, throw it into those models, to see once if there is
an area within the bank’s business model that is of concern, that
could be pointed out by the various models and update those mod-
els on an annual basis or whatever it would take.
It seems to me like now the stress testing is a game of ‘‘gotcha.’’
The models are not disclosed until the very last instance. And then
are the models going to actually be useful?
So I would hope that you would think along those lines, that you
could assimilate it into part of the examination process, take the
information and put it into several different models to see once if
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there is a weakness somewhere in the bank’s business model. Does
that make sense?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. We are working hard to make the quantitative
side of the test and the qualitative side more transparent to the
public generally and to the firms, and we think that is a key inno-
vation. We have a proposal out on that.
Mr. LUETKEMEYER. And one of the things also with regards to
international banks, I have had some visits from our friends across
the pond recently. And so while I am a staunch advocate for cap-
ital, I am also concerned about this notion that arbitrarily parking
capital around the globe creates a safer financial system.
The Fed started this trend with FBO rule, something I pointed
out to Chair Yellen during her tenure. Now Europe is following suit
with the immediate parent undertaking rule, which will hit the
U.S. and ultimately U.K. banks. It seems as though we are finding
ourselves in a global back and forth here with regards to capital.
Would you agree with that? Or what are your comments?
Mr. POWELL. I think we feel like our intermediate holding com-
pany regulation is working. It has settled down now and it is work-
ing. We have been consulted as Europe has looked at something
similar to that. And I think the last time I checked we felt that
our concerns were being reasonably well addressed. I will look
back, though, to make sure that is right.
Mr. LUETKEMEYER. One of the questions I got yesterday from a
group of politicians from Europe, was with regards to equivalency.
And I am not a big fan of that from the standpoint of with the
equivalency rules and regulations, somebody wins and somebody
loses. I am fearful that we are going to lose in that situation. So
just to comment.
Thank you very much for being here.
I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Missouri, Mr.
Cleaver, Ranking Member of our Housing and Insurance Sub-
committee.
Mr. CLEAVER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you for being here, Mr. Chairman.
Last week we were here having a conversation with Secretary
Mnuchin, and when I raised issues, they related to the fact that
I represent a rural part of the State of Missouri.
I had a townhall meeting in Higginsville, Missouri, 2 weeks ago
and brought in the Canadian consul general to talk with the farm-
ers in my district. Standing room crowd. Nobody in there supported
what was going on.
Some of the farmers were questioning whether they should allow
the beans to just stay in the fields this year, because, as you prob-
ably know, the price is continuing to fall since the tariffs were im-
plemented.
First of all, I am concerned about whether or not the harm could
spread and do damage to the economy. I know you were asked a
similar question earlier, but it stands to reason that if the soybean
crop is damaged, as it apparently is, there has to be a rippling ef-
fect.
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And I am wondering, right now we are just talking mainly about
some farm products from my State. I think China buys $60 billion
a year in soybeans, just in soybeans, $60 billion from us, from the
United States.
If you just deal with the $60 billion, is there cause to be con-
cerned about the damage that other parts of the economy could ex-
perience?
Mr. POWELL. The answer would be yes. You are just beginning
to see the retaliatory tariffs come into place, they are only just be-
ginning. And so we hear a few reports here and there about this
company and that company. The agricultural patch is clearly very
seriously affected, but it is just beginning. So I think you want to
be careful to walk on this path because it may not be so easy to
get off it.
Mr. CLEAVER. I have a large rural part of my district, and then
I have the largest city in the State, Kansas City, in my district. So
I have talked about my farm problem. When I was mayor of Kan-
sas City, I was successful in bringing Harley-Davidson to Kansas
City, they built a plant, went up to 1,000 employees. We made an
investment as a city. Of course, we are now facing the possibility
of an empty building.
But the steel tariffs are going to also have a rippling effect. The
SmootHawley Act is credited with making the Depression even
worse. But I am just wondering if you are not going to answer this
question, I understand it, so it is almost a statement, I have to say
it.
So I think when decisions like this are made they probably
should be made with the Legislative Branch of the Government be-
cause the issues are too significant for one human being on the
planet. I don’t care if it is a Democrat or Republican or a member
of the Oakland Raiders. We are talking about the world economy
being impacted and only one person has something to say.
Frankly, Congress hasn’t spoken on issues like this since 1930.
We have just been frozen out of the process on an issue that can
impact the entire world.
Thank you for listening to me.
And I would also—just like to yield back, Mr. Chairman—I
would also like to express appreciation that you speak English.
When I was first elected to this committee a lot of people from the
Fed didn’t speak English.
Mr. POWELL. Thanks.
Mr. CLEAVER. Thank you.
Chairman HENSARLING. The Chair takes note that the Chairman
of the Fed speaks English.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Michigan, Mr.
Huizenga, Chairman of our Capital Markets Subcommittee.
Mr. HUIZENGA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chair Powell, good to see you again.
And I think my friend from Missouri is very pleased for English
versus economese or economistism or whatever you want to tag it
with. But this clearly is some complicated stuff.
I have a number of issues I want to hit on very briefly. And one
of them is just a simple thing, something that we had talked about
with the FEC, the FORM Act bill that I had proposed previously.
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We had a provision that we had put in there that each Federal Re-
serve Board Governor should be able to hire up to two senior staff
members. And just wondering if you could maybe briefly comment
on that or whether you have looked at that.
Mr. POWELL. I think it is a good idea. Don’t need legislation on
it. That is now the rule.
Mr. HUIZENGA. All right. Well, good, we are making progress al-
ready.
As Chair of the Monetary Policy and Trade Subcommittee, I had
worked on monetary policy and the effects of that. Now as Chair
of the Capital Markets Subcommittee, we still see a lot of that tie-
in in the world economy and the health of what is going on.
I have real concerns about the Volcker rule situation. Last month
the Fed, along with the other four Federal agencies, something that
Mr. Quarles had called the five-headed hydra at one point. Had put
some proposed rule changes in there.
And my understanding is that the goal of the new rule is to sim-
plify the regime and make it easier on the regulators, as well as
the regulated institutions, to identify proprietary trading while al-
lowing banks to continue providing important market-making ac-
tivities.
How do these reforms address the Volcker rule so that compli-
ance can be streamlined, rules clarified, and markets actually made
more efficient?
Mr. POWELL. I think for the smaller institutions we will be
streamlining quite a lot.
Let me say, this rule is out for comment and we are very, very
open to better ideas, how to do this better. But we want to stay
faithful to Congress’ intent, which is, these institutions, particu-
larly the largest ones, should not have big proprietary trading busi-
nesses, shouldn’t be doing proprietary trading as a business line.
Mr. HUIZENGA. I look forward to continuing to explore how the
Fed and FOMC will be properly tailoring the Volcker rule. How-
ever, I have been hearing some complaints from some companies
that the proposed rule, as introduced, has a new concept of using
accounting rules to identify prop trading, which were not included
in the original Volcker rule. I have been told that this could actu-
ally result in more activities getting caught up in the Volcker re-
gime than there are pulled in today.
Can you please tell me how that result, to simplify the rule, ap-
pears to make it actually a little more cumbersome and complex?
Again, my understanding is a new metrics regime could result in
a roughly 50 percent increase in metrics reporting by the banks
subject to the rule.
Mr. POWELL. That is not the intent at all. And I assume we are
going to see those comments through the comment process, and be-
lieve me, we will give them careful consideration.
Mr. HUIZENGA. OK. And we are wide-ranging and far afield here
on a number of issues.
My next issue, on page 39 in your report you had your chart
about the rules. You mentioned this on page 5 of your testimony.
You gave an update on monetary rule. This is a quote from your
July Monetary Policy Report, gives an update on monetary policy
rules and their role in our policy discussions.
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I understand you have a series of rules that you reference as you
are moving forward, including the Taylor rule, the adjusted, the
Taylor rule as it is.
What is the balanced approach rule? I am not familiar with that.
The balanced approach rule would have called for the most nega-
tive interest rates during the downturn. Could you unpack that a
little bit?
Mr. POWELL. So each of the rules have an estimate of the neutral
rate inflation, they have how far you are away from your inflation
target and how far you are away from your unemployment target
or your slack target.
What the balance rule does is, it doubles the coefficient on the
slack target. So in this case unemployment. So the weighting is
doubled. That is all it is.
Mr. HUIZENGA. And then real quickly, Chairman Barr had talked
about the yield curve flattening. And I am wondering if there could
be a circumstance when what might be good for the Federal Gov-
ernment, lower interest rates long term as we deal with our na-
tional debt load payments, frankly, might that not necessarily be
beneficial for the overall economy?
Mr. POWELL. We are concerned with carrying out the mandate
you have given us, which is maximum employment, stable prices,
financial stability. We are not concerned with fiscal.
Mr. HUIZENGA. Do you have discretion as to whether to sell
short-term versus long-term?
Mr. POWELL. Sure.
Mr. HUIZENGA. OK. And if you sell long—
Mr. POWELL. So we are not selling anything. We don’t sell any
assets. We let them mature.
Mr. HUIZENGA. OK. I will have to follow up with some written
on that, because I am curious, if you did sell those long terms could
the long-term rate go up.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Connecticut, Mr.
Himes.
Mr. HIMES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Powell, welcome. It is a pleasure for me to have this
opportunity to chat with you. It is something I hope we can do on
an ongoing basis in the future.
I want to use my 5 minutes to ask you about two specific risks
and for your elaboration thereon. The first one is related to finan-
cial stability and stability in the overall financial system. I watched
carefully the conversation you had with Senators Warren and
Brown about capital.
I am actually interested in hearing you for a couple of minutes,
because I do have two questions, elaborate on risks that we might
not see coming, that aren’t conventional capital risks.
So my concern of course is that we tend to get hit by the bullets
that we don’t see, and while we are focused on Volcker rule or cap-
ital, what happens, what comes upon us out of nowhere. These
things tend to come with a speed and severity that we don’t pre-
dict.
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So what keeps you up at night that is not conventional capital
ratio type issues? Is it student loans? Is it proprietary trading? Is
it ETFs? Elaborate for me, if you would, on things that concern you
with respect to stability in the banking system in particular.
Mr. POWELL. The clear answer to me from that would be cyber
risk. We have spent 10 years building up capital, helping the banks
be much more conscious of their risks, building up liquidity, stress
testing all those things. And we have a really good playbook there.
I think we carefully monitor all of the things that you mentioned,
although some of them are worth talking about as well right now.
But the thing that is really hard, is the idea of a successful cyber
attack. And we work hard on having a plan for that. The Adminis-
tration plays a leading role in that. That would be the big one.
I think if you turn to traditional financial stability, we think that
risks are at the normal/moderate level. You see some high asset
prices. You don’t see high leverage among households or among
banks. You do see a little bit of high leverage in nonfinancial
corporates, and that is something we are watching very carefully.
But again, nothing really is flashing red in our observation of it in
the financial market.
Mr. HIMES. Let me ask you to elaborate. You said there are some
worth talking about, and then you highlighted asset prices. Which
category of assets in particular were you?
Mr. POWELL. Just generally, you have had 10 years, almost 10
years of low interest rates and we are in the process of normalizing
policy. Bond prices are high, equity prices—broadly speaking, com-
mercial real estate prices are in the upper range, generally ele-
vated. I wouldn’t use the bubble word here, but I would say that
many financial asset prices are elevated above their normal ranges
and we will have to see.
Mr. HIMES. With respect to cybersecurity, which is where you
started, what would you recommend to this body that we do as you
do your reviews and whatnot, within the banking industry, what
should Congress do to assist in the process of addressing
cybersecurity risk?
Mr. POWELL. I would say as much as possible, and then double
it.
So we do a great deal and it is about making sure the banks
have basic plans in mind. A lot of it is just basic cyber hygiene and
making sure that your systems, you are implementing the latest
things that come out.
So—and I think planning for failure too is very important. That
is what we do. We do everything we can to prevent a failure, but
then you have to ask yourselves, OK, what would we do if there
were a successful cyber attack. You have to have a plan for that
too. So those are the things we are working on.
Mr. HIMES. OK. Let me ask you another category of risk that is
maybe a little bit more sensitive. But like so many people, I scruti-
nize the words in this report—my words, not yours—very bullish
on the economy. Careful on inflation. You note that inflation has
moved up. Our challenge will be to keep it there.
I am reflecting on where we have been in the last 10 years in
that regard. We saw a pretty substantial fiscal stimulus in 2009.
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My friends on the other side of the aisle completely rejected
Keynesian economics at the time and said that wasn’t going to
work. They then had an epiphany and embraced Keynesian eco-
nomics around a $2 trillion deficit-financed fiscal tax cut at a time
in which the economy was growing robustly. It has been a long
time since I studied economics, but stimulus in the face of a robust
economy concerns me from the angle of inflation.
You say that the 2 percent objective is symmetric in the sense
of your concern. How would you divide the probability that we see
upward trending inflation versus downward trending inflation
going forward from this point?
Mr. POWELL. I would say it is roughly balanced. I think maybe
slightly more worried about lower inflation still. But I think, for a
long time, inflation was below target and we were pushing it. We
have now just about reached a symmetric 2 percent objective, so it
is very close. And I think from this point forward the risks are
roughly balanced.
Mr. HIMES. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from North Carolina,
Mr. McHenry, Vice Chair of the committee.
Mr. MCHENRY. Well, Chair Powell, thank you for being here. I
want to shift to cryptocurrency, which is a bit of your monetary
policy hat, but also a bit of your regulatory hat. And I want to get
your thinking along the lines of cryptocurrency.
So the Bank of International Settlements just released a report
saying that cryptocurrencies were, quote: ‘‘a poor substitute for the
solid institutional backing of money.’’
You have stated publicly that cryptocurrencies are currently not
big enough yet to matter, or something along those lines. I would
submit the report by the Bank of International Settlements misses
the mark of the potential of blockchain, the potential of crypto,
more broadly, but there is a great deal of interest in your views
and Central Bank’s views more broadly on cryptocurrency.
So can you just outline to me your thinking on cryptocurrency?
Mr. POWELL. Sure. So, first, I would say I think the question I
was asked that you are referring to was, do cryptocurrencies cur-
rently present a serious financial stability threat. And my answer
was they are not big enough to do that yet.
Mr. MCHENRY. Sure.
Mr. POWELL. That is really what I was saying, not that they are
not a longer term thing. So they are very challenging because
cryptocurrencies are great if you are trying to hide money or if you
are trying to launder money. So we have to be very conscious of
that. I think there are also significant investor risks.
Investors, relatively unsophisticated investors, see the asset
going up in price and they think, this is great, I will buy this. In
fact, there is no promise behind that. It is not really a currency.
It doesn’t really have any intrinsic value. So I think there are in-
vestor or consumer protection issues as well.
Another thing I will say is that we are not looking at this, at the
Fed, as something that we should be doing, that the Fed would do
a digital currency. That is not something we are looking at.
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So mainly, I have concerns. If you think about what currencies
do, they are supposed to be a means of payment and a store of
value, basically. And cryptocurrencies, they are not really used
very much in payment. Typically, people sell their cryptocurrencies
and then pay in dollars.
In terms of a store value, look at the volatility. And it is just not
there.
Mr. MCHENRY. Well, has there been discussion with other G7
central banks along the lines of cryptocurrency?
Mr. POWELL. It comes up a lot, yes. I am only just starting to
go to G7 meetings, but it comes up quite a bit in international fo-
rums of various kinds.
There is a broad concern that the public needs to be well in-
formed about this, again, the money laundering and terrorist fi-
nancing and all of that is a big risk.
Mr. MCHENRY. It is a big risk, but is there any conclusion that
you are hearing or is it just a broad concern?
Mr. POWELL. Well, I think the BIS report and others have called
out these risks and called on the appropriate regulatory bodies to
address them.
We don’t have jurisdiction over cryptocurrency. We have jurisdic-
tion over banks. And so we know in their activities with
cryptocurrency companies and cryptocurrency, we can address that.
The SEC can address the investor protection aspects of it.
Mr. MCHENRY. But you don’t see this as impairing your ability
to act on monetary policy just given the current shape and scope
of the size of the market?
Mr. POWELL. Really not at all today.
Mr. MCHENRY. OK. We currently have some level of framework
around regulation of cryptocurrency. You have a money service li-
cense at the State level. In our 50 States, they all have some re-
quirement. So there is a great look into that conversion, the move-
ment of cash into cryptocurrency or out of cryptocurrency back into
cash. We have some element of regulation of the CFTC and the
SEC. So there is some broad framework of it, but not a concerted
effort by the Federal Government to understand what is happening
in cryptocurrency.
Do you have any staff resources devoted to figuring out
cryptocurrency or following cryptocurrency?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. So we have looked at it carefully. I spoke about
it. Other Governors have spoken about it, Reserve Bank presidents.
Certainly, we have work going on. But, again, we just don’t have
regulatory authority to deal with it, so I think that is the key
thing, is to be looking at the places where there is that regulatory
authority.
Mr. MCHENRY. Thank you, Chairman.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, Mr.
Vargas.
Mr. VARGAS. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
First of all, I would like to thank you for one thing that is obvi-
ous, and that is that you haven’t gotten yourself in trouble. You
have been a great public servant, and I really appreciate that.
Mr. POWELL. Thank you.
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Mr. VARGAS. Unfortunately, you shouldn’t have to say that these
days, but you really do, with what we have seen recently.
I do want to ask a little more about cryptocurrency, however.
You talked about terrorism and you also talked about hiding
money.
I had a bill here with a colleague of mine on the other side ex-
actly on that point. And I would like you to go a little deeper on
that.
You said it is not an issue yet because it is not large enough, but
it does seem to be growing. And you said you also have jurisdiction,
you have jurisdiction over the banks. Should you have jurisdiction
here, cryptocurrency?
Mr. POWELL. That is a deep question. We are not seeking it.
Mr. VARGAS. But should you?
Mr. POWELL. I am not going to say yes today. We are not looking
to—it is right in the middle of the SEC’s turf, the investor protec-
tion aspects of it. I think, Treasury and FinCen and other people
have—I think it should be well regulated. I don’t really see us as
probably the right group to do that.
Mr. VARGAS. But it seems to me right now, that no one seems
to have quite a hold on it either. It seems to be this amorphous
blob that is moving around. You talk to the SEC and they, at the
same time, kick the ball around also.
Shouldn’t there be a more concerted effort to try to figure out
who is in charge here of cryptocurrency? Because I think that there
are lots of opportunities here for, not only terrorism, but also for
drug trafficking, sexual exploitation, human trafficking. You said
terrorism, but all sorts of bad actors can use this. And I don’t think
that we have a good hold on it yet.
Mr. POWELL. I think it is a good idea to focus on getting the reg-
ulation at the Federal level of this right. Again, we are not seeking
that at the Fed. And I know Treasury has done some thinking on
this. This would be an area where they would have the lead to
identify the right regulatory structure. They may have already pub-
lished something on this. I am not sure.
Mr. VARGAS. In fact, part of the bill asks them to speed that up
and to report back to us.
I do want to ask you also about the issue of wage increases. You
said that there has been some movement upwards, 2 percent, 3
percent. I think you said 3 percent, so it is beating inflation. But
the question was then specifically on people of color, African Ameri-
cans and Latinos. You said you had some breakout numbers for
those.
Mr. POWELL. Not handy, I don’t. I can get those for you.
Mr. VARGAS. OK. I would be interested in that, because I see the
same situation in California where you have people that have been
underemployed working very, very hard, two and three jobs, and
they continue to say that they haven’t seen that wage increase yet.
We have seen, for sure—I think you are correct about the unem-
ployment go down, but we haven’t seen yet, certainly not in my dis-
trict in any measurable way, the increases in wages.
Mr. POWELL. Wages in general have been somewhat slow in mov-
ing up and as the labor market has tightened. We understand that
really matters to people, people’s lives a lot.
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Mr. VARGAS. Yes.
Mr. POWELL. And we do see the moving up in the aggregate, but
I will be happy to supply.
Mr. VARGAS. You said there was an issue of productivity, because
maybe this time the reason the rates haven’t increased as much is
because of productivity. Could you talk about that for a second?
Mr. POWELL. Sure. So over a long period of time, wages really
can’t forever go up faster than productivity.
Productivity is slow, but there is a reason for that. And that is,
after the financial crisis—there are many reasons for it—after the
financial crisis, though, companies didn’t invest much because
there was no need to or there wasn’t demand, the economy was
weak. And so weak investment casts a shadow over productivity
growth for a number of years.
So we are still—investment has now popped up. Investment was
strong in 2017. That continues in 2018. That is really important,
and we are glad to see it, but it may take some time to show up
in higher productivity. It is not because people aren’t working
harder. It is because you need those information technology and
other tools to be more productive.
Mr. VARGAS. And again, with the last moments that I have, I just
want to thank you again. The way you have comported yourself,
the way you have been open to talking to people, the confidence
that we have in you. I think the American people really need, at
the moment, someone like yourself that we can look up to and say
you are not involved in any scandal, you are not involved in any
other thing out there that would lose confidence. It is just the oppo-
site. And I want to appreciate that and thank you for that.
Mr. POWELL. Thank you, sir. I will try to live up to that.
Mr. VARGAS. I hope you do.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Wisconsin, Mr.
Duffy, Chairman of our Housing and Insurance Subcommittee.
Mr. DUFFY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you, Mr. Powell. Some of my colleagues on the other
side of the aisle have discussed harmful economic policies. Some in
their opening statements, specifically.
So if you look at the harmful economic policies that have taken
hold over the last year and a half, so President Trump has worked
hard to streamline and reduce regulation. We had a historic tax
cut. We have tried to rebuild our military. We have pushed for
American energy independence.
When you take together all of, I would quote, ‘‘those harmful eco-
nomic policies, what has that actually done for the African-Amer-
ican unemployment rate in America?’’
Mr. POWELL. As I mentioned, I think—
Mr. DUFFY. Is it going up?
Mr. POWELL. It is going down significantly.
Mr. DUFFY. Say that one more time. What has happened to Afri-
can-American unemployment?
Mr. POWELL. It is come down quite a bit.
Mr. DUFFY. It is come down quite a bit.
How about the Hispanic unemployment rate? Has that gone up
under these harmful economic policies?
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Mr. POWELL. It has come down quite a bit.
Mr. DUFFY. It has come down quite a bit.
So is it fair to say these policies actually aren’t harmful? They
are actually growing the economy. They are putting people back to
work.
Is that a fair assessment, Mr. Powell?
Mr. POWELL. It is fair to say that the unemployment rates are
very low and a lot of things go into that.
Mr. DUFFY. So you wouldn’t say today that it has anything to do
with regulation or tax?
Mr. POWELL. I am reluctant to get into the credit assignment
game. It is really not up to us. I can report on the economy, but
I do think that—
Mr. DUFFY. But you report on the economy and you look at all
the different factors that come into play in the economy.
Mr. POWELL. Yes.
Mr. DUFFY. So have these factors had anything to do with the
growth that you have seen in this economy?
Mr. POWELL. So I attribute declining unemployment to positive
surveys among businesses, really they feel good about the business
climate.
Mr. DUFFY. Why do they feel better about their businesses, Mr.
Chairman? Because they get to keep a little more of their money?
Is that possible, maybe?
How about if instead of having to navigate government rules and
regulations, they actually get to focus on running their business.
Could that attribute to the positive view they have on the economy
and their businesses?
Mr. POWELL. I think you have seen very positive business con-
fidence surveys.
Mr. DUFFY. So I will take it that you are not going to answer my
question. I understand the position and what you said.
I want to talk to you about trade. I am a free trader like you are.
I think free trade is great for our economy. But I also think that
if you don’t have fair trade, if you have deals with places like
China where you have American companies that invest millions or
billions of dollars in their technology and you do business with
China and they steal it from you, and/or they subsidize their com-
panies that come and do business in America where we have, for
the most part, free trade ourselves, where we actually can’t—they
have barriers to American-produced goods, how long does that rela-
tionship last where our economy is open and theirs is closed? Does
that set us up for a long-term successful economy as it relates to
China?
Mr. POWELL. I strongly agree with you that trade needs to be fair
as well as free.
Mr. DUFFY. Is it fair now?
Mr. POWELL. Well, I think—so if you look at the rules-based post-
war system, it has consistently resulted in lower and lower trade
barriers.
Mr. DUFFY. No. Our relationship with China, is it a fair trade—
do we have a fair trade relationship with China?
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Mr. POWELL. I think it is very clear that some countries, and
China in particular, have less open trading systems than we would
like.
Mr. DUFFY. It is not fair.
Mr. POWELL. And it is inappropriate for us to address that.
Mr. DUFFY. And so do you think it is easier to deal with China
15 years from now when their economy is that much larger and
stronger or maybe their military is larger and stronger than it is
today?
Mr. POWELL. That is really a judgment for the people who have
responsibility for trade.
Mr. DUFFY. I would agree with that.
I am going to quickly turn to the President’s America First pol-
icy. Do you agree with that?
Mr. POWELL. Maybe you could be more specific.
Mr. DUFFY. Do you think we should put American interest first?
Do you think we should look out for the global interest or American
interest?
Mr. POWELL. We work under a statute that has us focused on
maximum employment and stable prices here in America.
Mr. DUFFY. Maximum employment for Americans, not for the
globe.
Mr. POWELL. Here in America.
Mr. DUFFY. So we are looking out for Americans.
Mr. POWELL. Of course, we live in a global economy where the
global economy affects that.
Mr. DUFFY. That is true. But we go to the global economy, but
always how it affects our own—
Mr. POWELL. Entirely domestic. Our goals are entirely domestic.
Mr. DUFFY. Do you believe the U.S. insurance companies are well
capitalized and solvent today?
Mr. POWELL. Yes.
Mr. DUFFY. Do you believe that our system of regulating Amer-
ican insurers has worked well over the last 150 years?
Mr. POWELL. I can speak to the last decade or so, and I would
say yes.
Mr. DUFFY. Pretty good, huh?
Mr. POWELL. Yes.
Mr. DUFFY. So would you agree that we should not enter into
any international agreement or standards that would undermine
our U.S. insurance regulatory system, State-based model?
Mr. POWELL. Yes, I would.
Mr. DUFFY. Great. My time is up. I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, Mr.
Sherman.
Mr. SHERMAN. I commend the gentleman from Wisconsin and the
Chair of the Fed for their comments about insurance. And I will
probably disagree with many other things.
Thank you once again for returning where you will be inde-
pendent and accountable, tall and short, the Fed plays an inter-
esting role.
First as to cryptocurrencies. You and we should have the courage
to ban them. As an investment, they are an investment with no in-
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vestor protection, and they take the animal spirits, the willingness
to invest, divert them from the real economy, and instead engage
in what is basically gambling. Many jurisdictions support gambling
only if there is local taxation, but cryptocurrencies don’t pay gam-
bling taxes.
As a medium of exchange, cryptocurrencies offer no advantages
over regular currencies, unless you are a terrorist, a narcotics deal-
er, or a tax evader. There is no positive role for us for
cryptocurrencies.
A lot of discussion in here about who deserves credit for the good
economy. Let me point out, since Dodd-Frank, 17 million jobs have
been created; 15 million of them under Obama, 2 million under
Trump. That is 15 million, 2 million. That’s the right ratio.
Now, the Trump Administration claims credit for the last 3
months of the Obama Presidency, but Obama was actually presi-
dent until January 2017, but his policies remained in force all
through 2017. Dodd-Frank, Janet Yellen’s balance sheet, and
Obama tax policies were in force until the beginning of this year.
And in fact, the Fed policies and the securities regulation remained
pretty much unchanged since the Obama Administration.
The chairman of this committee urges you to abandon all of the
unconventional tools, while taking credit for the good economy that
is in part a result of your unconventional tools.
I would say keep your balance sheet as big as it was when we
achieved the economic growth that is so good that Democrats and
Republicans are fighting over who gets credit, and certainly do not
cut your balance sheet until Chairman Hensarling tells you how he
is going to increase taxes to replace the $80 billion of profit you
gave us last year because you had a big balance sheet.
The Chair talks about the inflation rate, the Chair of this com-
mittee. You ought to have a goal of 2–1/2 percent, not 2 percent.
The law that we passed in 1978 draws a 3 percent objective or
maximum for inflation and for unemployment. So unemployment is
still too high and inflation is too low, and if we have a looser eco-
nomic policy, maybe we will get somewhat higher inflation and the
labor shortage necessary to increase wages.
He puts forward the idea that somebody would save for their
daughter’s college education by putting money aside in a mattress
where its value would decline by 30 percent by the time his young
girl got to college.
I would say if you are smart enough to save for college education
once your daughter is born, you are probably smart enough to in-
vest the money in something that grows faster than inflation.
As to trade, my party suffers from Trump derangement syn-
drome which is, whatever Trump does, we have to be the opposite.
The fact is China launched this trade war against us in the year
2000, right after two-thirds of Democrats voted against giving
China most favored nation status. We were right then; we
shouldn’t change now.
There are those who say that trade deficits don’t have a harm.
They lead to hollowed-out manufacturing, which leads to manufac-
turing towns where you have opioids, alcoholism, and votes for
Donald Trump. Three terrible scourges that hit the Midwest.
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As to your testimony, Mr. Chairman, you say that wages are
growing a little faster than they did a few years ago. That is nomi-
nal wages. Real wages, if anything, have stagnated over the last
year, depending upon your measure of inflation. One more reason
for a looser monetary policy, faster economic growth.
And believe it or not, I have a question, that is, LIBOR was
tainted by scandal. You have the alternative reference rates com-
mittee. Most of the LIBOR referenced debt is derivatives, but what
really matters to people is mortgages. And what are you going to
do to make sure that the new benchmark doesn’t increase mortgage
bargaining costs or disrupt the mortgage market? That is the one
question.
Mr. POWELL. That is a great question. So you are right, many,
many mortgages reference LIBOR. LIBOR is a rate that is under
a lot of pressure. It may not be there in 3 or 4 years, so there is
a big move to find a good backup. We have identified a backup, and
it is not designed to represent an increase at all in people’s mort-
gage costs. Rather, it is designed to represent just a more sustain-
able rate that will always be there and less volatile and more pre-
dictable, more reliable.
Mr. SHERMAN. And it will be as good for mortgages as it is for
derivatives?
Mr. POWELL. Yes.
Mr. SHERMAN. Good.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentleman’s time has expired.
The Chair recognizes the gentlelady from Missouri, the Chair of
the Oversight and Investigation Subcommittee, Mrs. Wagner.
Mrs. WAGNER. Thank you. I thank the Chair. And welcome,
Chairman Powell.
In comments that you made shortly after being sworn in as
Chairman of the Federal Reserve, you noted that you were com-
mitted to, and I quote: ‘‘explaining what we are doing and why we
are doing it, and will continue to pursue ways to improve trans-
parency both in monetary policy and in regulation.’’
Sir, how much value do you place on being as open and trans-
parent as possible so that, not only Congress, but the American
people understand the decisions the Fed is making, why they are
making those decisions? I am just interested in what that kind of
transparency and openness looks like.
Mr. POWELL. I think it is our obligation to explain ourselves.
What we do is very important, sometimes not well understood. And
it is really on us to explain what we are doing with financial regu-
lation and monetary policy.
We have this precious grant of independence. We have to earn
it by being accountable, and the way we do that is through lots and
lots of transparency. I see myself as following in the footsteps of
three prior chairmen who worked on this: Greenspan, Bernanke,
and Yellen.
Mrs. WAGNER. When you say transparency, what are we talking
about in a specific fashion?
Mr. POWELL. So we doubled the number of press conferences.
Mrs. WAGNER. OK.
Mr. POWELL. I will have a press conference after every FOMC
meeting. That is, in monetary policy, that is a way for me to get
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out and talk about what the committee did at each meeting and
communicate to the public in a comprehensible way.
I have also focused very much on communicating in terms that
people can understand generally, not just economists. There is a
very small professional audience that understands what we do
very, very well—economists on Wall Street. And I think the rest of
the country needs to be let in on this too, and I am trying very
hard to do that.
Mrs. WAGNER. I absolutely agree, especially in this era where we
have a savings crisis and people need to understand the move-
ments that you make as Fed Chair, how it relates to monetary pol-
icy and how it affects them and how they invest for their future.
So I absolutely applaud your efforts in terms of press con-
ferences, but also trying to shape the vernacular so that everyday
low- and middle-income investors and savers in this country can
understand what your policy actually means to them personally.
In 2012, the Fed dealt with a leak of confidential information re-
lating to the deliberation of the Federal Open Market Committee,
FOMC. Access to that information is valuable to markets and in-
vestors because the Fed does not make clear what it is likely to do
in the future.
The committee believes that a monetary policy rule would pro-
vide the public transparency into future monetary policy decisions
and eliminate the value of leaks.
Again, you have talked a lot about being transparent, and we
have discussed it here previously, but you are the new boss. And
what is going to change on the issue of securing some of that con-
fidential information and transparency to prevent this going for-
ward? And then also, when will the board improve its internal gov-
ernance, so episodes like these don’t repeat themselves, sir?
Mr. POWELL. We take the confidentiality of our deliberations
very, very seriously as you, I am sure, know and would imagine.
We remind every person who has access to FOMC information, in-
cluding all the participants, but also all the staff every year have
to review those rules, have to signify that they understand, have
read them, and are bound by them.
So we do all of the things we can humanly think of to make sure
that people understand their obligations to confidentiality. And I
think—
Mrs. WAGNER. If I could interrupt, sir, as Chairman of the Over-
sight and Investigation Committee, we have looked into this spe-
cific leak. We have had difficulty receiving specific information
about your internal governance and exactly how it is that we make
sure these episodes don’t repeat themselves.
I would like your brief comments on that, and also want to work
with you to make sure that we are receiving the information in our
role of oversight and investigation into these kinds of matters.
Mr. POWELL. I will be happy to take that offline and talk to you
about it.
I don’t know what you are referring to about information you
can’t get. Obviously, there is a lot of confidential information that
we don’t release that we try to protect, but in terms of our proce-
dures and the kinds of things that we do, I would think that is the
kind of thing we—
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Mrs. WAGNER. Specific to improvements of internal governance,
I believe, so—
Mr. POWELL. OK.
Mrs. WAGNER. I thank you. I look forward to following up with
you.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the remainder of my time.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentlelady’s time has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Georgia, Mr.
Scott.
Mr. SCOTT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Powell, welcome back again. And I want to thank you
for spending some private time with me. We had a wonderful dis-
cussion and covered a lot of territory when you were here last.
But I watched your testimony over in the Senate yesterday, and
I want to clarify something with you. You talked about the regional
banks, those banks that are between $100 billion and $200 billion
in range. And you talked about Senate bill 2155, which I supported
very strongly, and we got good support on, in terms of the banking
regulations.
But in Senate bill 2155, we gave you, the Fed, substantial au-
thority through rulemaking to tailor regulations for these mid-sized
banks, for these important regional banks.
And I watched the testimony, and you reassured the Senators
that the Fed wasn’t going to just flip the switch off on a bunch of
the enhanced prudential standards, but instead would diligently
work through a thoughtful and careful rulemaking. And I was very
pleased to hear that.
But I want to get some clarifying information from you. Because
Georgia, as you may know, is the home of a couple of these very
important regional banks: Regents Bank and SunTrust Bank.
And the question is, do you envision the end product of this
thoughtful and diligent rulemaking process to be a set of enhanced
prudential regulations to the SIFI banks that is drastically dif-
ferent than those of the G-SIBs or the global banks?
Mr. POWELL. I anticipate that we will begin by identifying and
then putting out for comment a framework that we will use to as-
sess financial stability and safety and soundness risks of those in-
stitutions from $250 billion down to $100 billion. And then we will
take comment on that and then we will go ahead and move forward
with a framework.
And I anticipate that many of the factors that are used to iden-
tify the SIFIs will be used in this context as well. We are still
working on exactly how to think about it. We have great flexibility
under the law, which we appreciate, and we will be coming forward
with something on this pretty quickly, I think.
Mr. SCOTT. Do you see any problem areas that these mid-size
banks or regional banks might have to be concerned about? Or do
you see a clear field here?
Mr. POWELL. Well, I guess I would just say we are going to go
ahead and do what the law asks us to do. I don’t see why anyone
should be concerned about that.
Mr. SCOTT. Good. Wonderful. That is good to hear. Those banks,
all our banks are very important. But we have so many different
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sizes, we have to make sure there is a level playing field for all of
them.
Now, let me ask you this question. One of your fellow Cabinet
members was here, the Treasury Secretary. And we got into discus-
sion on the trade situation. So I want to ask you a question that
I asked him, and I am hoping I will get a different answer.
And that is this: Are we or are we not in a trade war?
Mr. POWELL. Let me say, of course, as an independent regulatory
head, I am not a member of the Cabinet. And also, I am not at an
independent agency that has any authority over trade, so—
Mr. SCOTT. Yes, but the reason this is so important, you may not
be a member of the Cabinet, but let’s face it, Chairman Powell,
when you sneeze, Wall Street gets pneumonia.
Mr. POWELL. It is better than the other way around.
So on this, we do have responsibility for the economy, and to the
extent we see—
Mr. SCOTT. But my timing is coming up, I need an answer. Are
we or are we not in a trade war?
Mr. POWELL. It is just not for me to say. Sorry.
Mr. SCOTT. Well, Mr. Powell, you are our anchor. You are, as the
head of the Federal Reserve, the fulcrum of our economic system.
And on top of that, I talked with you, and you are a very learned
intelligent person, and you do have a very important opinion that
the people of this Nation will want to hear from you. Are we are
or are we not in a trade war?
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentleman’s time has expired.
The Chair now will recognize the gentleman from Oklahoma, Mr.
Lucas.
Mr. LUCAS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Powell, you are my fourth Chairman of the Federal
Reserve that I have had the opportunity to interact with as a mem-
ber of this committee. And I have over time come to appreciate that
the best use of my time perhaps is to focus on more specific issues
since my friends are very broad sometimes in their inquiries of you.
So I would like to ask you about the recent proposal the Fed re-
leased with other agencies regarding the Volcker rule. And while
a great deal of attention has been paid to proprietary trading re-
strictions, I would like to focus on the manner in which banks have
been restricted from making long-term investments in small busi-
nesses, startups, merging growth sectors as a result of the covered
funds provisions.
I can understand that the agencies want to ensure that banks
cannot evade the trading restrictions of the Volcker rule through
certain private funds, but I am concerned that the agency’s inter-
pretation of the restrictions on investing in funds that facilitate
capital formation has resulted in prohibitions on an activity that
we want banks to engage in, such as making long-term invest-
ments in American companies to help them grow.
These restrictions cut off as a source of capital where they are
both needed and important to economic growth. And I will note
that the venture capital groups also share my reservations, and
Comptroller Otting testified last month that bank lending provided
key funding to small businesses by investing in these funds.
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Do you have any plans to modify the scope of the restrictions on
banks’ long-term investments in covered funds so that the banks
are able to serve as an important source of capital to these funds?
Mr. POWELL. We put out that proposal and we are very eager to
hear comments on that. I think we are bound by what the statute
says, but within that, we don’t see it as an activity that typically
threatens safety and soundness. We would be willing to do what-
ever we can within the statutory language and intent to accommo-
date that activity.
Mr. LUCAS. I am going to define that as a very positive answer.
And in the respect for my colleagues, yield back the balance of my
time, Mr. Chairman, while I am ahead.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Green.
Mr. GREEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I thank the Ranking
Member as well, and welcome the Chair back to the committee.
I want to thank you for this effort that you are making to talk
to Members of Congress. I think it is important for you to hear
from us, and I appreciate greatly your outreach. Also appreciative
that you have made some reference to African-American unemploy-
ment in your statement for the record. I think that is important as
well.
And like many, I salute the notion that African-American unem-
ployment is low, comparatively speaking. But I still am concerned
about the historic position that it continually occupies in that of
being twice that of White unemployment, generally speaking.
Sometimes a little bit less, sometimes a little bit more. And to this
end, you and I will continue our interaction about this to see if
there are some things we may be able to do collectively to have an
impact.
I want to move quickly to something related to the United State
of Texas and tariffs. Texas is the 10th largest economy in the
world. And based on GDP, it is, of course, our Nation’s top ex-
porter. In Texas, we export 42 billion in goods to China, second
only to Mexico. Half of the U.S. cotton exported to China comes
from Texas.
While you have not captioned it, you have not styled it as a trade
war, I assume that you would say there is a dispute. And this trade
dispute is having an impact on people in Texas. But I would like
for you to give your thoughts on how it will impact middle class
Americans, if you would.
Mr. POWELL. Sure. So I think as it relates to China, it is appro-
priate to address the problems with China’s trading regime as well.
That is a very appropriate thing for the U.S. to do, and we have
been doing it for a long time and I think it is something to carry
on.
Again, we are not in charge of trade, but I think it is hard to
know exactly where this process goes. If it goes to a place where
we lower trade barriers elsewhere and U.S. trade barriers go down,
then it might be worth paying a little bit of a short-term price to
get to that better place.
Lower trade barriers, lower tariffs help our economy over time.
They make for a better, more productive economy, higher incomes.
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They don’t help every single group, and we need to do a better job
of addressing the groups that are not helped by trade.
I think if you go more broadly in a more protectionist direction
over time, for a sustained period, that is bad for our economy. That
will mean lower incomes and lower productivity and I just hope it
doesn’t go in that direction. But I think it is hard to say where it
goes from here.
Mr. GREEN. Well, we do have Canada and European allies en-
gaged in the dispute currently, so it is a little bit bigger than
China. To what extent it will grow is, I suppose, to be seen. But
given that it seems to be consuming other nations as well, how,
again, will this impact middle class people, assuming that we con-
tinue along the path that we are going?
Mr. POWELL. I think an open trading system worldwide with low
barriers is good generally. It creates rising incomes for middle class
people and all different kinds of people, generally. Not every group
is helped, though, and we know that for factory workers who lost
their job over the years. And I think we need to do a better job of
addressing those issues.
Mr. GREEN. So is it fair to say that persons who have been tradi-
tionally among those who are unemployed at a higher rate, that
they will be impacted adversely to a greater extent?
Mr. POWELL. I think that is probably right. I think the groups
who are more at the margins of the labor force, at the lower end
of the labor force in terms of compensation, things like that, who
get hit the hardest in a downturn. So unemployment goes up the
most for those people. And I think they tend to be the ones who
are hardest hit by downturns, generally.
Mr. GREEN. And for the record, I would simply add that it ap-
pears that African Americans would probably be a part of that
group. And I thank you for nodding.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentleman’s time has expired.
The Chair now recognizes Mr. Stivers, from Ohio.
Mr. STIVERS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for being
here, Mr. Chair. We appreciate your ability to be very accessible to
all of us. I know you were in my office. You have been in a lot of
our offices. I appreciate that.
This hearing today is about the state of the economy and mone-
tary policy. And if you could just give me some true or false’s here,
we will give a quick summary to people.
Is it true or false, economic growth is 3.1 percent, the best in
over 20 years?
Mr. POWELL. I didn’t know where you have 3.1 percent, but it
was 2 percent in the first quarter. It is going to be way higher than
that next quarter.
Mr. STIVERS. This quarter that is projected to be 3.1 percent? Or
around that?
Mr. POWELL. It is going to be higher than that.
Mr. STIVERS. OK. Higher than that.
Mr. POWELL. Projected to be higher than that.
Mr. STIVERS. All right. So good economic growth, true?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. True.
Mr. STIVERS. Low unemployment, below 4 percent?
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Mr. POWELL. It is at 4 percent today, projected to go lower.
Mr. STIVERS. OK. Around 4 percent.
Wage growth is increasing?
Mr. POWELL. Has increased.
Mr. STIVERS. Has increased. And we have stable prices?
Mr. POWELL. We are close to our stable price mandate.
Mr. STIVERS. Close to our stable prices.
So as you think about the full employment mandate that you
have, the Fed has historically used the unemployment rate. And
over the last 10 years, what we have seen, although it is picked
up a little bit lately, is a decline in the labor participation rate.
Don’t you think that would be a better proxy for you to use when
you compare the United States to the U.K. or Japan? Their labor
participation rate is 5 to 7 points higher than ours among working-
age people.
Mr. POWELL. We say in our longer run statement of principles in
monetary policy strategy that we actually look at a broad range of
indicators to define maximum employment. And it is many, many
measures of unemployment. It also includes labor force participa-
tion.
I would strongly agree with you that is a very important area of
focus for us and I believe for you as well. It is an area where the
United States has fallen behind other advanced economies, and it
is an area where we need to do better.
Mr. STIVERS. I think we need to transition there. There are lot
of people left behind. And whether they are looking for work or not,
we need to figure out how to get them moving toward the American
dream. And I appreciate you being willing to look at that.
Quickly on the Volcker rule, I just want to speak for middle
America. We have a lot of banks in my district, medium-size banks,
little banks. They are precluded from investing in our economy.
They can loan to our economy, but they can’t invest in our econ-
omy. The preponderance of the wealth that is invested in private
equity and other things is on the coasts.
If we were to—and I know it would require a statutory change—
if we were to allow some of that investment to happen, but sepa-
rately capitalize those funds at the banks so they can’t just come
to the Fed funds window—that is the concern, I get it, and why the
Volcker rule is there—it would really help middle America.
I’m not asking to you comment on it, but I would love to work
with you on that issue.
Mr. POWELL. Great. We will do that.
Mr. STIVERS. Quickly, a follow up from Mr. Himes on cyber pol-
icy. With regard to the thing that keeps you up at night the most,
I think everybody you regulate inside the financial system has in-
centives that are aligned with behavior that works. Because the
customer is limited to a $50 loss, the financial institutions have
skin in the game.
The problem is many other people in the cyber system, retailers
and others, offload their financial risks while they have
reputational risks to others, and it has become a jurisdictional fight
between our committee and Energy and Commerce. I believe we
need to change that.
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And I think the way to do it is to use cyber insurance the way
we used workers’ compensation insurance in the 1900s to improve
worker safety. If we gave safe harbors for certain coverages and
made sure the payouts aligned the incentives, I think you would
be able to price a system, but you would have a dynamic system
instead of naming standards and having them being out of date the
next day. So we look forward to working with you on that.
I don’t expect you to comment on that either since I am just
throwing it at you right now, but I think it is a different way that
maybe can break through our jurisdictional problem inside Con-
gress. But I agree with you, it is one of the biggest threats that
we have right now.
And quickly, one last thing, and this is a question that I do want
you to address. Because there have been some comments on the
committee about stock buybacks and how they don’t do anything.
But, I think it is important that we note that when a company de-
cides to buy back stock, that money doesn’t just disappear into the
wallets of wealthy people; it goes to work inside the corporation. It
is their way of saying this is a better way to put our money at
work.
But when you look at stock ownership, many people in the mid-
dle class have 401(k)s, and that money gets a better return for
them as well as every other stockholder.
So I guess the point is—and you have answered it a couple times,
but just to be more clear, do you believe that stock buybacks can
help the economy and the middle class, including 401(k) stock-
holders?
Mr. POWELL. I see stock buybacks as a way for companies to allo-
cate funds that they don’t need in their own business through the
capital markets to those who do need them.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentleman’s time has expired.
Mr. STIVERS. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. Thank you. And just as an announcement,
the chairman has requested a brief break at noon. So we will recog-
nize the gentleman from Minnesota and then take a recess for a
few minutes.
And now we recognize the gentleman from Minnesota, Mr.
Ellison.
Mr. ELLISON. Thank you.
Good morning, Mr. Chairman. How are you doing?
Mr. POWELL. Great, thanks. How are you?
Mr. ELLISON. So there has been a little bit of discussion about
whether or not real wages have gone up or going down. But I am
just looking at what was reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics
yesterday. They said that the median weekly earnings of the Na-
tion’s 116 million full-time wage salaried workers rose 2 percent on
the year, but inflation was up 2.7 percent over the same time pe-
riod. That says to me that the median full-time wages have actu-
ally been falling in real terms for the past three quarters.
Would you agree with my analysis?
Mr. POWELL. Yes, as far as it goes.
Mr. ELLISON. OK. So thank you. And I appreciate that, because
that allows me to ask what I really want to know, which is why
in such low unemployment do we have wages either stagnant or
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even declining a little bit over the last three quarters? And I will
just give you a minute or two to try to give me some under-
standing—all of us.
And it is not a setup question. It is a real question, because you
would expect, with this level of low unemployment, we would see
wages go up, but they are not.
So what some of your observations as to why that is happening?
Mr. POWELL. So if you look at a range of wages. Of course, there
are four or five main ones, but there are many, many others, and
they have differences. None of them is exactly right. And if you
look at them, they have overall moved up from around 2 percent
to pretty close to 3 percent now. That is good. We like to see—
Mr. ELLISON. Nominally.
Mr. POWELL. This is nominal. Yes, this is nominal. It is reported
in nominal, not real.
So that is a good thing. We like to see that moving up. I have
said before, and I still think you would have expected, when unem-
ployment moves from 10 percent to 4 percent, you might have ex-
pected a little bit more in the way of increases.
On the other hand, inflation has been—employers are looking at
this through the lens of how much are prices going up. And the an-
swer has been, inflation has been low. And also, how much more
output am I getting? In other words, people should earn inflation
plus productivity. Both of those have been low, through no fault of
any worker.
Mr. ELLISON. Now, Mr. Chairman, I hate this process because it
makes me interrupt you.
Mr. POWELL. I am sorry.
Mr. ELLISON. And I appreciate what you are sharing, so I didn’t
want to do that, but I think it has something to do with anti-com-
petitive practices that we see across various sectors. For example,
many of us have a piece of legislation to ban something called no-
poaching agreements.
Do you know what a no-poaching agreement is?
Mr. POWELL. I do, yes.
Mr. ELLISON. Could you describe in about 30 seconds for the
folks listening what a no-poaching agreement is?
Mr. POWELL. So, for example, you work at a fast-food outlet. As
a condition of getting that job, you have to promise not to take a
job at another fast-food outlet. It is probably unenforceable, but a
worker working at a fast-food outlet doesn’t have the means to go
to court and might not know to go to court. So it is a way of re-
straining competition. And there is really nothing good to be said
about it.
Mr. ELLISON. Right. And to me, I think that Congress needs to
be aggressive about this. Because if we are truly believing in free-
market economics, the free market is being strained by these anti-
competitive practices. This ought to be a bipartisan thing where we
are together saying that if—you cannot, Mr. Employer or Ms. Em-
ployer, have an agreement between yourselves that you will not
hire each other’s employees if they go to you looking for a better
wage or have a noncompete clause.
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Mr. POWELL. I think just shining a light on it helps. By the way,
you may have seen some of the big fast-food companies announce
they won’t do that anymore.
Mr. ELLISON. Well, because some Democratic attorneys general
went after them, and they said, OK, we won’t do it, because they
know they are going to be held accountable.
But deeper than that I think is the fact that we have highly con-
centrated markets these days. Can you talk about market con-
centration in this particular economy?
It seems like every industry you look at has highly concentrated
markets. Look, for example, Amazon, how they are a dominating
online retailer. If you look at search engines, look at what Amazon
is doing. It could even be beer or pizza or chicken or whatever it
is. It seems like the other side of a monopoly is a monopsony, with
limited number of buyers of labor, which makes it easier for them
to simply hold wages down.
I wonder what you think about that.
Mr. POWELL. It is true that we do see measures of concentration
going up, but I think that the tech companies that come out and
invent a new business, they are a special case. And it is hard to
know how to think about that in terms of the traditional antitrust
in other ways. It is not something I feel like there are really clear
answers on yet.
Mr. ELLISON. Would you consider having the research depart-
ment at the Fed talk about concentrated markets and the impact
on wages and the fact that they are growing very slow in an unex-
pected way?
Mr. POWELL. We will look into that.
Mr. ELLISON. Thank you.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentleman’s time has expired.
And pursuant to the announcement just made, the committee
stands in recess, subject to the call of the Chair. The Chair antici-
pates that we will reconvene in 10 minutes.
[Whereupon, at 11:57 a.m., the committee was recessed, subject
to the call of the Chair.]
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The committee will come to order.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, the
gentleman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Royce, for 5 min-
utes.
Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And let me ask this, Chairman Powell. Housing financial reform
remains the great undone work of the financial crisis, and you have
previously called for reform stating that we need to move to a sys-
tem that attracts ample amounts of private capital to stand be-
tween housing sector credit risk and the taxpayers.
A nationalized mortgage market is an unsustainable status quo,
obviously, from a moral hazard perspective on this thing. And
sadly, the situation we find ourselves in today was a predictable
one.
In 2003, I introduced legislation, and again in 2005, which would
have reigned in the GSEs, allowing them to be regulated at that
time for systemic risk. Then Fed Chairman Greenspan backed the
amendment, but it was not enough to overcome the outsized polit-
ical pressure brought by the GSEs themselves.
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To be fair, you said last summer that this was not a normal issue
on which the Fed would comment, but that we were in a now or
never moment for reform, as there is not a current risk with a
healthy economy now in the housing system. How long with this
now or never moment last? And what are the consequences of inac-
tion on this?
Mr. POWELL. I think now continues to be a good time to move
forward on this. It is one of the big pieces of unfinished business
from the crisis. It is unsustainable to have effectively the U.S.
housing finance system on the government’s books for the long run
and it’s not healthy.
I don’t know how much long—we are going to need to address
this. I assume we will at some point, and I would just say the soon-
er the better.
Mr. ROYCE. Let me ask you another question on this front.
Chairman Greenspan often commented on the role of the GSEs in
our economy. In 2004, in testimony before the Senate, he said: Con-
cerns about systemic risk are appropriately focused on large, highly
leveraged financial institutions such as the GSEs. To fend off pos-
sible future systemic difficulties, which we assess as likely if the
GSE expansion continues unabated, preventative actions are re-
quired sooner, rather than later.
Those were his words in 2004; ominous words no doubt.
Today, pressure is being brought on the Administration to re-
lease the GSEs out of conservatorship. Although I oppose this
move, absent Congressional action, I am hopeful that if this were
to occur, there is no doubt today that Fannie and Freddie, given
their size and role in the housing market, would be regulated as
systemically important.
Do you share this view?
Mr. POWELL. I—so the form in which this reform takes place will,
of course, be up to you, not to us, and it is not in our lane. I would
say I would really hope that these institutions would not be sys-
temically important at some point. I would think when you figure
out a process where they can be moved off the balance sheet, the
idea would be that they would not present systemic risk, ideally.
Mr. ROYCE. Let me move to another question, Chairman Powell.
Earlier this year, this committee passed legislation that would re-
verse the previous SEC rule requiring that certain money market
funds float the NAV. I certainly remember when the Federal Re-
serve fund broke the buck in 2008—I remember where I was when
that occurred—and the massive backstop the U.S. taxpayers pro-
vided to restart the entire market as a result of this and other fac-
tors.
The fact is that the value of the underlying assets of those prod-
ucts fluctuate. They go up and down. As I said in opposition to the
bill at the time, if we learned anything from the financial crisis, it
should be that the price should reflect risk. While understanding
this is the primary jurisdiction of the SEC and Chairman Clayton
has already expressed his concerns, I was hoping, as a member of
the FSOC and as someone uniquely positioned to comment on
macro financial stability, that you could comment on any concerns
with this potential move.
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Mr. POWELL. I very much share your concerns. This was one of
the many critical weaknesses identified in our financial system
during the crisis. We worked hard to address it, I think success-
fully, to some extent. And I would not like to see that undone.
Mr. ROYCE. Chairman Powell, I am out of time. Thank you very
much.
Mr. BARR. [presiding]. The gentleman’s time has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Fos-
ter.
Mr. FOSTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chair Powell, the last time that you were here, I discussed with
you a policy of countervailing currency purchases as a response
when a country has been determined to be a currency manipulator.
I believe that my staff has transferred to your staff the ideas from
the Peterson Institute on the specifics of how countervailing cur-
rency intervention may be an appropriate response. But I am actu-
ally more concerned now about the currency manipulation than I
have been.
Obviously, President Trump has recklessly now begun a trade
war with many of our trading partners, particularly with China. I
think many of the countries that are on their currency manipula-
tion watch list that gets reported every so often by Treasury have
been either hit or threatened by tariffs. Some of these countries are
going to run out of gas in terms of the products that they can im-
pose retaliatory tariffs on, at which point I think it is quite likely
that they will resume currency manipulation that they have done
in the past.
And China is probably top of my list on this, because they have—
they will run out of gas fairly quickly. And the damage that has
been done in the past by Chinese currency manipulation is enor-
mous and one that many of my constituents have felt in their busi-
nesses.
And so I think it is more pressing than now that we actually
have a response in place, ready to go, if and when any one of those
countries, in particular China, resumes currency manipulation.
Countervailing currency manipulation is something that can be
done. I think it is an appropriate response and it can be done.
And so I was wondering, has Treasury contacted you in any way
with our suggestions that we have given to them on getting—hav-
ing this take place? Because, obviously, a significant response
would be a joint project between Treasury and the Federal Reserve.
Mr. POWELL. The currency issues are entirely up to Treasury. I
don’t know whether they have technically consulted with us about
it or not. It is the first time hearing about it.
Mr. FOSTER. OK. Well, anyway, so I encourage you to look into
this. If you find that there is any legislative impediments to that,
I believe the suggestion from the Peterson Institute is that if this
goes forward, it would be a joint effort where the currency pur-
chases would be jointly done by Treasury and the Fed.
Mr. POWELL. We would just be implementing their decisions,
though. We wouldn’t be making those decisions.
Mr. FOSTER. Correct. But it is something that I hope that we are
prepared for, because the risk of anything of a resumption of sig-
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nificant currency manipulation has certainly gone up because of
the Republican tariffs. And so I just want to flag that for you.
Second, there has been some discussion in the previous testi-
mony about wage growth and so on, and this plot that’s up here.
Did you see the article in The Wall Street Journal a couple of days
ago about how inflation is eating up workers’ wage increases? Yes.
And this is essentially the plot from that showing that while work-
ers wages were out—during the Obama era, workers wages were
modestly outstripping inflation; that is no longer true in the Trump
era that things like the massive tax cut for the wealthy and the
deficit spending have driven inflation more than they have driven
wages. As a result, for wage earners, the situation has not im-
proved. That is in great contrast to the situation for CEOs and so
on who have seen their compensation go up way faster than infla-
tion.
And so there was an announcement by the Federal Reserve, I
guess a month or so ago, that the historic milestone of household
net worth exceeding $100 trillion, which I think it was a very inter-
esting milestone in the recovery itself from, I believe, around $55-
or $60 trillion during the deficit of the crisis. And so it is a real
milestone, but that is an aggregate number.
And so one of the things we are seeing more and more is a diver-
gence between average numbers when you average in the results
of the very wealthy with numbers like this, which is the wages for
wage earners where the situation is very different. What I would
like to urge you to do is when you report, for example, household
net worth, to report it not only as an aggregate but as quintiles or
top 1 percent, top 10 percent, and to report this on a quarterly
basis the same way you report the aggregate number. I think it
would really illuminate a lot of where our economy is going. And
I would like to see that in the next report and future reports, if
that is possible.
Mr. POWELL. I will look into that.
Mr. FOSTER. All right. Well, thanks much.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from New Mexico, Mr.
Pearce, Chairman of our Terrorism and Illicit Finance Sub-
committee.
Mr. PEARCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate you being here today and your lead-
ership on the economic front for the country. So you had given tes-
timony yesterday or whenever to the Senate about the effect of
opioids and the labor force participation rate. Can you walk
through that briefly for me?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. Well, labor force participation by prime age
males has been declining for 60 years. It has been declining for fe-
males for maybe the last 15, 20 years in the United States. We
stand out compared to other countries. So many things that hap-
pened in the economy are global. This is really something that we
have.
A significant number of those in their prime working years who
are not in the labor force, close to half I think in that one estimate
was 44 percent, are taking painkillers of some kind, which is the
opioid crisis to some extent. So there are many, many people who
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are out there in their prime working years, not in the labor force.
We would all be better off if they were in the labor force, including
them. And part of the reason they are not is the drug issue.
Mr. PEARCE. The problem is especially egregious in much of New
Mexico, and so we passed a series of bills here that are directed
at beginning to stem that problem. Have you looked much at the
legislation that we have passed through the House, anything that
stands out as being especially effective in your ideas or the ideas
of the committee?
Mr. POWELL. I haven’t looked at it carefully. I did see that, but
I will be happy to go back and look.
Mr. PEARCE. OK, yes. Now, for New Mexico, we have a little bit
of an aging population and we also have a lower income population.
That all argues for less complexity in the investments. And so,
typically, they would like safe investments, but then the interest
rate is always at such a low rate that it is driving unsophisticated
investors into sophisticated items seeking rates of return.
Any ideas how it can help out our seniors who typically fall into
that category? I am thinking about my mom. The last few years of
her life, she just wanted not to lose money and just to have it safe.
And yet we are seeing a lot of seniors chasing rates of return and
getting into very unsafe things, then they lose their nest egg. So
how is the Reserve looking at that?
Mr. POWELL. We are not responsible for investor protection, but
we are responsible—
Mr. PEARCE. No, it is the rate of return. It is the rate of return
on simple investments. The rate of return on passbook savings or
money markets, that is the question.
Mr. POWELL. Right. We have kept rates low for a long time, and
we think that has had a very positive effect on the economy. It has
boosted employment, it has boosted activity. I think it has defi-
nitely been tough for seniors who are really relying on their pass-
book savings, for example, for interest. But overall for the economy,
it has been a good thing. Rates are going up now, to reflect the
strength of the economy. So that should be helping some.
Mr. PEARCE. Yes. As we talk about the labor force participation
rates, we are also noting a lot of skilled atrophy. People who have
been on different public assistance programs for some time actually
don’t have much skills.
So as the President talks, he talks about the apprenticeship pro-
grams. Have you all taken a close look at how the apprenticeship
programs could be directed at the people who have been out of the
labor force, not the people in the high schools, but the people who
have been on the sidelines for some time? Are there any studies
available to us on the effectiveness of those programs?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. We have an excellent group of labor econo-
mists, and that has been a particular focus. So we would be de-
lighted to supply that to you, discuss it with you or your staff. We
would be happy to work with you on that.
Mr. PEARCE. The energy economy that you reference in your re-
port a couple of times is one that is playing out in the southeast
part of New Mexico. Some of the largest finds in most productive
wells being drilled are occurring right there. The pipeline capacity
is becoming a chokepoint and then also the refining capabilities. So
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we are suggesting building a refinery in New Mexico and asking
for White House help to get the permits done. All of that would
help us to become energy self-sufficient.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman is expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentlelady from Ohio, Mrs. Beatty.
Mrs. BEATTY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, Rank-
ing Member.
And thank you, Chairman Powell. Good to see you again. I just
have a couple of quick questions I am going to try to get through.
Mr. Chairman, I brought the Federal Reserve supervision and ex-
amination of the insurance savings and loan holding companies up
previously with Federal Reserve Governor Quarles. And my staff
brought this topic up with the Fed staff on several occasions.
Since the economic crisis, the number of insurance and saving
and loan holding companies has dwindled from some 30 to just 11,
according to the Fed’s 2017 annual report. I have two of these in-
surance companies in my district which employ thousands of peo-
ple. And one of them just announced that they are closing their de-
pository institution.
While I understand that there are several business reasons for
an insurance savings and loan holding company to close their own
depository institution, there is little doubt that one of the factors
why they are closing them down is due to the burdensome and inef-
ficient supervisory regime by the Federal Reserve. I have worked
with my colleague on the other side of the aisle, Mr. Rothfus, to
introduce legislation that would force the Federal Reserve to tailor
their bank centric regulations to those to insurance companies,
which are wholly different from banks. While I think there should
be some cost of admission for an insurance company to own a de-
pository institution, I don’t think that cost should be so high that
it makes no financial sense to own one, which is where I think that
we are headed.
Do you think that this problem that these insurance companies
are closing their banks, that this is part of the reason, or is it the
Federal Reserve’s desire for no insurance companies to own a de-
pository institution?
Mr. POWELL. It is certainly not our desire to drive anybody out
of owning a bank who can legally own a bank. I think in the case
of depository institutions that are owned by insurance companies,
our interest is in the safety and soundness of that depository insti-
tution. So we work very carefully not to duplicate the insurance
regulatory work that the State insurance supervisors capably do,
but we have a role to play as the holding company supervisor as
it relates to the depository institution. And that is what we care
about. That is really all we care about.
I think my recollection—these companies are getting out of own-
ing depository institutions mostly for business reasons as opposed
to for regulatory reasons. In any case, we are committed to doing
that as efficiently as we can and—
Mrs. BEATTY. Are you familiar with our legislation?
Mr. POWELL. Yes, I am.
Mrs. BEATTY. Is it something that will be helpful, or do you have
an opinion?
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Mr. POWELL. We have raised concerns. The concern that we
raised is that we would be effectively out of the business of super-
vision at the holding company. We would promulgate standards,
but they would supervised by the insurance supervisor. And the in-
surance supervisors, they do a fine job of supervising insurance,
but they are not prudential regulators of banks. And we think if
you are going to own a bank, you should be subject to regulations
by a prudential regulator of banks, which would be us in this case.
Mrs. BEATTY. But you would be at least willing to see if we could
tweak it or work together?
Mr. POWELL. Absolutely, absolutely.
Mrs. BEATTY. OK, thank you. On another good note, let me also
say thank you for being very responsive to our letters to you from
the Congressional Black Caucus and from you on diversity. I really
appreciate that.
As you will probably recall, we have had several conversations
about the Beatty rule that is patterned after the Rooney rule. If
you are looking for minorities and, more specifically, African Amer-
icans to serve on the Federal Reserve, then you have to put them
on the list. You have to include them in the room.
So while we weren’t necessarily overjoyed with the last appoint-
ment, I am pleased that Mr. Bostic is there, and just hoping as
more openings come, that you will keep that in the back of your
mind.
Last, I have an odd question. I was on my way back to Wash-
ington, I stopped in a restaurant, and a gentleman came up to me
and chased me down, and said, I know that Mr. Powell’s going to
be coming before your committee, would you ask him this question.
We are going to paraphrase it because my team wasn’t quite sure
what he was asking and he stated it more as a fact. But I think
what the constituent was asking me, and he stated it more as a
fact than a question, but he essentially wanted me to ask you
whether or not you believe the Federal Reserve’s monetary policies
exacerbates the wealth inequality in our country.
I think for some reason he felt that organizations who receive the
interest payments on our national debt is destroying the middle
class.
Mr. POWELL. No, we don’t think monetary policy is exacerbating
inequality. We think, in fact, it is helping those who didn’t have
jobs get jobs. So those are the people who need those jobs.
Mrs. BEATTY. Thank you very much. And I yield.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentlelady has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Ross.
Mr. ROSS. Thank you, Chairman.
Chairman Powell, thank you for being here. Your predecessor, for
whom I have a great deal of respect, I know struggled for some
time with regard to the impact of the quantitative easing, the low
interest rates, the high unemployment. And I see that, based on
your report today, the outlook is much brighter and doing much
better.
I echo the concerns of my colleague, Mr. Pearce, because I have
a great deal of retirees in my community and they want to start
seeing some return on their investment, of course, instead of hav-
ing to keep dipping into the principle of their savings.
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Chairman Powell, it has been more than 9 months since the Fed-
eral Reserve had its first official Vice Chair for supervision sworn
in. Prior to Vice Chair Quarles taking office, the responsibilities of
his position were unofficially shared between former Fed officials
to such an extent that it was never really sure who was in charge
of regulatory affairs at the Federal Reserve. As a consequence, it
felt to many of us in Congress that the divide between the Federal
Reserve’s regulatory responsibilities and those related to monetary
policy wasn’t as explicit as it should have been. Further, there
seemed to be a high risk that Federal Reserve regulations were not
being given the necessary oversight and evaluations. There were
more and more regulations coming out.
And now with the position filled by Vice Chair Quarles, I would
like to hear if things have changed at the Federal Reserve. Do you
find that having a Vice Chair for supervision has allowed you to
focus more on monetary policy the side of the Federal Reserve’s
work? In other words, does it help prevent inappropriate overlap of
the Fed’s roles now that you have distinguished supervisory roles
in the Fed?
Mr. POWELL. Let me say it is great to have Vice Chair Quarles
in his role. And I know he was confirmed yesterday into his under-
lying Governor term. He is terrific. I worked with him 25 years
ago, so he has been great.
We think of the roles as pretty complimentary actually. We think
that, essentially, the financial system, more broadly, and the bank-
ing system is the transmission channel for monetary policy. So we
think we learned a lot about what is going on in the economy and
also about how monetary policy is getting out into the economy by
virtue of the fact that we are in supervision.
We do have a separate division that takes care of all that, and
Vice Chair Quarles as the Vice Chair has particular authorities
under the statute to recommend policies to the Board. I hope I am
getting to your question.
Mr. ROSS. Yes. But as I mentioned, I think the past 10 years, as
a result of financial crisis, we have seen new regulatory schemes
being imposed. And it seems to me that now would be an appro-
priate time for the regulators to take a step back and conduct a ho-
listic review of the impact of these regulations. And I believe that
having Vice Chairman of supervision renders this holistic view
more appropriate at this time.
Do you think now would be a good time for such a review?
Mr. POWELL. It is a good time. In fact, we are doing that. We are
committed to sustaining the important post-crisis regulatory re-
forms, higher capital, higher liquidity, stress testing, resolution.
We are also committed to looking at everything that we have done
in the last 10 years and making sure that it is right sized and ef-
fective.
Mr. ROSS. Has your review revealed any duplicative or burden-
some regulations that could probably be done away with at this
point?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. I think we are finding quite a lot to do, mainly
as it relates to smaller and medium-sized institutions, which I
think there is quite a lot of good work that we can do on that front.
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Mr. ROSS. And also part of your report you note that residential
investment has leveled off for the first 5 months this year. And
that is a little disappointing to me, because I think that is a lead-
ing indicator force in terms of residential investment.
When I go home to central Florida, I can see skyrocketing de-
mand for homes, but for some reason developers just can’t keep up.
One of the things that you have talked about, and I think that Mr.
Pearce talked about also, is the, quote, ‘‘tight supply of skilled
labor.’’
Can you expand on that? How long have we been approaching
this tight supply of skilled labor?
My concern is this, is that we have a great tailwind behind us
right now. We have a 4 percent GDP. We have lower unemploy-
ment than we have had in a long time. We have more capital than
we have seen before, but yet if we are not going to have the eco-
nomic recovery because we don’t have a labor market, what is in
store for us? And how can we best address this labor market short-
age that is facing us?
Mr. POWELL. It is a real challenge. Plumbers, carpenters, elec-
tricians in short supply. A lot of people left the industry after the
crash. Now there is a need. And also, it is very hard to get lots.
It is difficult. The zoning and everything is quite difficult.
Mr. ROSS. The training programs?
Mr. POWELL. They are also facing high materials prices.
Mr. ROSS. Which is a component of it too. But even if we—we
have to have the labor is what I am getting at. And even if we have
to import the labor, we need the skilled labor.
Mr. POWELL. I think you are right. There is a good question
about how the economy will absorb all of this momentum, and I
think the tools to expand the labor force are really not ours, they
are really yours.
Mr. ROSS. I agree. Thank you. I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from North Carolina,
Mr. Pittenger.
Mr. PITTENGER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you, Chairman Powell, for being with us. I really
want to commend you for taking the initiative to provide time to
be with members and allow those discussions to occur. I think it
is very helpful for us.
Mr. Chairman, as I understand, it is your directive to promote
stable prices. Some of your policy committee members have ex-
pressed interest in replacing the current inflation target with dif-
ferent target measures that would provide even greater variability.
Given that, would you help me just better understand the dif-
ference between price stability and stable prices?
Mr. POWELL. I think they mean the same thing. I wouldn’t say
there is a big difference there.
Mr. PITTENGER. Good. Well, thank you. That clarification helps.
In this year’s monetary policy report, you state that the labor
force participation rate has been in decline for decades. And has
seen a recent increase among prime age individuals. Despite the
factors that continue to cause the decline persisting, you have said
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that the continuation of increases seen over the past few years is
possible if favorable labor market conditions continue as well.
Have you seen these favorable labor markets, at least more re-
cently, remain or even show increases since the passing of the Tax
Cuts and Jobs Act?
Mr. POWELL. We do see the labor market continuing to strength-
en. And as you point out, labor-first participation by prime age
males and females has kicked up in the last couple of years. That
is a great thing to see. We really hope those gains are sustained
against a longer run trend of decline. But we hope that this is a
great chance for people to get back in the labor market and we
hope stay there.
Mr. PITTENGER. Would you draw any correlationship between the
Tax Cut and Jobs Act bill and that dimension?
Mr. POWELL. I think that there are a variety of things contrib-
uting to this. Certainly, the business tax cuts are helping support
activity, and the individual tax cuts too.
Mr. PITTENGER. How has the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act affected
your current monetary policy?
Mr. POWELL. It is hard to single out an effect. We really look at
many, many different things. The economy’s strong and we are on
a path of gradually raising rates, and I think that reflects all of the
things that are going on, including the changes in fiscal policy.
Mr. PITTENGER. Yes, sir. With the new tariffs coming from both
at home and abroad, some businesses are shying away from both
capital and labor force investments. The report States that exports
had increased in the second quarter, led by agricultural exports. Do
you see this changing, especially in light of the retaliatory tariffs
on numerous agricultural products from Canada and the European
Union?
Mr. POWELL. I think there is a lot of uncertainty about how this
round of discussions between us and essentially all of our major
trading partners will come out. I think if it does wind up in a lot
of reciprocal tariffs, then it would certainly affect our exporting in-
dustries, including in a big way, U.S. agriculture. So it is a risk.
Mr. PITTENGER. Yes, sir. You previously stated that the U.S. fi-
nancial system is substantially more resilient than the decade be-
fore the financial crisis. Should there be a trade war, what tools
do you have, to move quickly to ensure this continued resiliency in
economic growth?
Mr. POWELL. I think the financial system is well capitalized and
so much more strong and resilient in so many ways that it is there
in a position so that it can resist or be resilient against shocks of
various kinds, and that would include changes to trade policy that
became disrupted. Our monetary policy tool we can always use to—
it really relates to demand. So if demand weakens, then we can
support demand.
The harder issue is you could be seeing higher prices because of
tariffs at the same time you are seeing lower economic activity.
And potentially, that would imply higher inflation. A mirror in-
crease in tariffs wouldn’t mean necessarily higher future inflation,
but if it did have that implication, it could be very challenging for
policy.
Mr. PITTENGER. Thank you. My time has expired.
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Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr.
Rothfus.
Mr. ROTHFUS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and welcome, Chair-
man.
I want to talk a little bit about the automatic SIFI designation
being set at $250 billion in S. 2155. This was an important change
that right sized the regulatory burden for a significant number of
small and medium-sized institutions.
In setting the threshold at $250 billion, however, we grouped
large regional banks together with banks that have assets in excess
of $1 trillion. These institutions do not only differ from each other
in terms of size, they also differ in their levels of risk and com-
plexity, as well as their capital structure and their business mix.
Would you agree with that assessment that there is a distinction
between those large regional banks and those other banks?
Mr. POWELL. Very much so. Not just size, activities as well.
Mr. ROTHFUS. Given this distinction, how will the Fed be tai-
loring regulations for banks above the $250 billion threshold?
Mr. POWELL. Working on a framework now. Some ways away
from publishing it, but it will take into account a range of factors,
including size will be one, but also many others, such as com-
plexity, interconnectedness, the nature of their activities, all those.
We will take in a wide range of factors. The bill gives us a great
deal of flexibility to identify the appropriate factors, and we are
just in the process of doing that. We are going to put that out for
comment and listen carefully to public reaction too.
Mr. ROTHFUS. Any timeframe yet on when that might happen,
comment period?
Mr. POWELL. I can’t be precise. I will just tell you we are working
hard on it right now.
Mr. ROTHFUS. When Secretary Mnuchin testified before this com-
mittee, I asked him about an issue that many of us on this com-
mittee have expressed concerns about: Nonbank SIFI designations.
I have advocated for an activities-based approach to addressing
systemic risk. I was pleased to hear that Secretary Mnuchin also
supported adopting this approach and that the FSOC was moving
in that direction. Do you support an activities-based approach?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. I think that makes sense.
Mr. ROTHFUS. What would be the status of FSOC’s implementa-
tion of that approach?
Mr. POWELL. Really a question for the Secretary, but I think that
is more how we are looking at things these days, is looking at ac-
tivities, as well as we can always look at institutions when it is ap-
propriate. But for now, we are looking at a lot of activities.
Mr. ROTHFUS. If I could talk a little bit about the yield curve.
The inversion of the yield curve is typically viewed as a sign of a
coming recession. The yield curve is currently flattening and this
has attracted a lot of attention.
In a recent post, Minneapolis Fed president Neel Kashkari wrote,
quote: ‘‘This suggests that there is little reason to raise rates much
further. Invert the yield curve and put the brakes on the economy
and risk that it does, in fact, trigger a recession.’’
Do you agree with this view?
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Mr. POWELL. I don’t see any evidence that a recession is immi-
nent. We are not forecasting a recession. And so I don’t really think
we see a recession coming.
Mr. ROTHFUS. Do you have an opinion on how strong of a signal
the yield curve inversion is?
Mr. POWELL. So the inversion of the yield curve has been—just
as an empirical matter it has been associated with downturns in
the past. But I would just say the real point is the yield curve in-
verts—we know why short-term rates go up, because basically they
are looking at the Fed’s expected rate path. The real question is
what is going on with longer term rates. And if you back out the
term premium and look at that, then it is really an assessment in
the market of what the neutral longer term rate is, what it will be.
So if, in fact, monetary policy is higher than that, then that means
that policy is tight. You are actually tightening policy.
So the yield curve is simply a way to identify what is really the
important thing, which is where is current policy and where is ex-
pected policy relative to neutral. So I prefer to look directly at the
question at hand. And you think about the yield curve as giving
you evidence on that, so the yield curve is not inverted now. It is
still at a positive slope and it is something that we will watch. All
of us have a little bit different ways of thinking about it. That is
how I think about it. Something we are looking at carefully.
Mr. ROTHFUS. Thank you. When you last testified before this
committee, we discussed the importance of monetary policy inde-
pendence and potential risks to that independence posed by both
our national debt and the Feds outsized balance sheet. Would
swapping mortgaged-backed securities holdings for treasuries help
to mitigate some of the political risks that follow for monetary poli-
cies becoming credit policies?
Mr. POWELL. I don’t see our MBS holdings as—they are dwin-
dling over time now. They are in normalization mode. I don’t see
them as presenting a particularly salient independence risk to us
right now.
Mr. ROTHFUS. Thank you, Chairman. I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Maine, Mr.
Poliquin.
Mr. POLIQUIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
Thank you, Chair Powell, for being here. You have been here, sir,
for almost 3 hours with a 10-minute break, and you look like you
need a vacation. I want to remind you that Maine, that I represent,
is vacation land. You don’t even need air conditioning up there.
And I am sure you and your family would enjoy it. If you want to
go up there, just give us a call, we will send you in the right direc-
tion.
Sir, the past couple of years, the economy has been getting
stronger and stronger, and you mention in your testimony that the
national unemployment rate has been about the lowest it has been
in 20 years. Up in Maine, we have also good news. The unemploy-
ment rate is roughly 2.8 percent. It has been the lowest in about
50 years, and folks are making more money and they are able to
change jobs if they don’t like the one they have. And some of our
young workers are able to come back to the State, where in the
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past, they haven’t been able to. And our confidence with our con-
sumers and our small businesses is all very strong.
Now, if you look at the prior 7 to 8 years, the exact opposite was
going on. Unemployment rates were very high. Confidence was low.
Taxes and regulations were high, and we had a real problem every-
where.
Now, my point to you, sir, if you would agree with me, that this
strong economy we have now is not by accident. It didn’t fall out
of sky. There is something that had to be done to correct this.
Would you agree with me that making it easier for businesses to
grow and hire more people and pay them more through lower taxes
and fewer regulations, more predictable regulatory environment,
has helped the economy?
Mr. POWELL. Yes. I guess I would just say in principle that regu-
lation should be balanced.
Mr. POLIQUIN. Sure.
Mr. POWELL. And it should be fair and that will support—
Mr. POLIQUIN. Anybody that is running a business—and I come
from that part of the world, sir—would agree with that. And I ap-
preciate—I know you don’t want to dig into policy that we do here
and I understand that.
One of my concerns, my major concern, Mr. Powell, is how do we
keep this going? How do we keep this going for our families in
Maine and elsewhere?
I look back at the last few recessions. In 2001, we had a bubble
in the dot.com sector of the tech stocks and that caused a recession.
The terrorist attacks of 9/11 caused a mild recession after that.
That is an external event that we can’t control here anyway. And
then in the 2008 to 2012 Great Recession, again, a real estate bub-
ble in part brought on by financial instruments that dealt with the
real estate market brought that on.
So I think we can both conclude that what happens in the capital
markets, what happens in the financial sector has a huge impact
on what happens on Main Street when it comes to a growing econ-
omy or the other way around.
Now, here is my concern, Mr. Powell, and I would love to have
your response to this. During the past 10 years—for most of the
past 10 years, interest rates have been very low, in some cases at
zero, unusually low. And that has caused a rising financial sector,
whether it be the equity market or the fixed income market. So I
am looking and I am saying, here we have the Chair of the Fed
before the committee of jurisdiction in the House. What advice can
you give to Congress, Mr. Powell, to make sure that we keep this
strong economy going? What should we make sure we do not do?
Mr. POWELL. Well, let me say we strongly share a goal to keep
this expansion going, and we think that continuing to gradually
raise rates for now is the right way to do that. As I think we dis-
cussed when we were together, I think it is important to address
things like we talked about earlier, things like labor force partici-
pation, things like education and training. We need people. We
need more people who can fill these jobs that are going to be com-
ing open.
My concerns are really about the supply side at this point. We
are close to full employment, maybe not quite there. But it is the
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issues like labor force participation and job training and addressing
the people who are out of the labor force, get them back in.
Mr. POLIQUIN. There are some folks that think we ought to raise
taxes and go back to where we were before. Is that a good idea?
Mr. POWELL. I am not going to give you advice on fiscal policy.
Sorry.
Mr. POLIQUIN. OK. The national debt—I am pivoting a little bit,
Mr. Powell—is about $21 trillion. It is horrible. The interest on
that debt now is approaching roughly $300 billion per year, which
is about 1–1/2 times what we spend to care for our 7 million vet-
erans every year in this country. At what point do you think the
debt service payments, the interest on that debt becomes a problem
for our economy?
Mr. POWELL. It is hard to identify a particular point. I would just
say we have been on an unsustainable fiscal path for some time
and the theory is we should be addressing it when the economy is
strong.
Mr. POLIQUIN. Do you agree with me that a balanced budget
amendment for the Constitution is a good idea to force Washington
to spend within its means and start paying down our debt, sir?
Mr. POWELL. No, I do not.
Mr. POLIQUIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back my time.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Minnesota, Mr.
Emmer.
Mr. EMMER. Thank you, sir. Mr. Chairman, it is again a pleasure
to have you here and have an opportunity to hear you and speak
with you.
For starters, I would just like to make a brief comment about tai-
loring regulations. You mentioned the importance of taking a tai-
lored approach to financial regulation when you appeared before
our committee in February, but that was actually prior to the pas-
sage of the Economic Growth, Regulatory Relief, and Consumer
Protection Act.
Eliminating the one-size-fits-all regulatory mindset for small
community financial institutions is obviously important. However,
S. 2155 was explicit in its requirement that Federal regulators
shall tailor enhanced prudential standards for all financial institu-
tions based on their risk instead of asset size. This is a very impor-
tant issue, and I hope that we can keep an open and constructive
dialog on this issue in the weeks and months ahead.
Again, for us it is the issue of risk versus asset size. And I see
you are nodding, so hopefully that means we are going to keep a
constructive dialog.
Mr. POWELL. Look forward to that.
Mr. EMMER. Moving on, Chairman Powell, your committee initi-
ated a balance sheet roll-off less than a year ago, October 2017.
During your—shortly thereafter, during your confirmation hearing,
you testified the balance sheet reductions would likely stay in place
for, quote, ‘‘about 3 or 4 years.’’
I understand, however, that now, some FOMC members are al-
ready calling for an early end to what has been a seemingly slow
balance sheet normalization schedule. Are you considering a pre-
mature end to your balance sheet roll-off program?
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Mr. POWELL. No, but let’s be clear. We have always said that
there is significant uncertainty about how long it will take. Ulti-
mately, the balance sheet will be no larger than it needs to be for
us to conduct monetary policy and will consist primarily of Treas-
ury securities. And its ultimate size in the long run will be driven
by the market’s demand and the people, public’s demand for our li-
abilities, principally currency and reserves.
So we are learning, along with everybody else, as the balance
sheet shrinks, as to what the new normal will be. And I have to
say there is a significant amount of uncertainty. We will learn a
lot. The markets are moving their estimates up, but I don’t think
we are going to know for some time exactly what that equilibrium
size will be. It will be much bigger, though, than it was before the
crisis, because the public wants—currency and circulation more
than doubled since 2008, well more than doubled, and reserves
have gone up substantially because they are a highly desirable liq-
uid asset for banks.
Mr. EMMER. All right. But at this point, there is no plan to pre-
maturely end the roll-off?
Mr. POWELL. Certainly not prematurely, no.
Mr. EMMER. All right. The European Central Bank is reportedly
convinced that the region’s economy is strong enough to withdraw
some of its crisis-era support. Our economy, by contrast, has been
humming for more than a year. If the EU is lifting off from its un-
conventional stance, should we be slowing or stopping return to
fundamentals? And would doing so leave us stuck with a balance
sheet that remains conflicted between monetary and macro pruden-
tial policy?
Mr. POWELL. We are much more significantly down the road in
the normalization process. The European Central Bank has said
that they would stop asset purchases, assuming certain conditions
are met by the end of year, and would not begin to raise interest
rates until at least the end of the summer of 2019. So they are
some years behind our process. We have been raising interest rates
since December 2015. Our balance sheet has been shrinking, as
you pointed out, since last October.
And I think our path is working very well. We think the gradual
rate increases are right, just about right. And we think the balance
sheet normalization process is working very smoothly.
Mr. EMMER. Has your committee devised a strategy for how and
when to change the balance sheet roll-off schedule? I am taking
you down this road because I understand your answer earlier is
there is a lot of uncertainty and we learn as we go. But what is
the strategy here or is it just that general, that we are going to see
how this goes and we are going to leave ourselves the flexibility to
jump in and change things?
Mr. POWELL. We said we would continue the program as an-
nounced, unless there were—and we will get the exact terms, but
it is really a significant economic downturn requiring a meaningful
reduction in interest rates, words close to but not exactly that.
Mr. EMMER. I don’t know if you will have time, but I do want
to ask this. Do you think, Mr. Chairman, that market participants
have the transparency they need to make productive investments
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in our economy? And what data would persuade your committee to
speed up, slow down, or even stop?
Mr. POWELL. A significant downturn in the economy required
meaningful reduction in the interest rates. I think the markets un-
derstand it very well.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Washington, Mr.
Heck.
Mr. HECK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you, sir, for
being here.
So for over a year now, I have been helping to lead a task force
trying to understand why home prices and rents, frankly, are soar-
ing all over the country. And it turns out the answer is pretty sim-
ple: We are not building enough housing units, period. I looked this
morning, and as it turns out, new home starts are lower than when
you started at Treasury under the first President Bush. And a lot
of time has passed and the population has grown considerably.
Fewer home starts than way back then.
So prices are rising because of the simple fact that we are miss-
ing millions of homes and we have too many people bidding for too
few homes. And we are trying to understand why construction isn’t
happening and what can be done about it. We feel pretty strongly
about this because homeownership is still an integral part of the
American Dream and, frankly, it is the number one source of re-
tirement security for most Americans. But it also strikes me that
it is pretty important to your work, sir.
Now, in my mind, I have a simple model. When the economy
goes bad, you all cut rates, and that means that more people buy
more automobiles and more homes, and the workers in those indus-
tries work longer hours and get more wages, and it creates a vir-
tuous cycle of economic growth. But what happens if home con-
struction doesn’t or can’t respond?
The weakness in housing in this last recovery was clearly a rea-
son why it was at historic, some would say anemic levels. And if
home construction continues to be broken, and there is every bit of
evidence that it is, I am wondering what that means for the next
recession and what your response can and should be. Does it mean
you have to cut interest rates even more aggressively to get the
economic response? Because it didn’t seem to work out very well
that way this time.
Mr. POWELL. So you are right, those back in the day, it was noth-
ing to see—well, it was common to see 2 million housing starts in
a year and more. And we don’t see that now. And part of that is
just the population’s growing a lot less, like a lot more slowly now,
much, much slower than it was, so there is less demand.
And I am sure you talked to a lot of home builders and their rep-
resentatives in your work, and what they say now is it is really
supply side constraints. They can’t find electricians, plumbers, car-
penters. Also, it is hard to get zoning, it is hard to get lots. Very
difficult to do that. They are yelling loudly about materials prices,
lumber in particular. And so that is what they are doing is they
are building fewer homes and the prices are going up more quickly.
We don’t really have the tools to deal with that.
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In terms of the importance of housing, though, the economy is so
much bigger than it was before and housing is smaller than it was
before. So it is a less important driver of economic activity at the
aggregate level. It is still tremendously important for individuals.
It is still part of the American Dream and part of what young fami-
lies and folks want to have.
But I don’t think it has—it doesn’t have—it is not the single
most important factor driving monetary policy right now. I think
these issues are really issues out in the labor market that we don’t
directly affect.
Mr. HECK. So would you agree, however, that historically, hous-
ing construction has played a much more important role in eco-
nomic recovery?
Mr. POWELL. It was a far bigger part of the economy and it was
also—can be very cyclical. So yes. You go back to the seventies and
eighties, it was, first in first out, first in the recession, first out.
Mr. HECK. And before, during recoveries—and if you do the math
on what the increase in GDP growth would be, if we simply had
a housing market that was in balance, then it wouldn’t be too hard
to calculate a material increase in GDP growth. Would you agree
with that?
Mr. POWELL. It would be bigger. If housing starts were 50 per-
cent higher or something, yes, that would be meaningful, for sure.
Mr. HECK. So some of what you said, not only do I agree with,
but our study concludes as well, which is that these other inputs,
land, labor, lending, lumber, or materials, are the key drivers here.
But the takeaway I have from you today is that those inputs and
whatever limitations and challenges that they are presenting is
holding back housing construction may, in fact, be immune to in-
terest rate reduction and so we better get to work on those factors.
Mr. POWELL. Well said.
Mr. HECK. Thank you, sir.
Chairman HENSARLING. Time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Illinois, Mr.
Hultgren.
Mr. HULTGREN. Thank you, Chairman Hensarling.
Chair Powell, welcome. Glad you are here. I would echo much of
what my colleagues have said on both sides of the aisle of our grat-
itude for your openness and willingness to meet with us and hear
from us, and that is so affirming. So thank you very much and I
appreciate your work.
I have shared some very specific concerns with you about how
our current risk-based and leverage-based capital rules are dam-
aging to liquidity and the listed options markets. Title 7 of Dodd-
Frank requires central clearing for derivatives in case of options.
This service is generally provided by bank clearing members. The
Financial Services Committee reported a bill, with unanimous sup-
port, which recently passed the House directing bank regulators to
adjust the capital rules. However, as I understand it, no change in
law is necessary for the Fed to provide targeted capital relief.
I wonder if you have thought any further about how the Fed can
address this issue in an expeditious manner. And do you believe
SA-CCR can be implemented within the next 8 to 12 months? I un-
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derstand that there is not even a proposal out for comment yet, but
we have an issue in the options markets right now.
Mr. POWELL. We think SA-CCR is a good policy, and we are
working on a rule on it now. And I hope it can get out before 8
or 12 months. I will go back to the office and check in. But it is
a priority. I know there is actual drafting going on and negotiation
between agencies, so it will happen.
Mr. HULTGREN. That is perfect. That is what we want to hear.
I think you can see from even just the action yesterday and in the
last couple weeks of very strong bipartisan support to make sure
that these markets work well.
I sent a letter to financial regulators with responsibility for the
Volcker rule back just a couple weeks ago, July 6, requesting that
they reconsider the definition of covered funds. That definition cur-
rently excludes venture capital. As my letter states, the Congres-
sional Record clearly demonstrates, through a colloquy between
Senator Boxer and then Chairman Franks, that investing in ven-
ture capital was never intended to be prohibited by the Volcker
rule when section 619 was drafted by Congress. This prohibition re-
stricts access to capital for startup companies.
I wonder, do you believe the Volcker rule should be amended in
a way that ends this prohibition on investment and venture cap-
ital? And have you discussed this issue with your peers at the
other financial regulators? Any thoughts on odds that there could
be change made here?
Mr. POWELL. I am not directly handling those discussions now,
but, we put a draft out for comment, and we are hearing on this
point a lot, I believe. Although, I guess the comment period, the
comments haven’t really come in yet. The comment period hasn’t
started running yet because we haven’t published the notice.
But our idea is that these activities are not ones generally that
threaten safety and soundness. So consistent with the letter and
intent of the law, we want to allow what flexibility there is and we
look forward to getting input on how we can do that.
Mr. HULTGREN. Great. Thanks. I recently sent your office a letter
that I hope will draw your attention to the growing issue of wire
fraud. This is something that we have heard testimony on in the
Financial Services Committee last year.
In general, since reviewing my letter, I wonder if you have any
ideas for how to prevent wire fraud. And have you considered any
recommendations, maybe some that I have made, of having finan-
cial institutions apply a payee matching system when initiating a
wire transfer?
Mr. POWELL. So we appreciate your letter. I was looking at it
again this morning, as a matter of fact, and we are putting to-
gether a nice response. Some of the data in your letter is quite
alarming. So I appreciate your bringing that to our attention.
Mr. HULTGREN. Great.
Mr. POWELL. So we will come back to you with something in de-
tail.
Mr. HULTGREN. That is great. Thank you so much.
If there is anything else you need from us or that we can be help-
ful with, again, I think it is something that is so important for that
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confidence, especially in home purchases and things that are being
abused right now.
Last question, last minute here, and a lot of my colleagues on
both sides have talked about this, but over the last 18 months, by
almost every measure, we have had a very strong economy and
taken appropriate actions to allow this momentum to continue. We
have seen a boost in consumer and business confidence following
the recent tax cuts and continued regulatory relief efforts.
That said, there are certainly issues that Congress must continue
to address, like better training of our labor forces to meet labor de-
mands of our expanding modern economy. I wonder, do you have
concerns that protectionist trade measures may generate
headwinds that counteract the recent stimulus provided by Con-
gress and the Administration? And do you believe a trade deficit
is somehow a measure of whether the U.S. is winning or losing in
the global economy? In other words, do you believe trade is a zero
sum game?
Mr. POWELL. We have these discussions going on with basically
all of our major trading partners, NAFTA, the EU, China. And we
are not responsible for those. We are not even a participant. We
are not consulted in any way. But it would be good if they resulted
in lower tariffs broadly. If they resulted in higher tariffs, higher
trade barriers, then that will be a bad thing for our economy, for
our workers, and for incomes.
Mr. HULTGREN. Thanks, Chair. I yield back.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair wishes to inform all members that I will be excusing
the witness at 1:30. I anticipate clearing four more members. Cur-
rently in the queue are Mr. Gottheimer, Mr. Loudermilk, Mr. Da-
vidson, and Mr. Budd.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr.
Gottheimer.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Powell, thank you for being here today.
Our economy is entering a phase of increasing technological dis-
ruption, including automation through artificial intelligence. These
factors are expected to eventually increase our productivity, but
also to significantly affect our workplace.
McKinsey recently issued a report on automation and jobs that
projects 16 million to 54 million Americans will have to find new
occupations by 2030, depending on how quickly technology is adopt-
ed.
If you take the taxi industry as an example, the use of ride-shar-
ing apps has devalued assets like taxi medallions and transformed
that industry. And it has pushed some drivers out and brought new
entrants in. And as tech companies strive for more automation and
leverage artificial intelligence, more drivers will likely be pushed
out or transitioned.
AI and automation will have the same effect on other spaces, like
trucking and trading and a host of other industries. And I believe
in tech, and I obviously don’t believe we should become Luddites.
We need to look toward the future and constantly innovate. It is
a big competitive advantage for our country, and obviously our for-
eign competitors are doing the same.
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I believe our government needs fiscal and monetary policy to
ease the transition, or at least be aware of it and understand what
we need to do in this process. And the Fed’s monetary policy is ob-
viously a blunt tool, but given your dual mandate, are you moni-
toring automation’s impact on productivity and our labor? And
what tools are you considering in this transition, sir?
Mr. POWELL. We look very carefully at those issues. We have
great researchers at the Fed. We don’t have a lot of tools to deal
with it, but they do present really challenging issues for us in the
future and now.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Are there things that you believe that Con-
gress should be considering to help minimize the effects of these
transitions or make sure we are prepared as a workforce?
Mr. POWELL. I think when I graduated from college, I think there
was this sense that people would find a career and find an em-
ployer, and many of them would spend 30 years with that em-
ployer. I think that is not the world we are in so much anymore,
not that some people won’t do that.
So I really think the idea that education ends when you get out
of college or grad school, we need to be thinking a lot about
midcareer training and education so people can go on and have an-
other leg to their careers rather than being let out to pasture at
age 40.
So I think that is a key thing we need to be doing, and Congress
can certainly play a role there.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Thank you, sir.
And just to switch topics slightly, and I appreciate your response
there, on the housing front, I wanted to speak to you about the
market a bit, specifically, the change we have seen in the Federal
Housing Administration’s (FHA) insured loans, but also the market
as a whole.
The mortgage market is now dominated by nonbank lenders.
They are upwards of 75 percent of FHA loans. Prior to the housing
crisis, in that frothy era, this number was flipped on its head.
Banks made up more than 75 percent, if not more, of the housing
market.
What risks do you think this presents as the credit cycle turns?
That is my first question, if you don’t mind.
Mr. POWELL. So in housing now, we do see that most of the bor-
rowers now have much higher credit scores, so it is a very different
market. The question is, was that line drawn at the right place?
But it is clear that most of the people who have access to mort-
gage credit now are people with fairly high credit scores, so it is
quite different. And that is where the household borrowing is,
again, from people who are well off.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. So you think if there is a downturn, we are
better prepared for it?
Mr. POWELL. We are better prepared for it, yes.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Are there things that you think, as you look
at this, that Congress should be doing to get banks back into the
mortgage market more to ensure lending during economic
downturns looking forward there?
Mr. POWELL. Well, I think a good question for Congress is—and
it is not one for us, but for you—is coming out of the crisis the one
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place where we really changed credit availability was in mortgages,
and that had to be done because we know that mortgage credit
was—people were making loans that they may not have under-
stood, but that really shouldn’t have been made, lots and lots of
those.
So, the question is, was that made at the right level? Are there
still, at the margin—and there has been some work done on this—
there are probably significant numbers of creditworthy borrowers
who are not getting access to mortgage credit. And I would think
part of it is that the banks know that they made these terrible mis-
takes and paid great prices for it, and so do the households.
Still, I think it is worth looking at that. It is not too soon to be
looking at that.
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. I think you are right.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate your time.
Mr. POWELL. Thank you.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair recognizes now the gentleman from Georgia, Mr.
Loudermilk.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Powell, thank you for spending the time with us
today.
I actually want to circle back to something that Chairman
Luetkemeyer raised earlier today. And since that was probably a
couple hours ago, refresh.
He was talking about the banks that fall between the $150 and
$250 billion in assets, and how after the 18-month period, they are
relieved from SIFI regulation. After that the law allows the Fed the
ability to restore the regulations if the bank chose to be a systemic
risk.
Regarding current conditions, recent CCAR (Comprehensive Cap-
ital Analysis and Review) results and GSIB surcharge risk data
show, that banks with less than $250 billion do not present a sys-
temic risk at this time. And I, as well as many others, believe that
there should be exemption from the SIFI regulation for those.
So I want to follow up, that when you testified back in February,
I had asked similar questions. And you had said that banks under
$250 billion are more engaged in traditional banking and less com-
plex and generally do not pose a systemic risk to the economy.
So my first question is, am I correct in assuming that since the
CCAR results further confirm your view, that these firms don’t
pose a systemic risk at this time?
Mr. POWELL. It is interesting, as a general matter, yes, actually
one of the eight SIFIs has less than $250 billion in assets and is
still a SIFI. One of them does because of the nature of its activity.
So we look at a range of things. I would stand by what I said,
though. Under 250, these are institutions which generally are sim-
pler, they are less complex, and they are engaged in traditional
banking activities. So they are different from the very large ones
that deserve and get the higher scrutiny.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. OK. Well, I appreciate that.
And at yesterday’s hearing you discussed a thorough rulemaking
process, that you are going to make sure that these firms are strict-
ly reviewed before receiving regulatory relief.
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On that topic, some bankers who I have spoken with are con-
cerned that your staff wants to tailor the regulations or partially
apply them to firms that are not systemically risky.
If this is true—which would be somewhat troubling—I think data
and evidence should determine the outcome. Can you confirm that
firms that don’t pose a systemic risk will be exempt from the SIFI
regulations?
Mr. POWELL. We are going to do exactly what the bill orders us
to do, which is publish a framework for how we are going to think
about risk to financial stability and safety and soundness. This is
the language of the bill. We are going to put that out as soon as
we can possibly get it thought through. We are going to get com-
ment on it. And then we are going to go forward from there.
And we very much take to heart the letter and spirit of the bill,
and we will look forward to getting input when we finally propose
something, I hope soon.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. So am I right to interpret that we are going
to let the data determine the outcome?
Mr. POWELL. Yes, we are in the process now of identifying the
factors that we will think about. The bill gives us a lot of flexibility,
identifies some factors, and gives us other flexibility.
We are going to publish a framework that says how we are going
to look at activities and institutions below 250, and then we are
going to hear back from the world about how we did and how we
should think about these things.
And it is a process that the statute orders us to undertake, and
that is what we are doing.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. So is it conceivable that—or maybe it isn’t—
is it, I guess, possible that you have a regional bank, let’s say $150
billion or so, that may have partial regulation of SIFI? Or is it
going to be either they are systemically risky or not?
Mr. POWELL. I really haven’t faced that question yet. We have al-
ways tailored, even when the limit was 50, we always tailored the
application of the so-called enhanced prudential standards under
165. We tailored those a lot in the prior world. So we will obviously
do that, too. And we will certainly continue to do that.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. OK. And probably don’t have time to get into
my last question, so I will submit it to the record. And I will yield
back the rest of my time to maybe allow somebody else to get in
before the hard time.
I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. David-
son.
Mr. DAVIDSON. Thank you, Chairman.
Chairman, thanks for your testimony. Thanks for the work you
are doing there. And I look forward to the Senate giving you some
more colleagues soon hopefully.
You have spoken a fair bit about trade. A lot of our colleagues
are concerned about trade and the impact that bad trade practices
have had on our economy. Frankly, some concern about the tactics
that have been employed to engage in that.
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I wanted to see if I have your quote right. ‘‘Trade is really the
business of Congress, and Congress has delegated some of that to
the Executive Branch.’’
Do you think it would be a positive development from the econo-
my’s perspective to have collaboration across the entire cross sec-
tion of the economy that Congress represents?
Mr. POWELL. I think this is really—Congress—the Constitution
gives this to you, authority, and you have over time delegated some
of it to the Executive Branch. But it is your authority.
Mr. DAVIDSON. Thank you. And we are working to reclaim it
with the Global Trade Accountability Act, H.R. 5281. We are al-
ways looking for cosponsors. And this leaves the authority in the
President’s hands to negotiate, but similar to the REINS Act, gives
authority to Congress to review. And I think it would promote a
more collaborative process than Peter Navarro has recommended
and, in fact, persuaded folks to implement.
Do you think that if we had practices that were more targeted
in the effect that we could be able to focus on bad things then?
Let’s just phrase it the other way. Do you think uniform action
across all countries in all sectors is potentially more disruptive to
the economy than targeted actions?
Mr. POWELL. Mr. Davidson, we don’t have this authority. This is
authority that—
Mr. DAVIDSON. Correct. I am just asking about the impact on the
economy, macroeconomically.
Mr. POWELL. I think on issues like fiscal policy, trade policy, im-
migration policy that can affect the economy, I think we have a role
there because we are responsible for the economy, but I think we
need to stay at a higher level of principle. And what I am com-
fortable saying is that a more protectionist approach to trade, if it
is sustained over a period of time, has not historically been good
for economies. It has meant lower incomes, less opportunity for
workers.
Mr. DAVIDSON. On the economic principle of trade, it is the called
trade because it is reciprocal in the sense both parties benefit in
trade. Do you see trade as a zero-sum game?
Mr. POWELL. No. I do think that trade needs to be fair as well
as free, and I think it is very appropriate to have an internation-
ally agreed set of rules, and when anybody breaks those rules, they
have to face the other countries in that setting and change their
policies. I think that is a healthy way to go. I don’t think a bilat-
eral trade deficit is a good measure of trade between countries,
though.
Mr. DAVIDSON. Thank you very much.
One of the things we have also dwelled on is workforce participa-
tion. And one of the big barriers to the growth rate in the economy
is workforce participation.
Without alluding to specific policy—and I don’t want to put you
in that spot—we have tried to make some reforms on bills.
Most notably, recently, the farm bill, which is really only about
20 percent about farming, a very incremental change to expect that
working-age adults, 18 to 59, able-bodied, no dependent kids at
home, not in an economically depressed area, a couple other quali-
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fiers, that in order to continue to receive support through food
stamps, that they would work.
Would this, in your mind, policy tools that motivate people to
participate be effective at workforce participation?
Mr. POWELL. I can’t really take a position on that. I will say that
there is not a lot you could do that would be more constructive
than to find ways to support labor force participation that will
work on a bipartisan basis and can be enacted. It is tremendously
important.
Mr. DAVIDSON. Thank you for that. Thank you.
And so cryptocurrency is a big thing. And so without talking
about specific things in our policy, we are working with Basel on
a number of fronts. And some concern, we always protect our sov-
ereignty in that. Where do you see Basel going with respect to
cryptocurrency?
Because essentially, the concern there is that even if the U.S.
creates a better regulatory framework than we have today, there
is still arbitrage in markets.
So there is a desire to have some regulatory framework. Is Basel
addressing that, particularly with respect to cryptocurrency?
Mr. POWELL. I think anybody who owns—if a bank owns
cryptocurrency, then it will be subject to capital. It will have to
hold capital against that. I guess a good question is, should it be
more than the normal level of capital, because it is a risky asset?
Mr. DAVIDSON. Right. So to the extent that it is an asset, it
would be treated, if it is a commodity, treated as if it is a com-
modity. If it is truly a currency, it would be treated as a currency
based on its amount of volatility as a currency. For example, the
pound sterling is probably a different reserve currency than the
Thai baht.
Mr. POWELL. Yes. And I don’t know that we—so it is not mainly
a bank capital issue. Of course, I think the regulatory issues facing
cryptocurrencies are big and broad and go way beyond banking.
Mr. DAVIDSON. Thank you. My time has expired.
Chairman HENSARLING. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The Chair will recognize one more member and then we will dis-
miss the witness and adjourn.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from North Carolina, Mr.
Budd.
Mr. BUDD. Thank you, Chairman Hensarling.
Chairman Powell, again, welcome back. It is always good to be
with you. I appreciate you being here today.
So I want to start off with Volcker. I think a lot of us can at least
appreciate the intent behind Volcker, which is to reduce risky ac-
tivities in banks, in particular high risk prop trading, and that po-
tentially makes sense.
However, it seems to be odd results that under the current rule
activities such as providing capital and loans to growth and startup
companies, activities that we should be encouraging banks to en-
gage in, are materially limited as a result of that rule.
Your recent NPR is open-ended on covered funds and does not
provide a lot of guidance about where the Fed may intend to go.
Yet, these funds can be critical sources of capital for companies
looking to grow their businesses. And the prohibition on funds is
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fairly broad and even includes restrictions on venture capital
funds.
So, Chairman Powell, is there a way for the Fed to simplify the
covered funds regime to help smaller companies obtain greater ac-
cess to capital?
Mr. POWELL. And we are looking for ways to simplify Volcker in
ways that are faithful to the language and intent of the statute,
and that is one particular provision. And we look forward to getting
constructive comments on how we may do that better.
Mr. BUDD. So you are just waiting through the NPR period, then,
on that?
Mr. POWELL. Yes, we are really looking for input here on—this
is a notice of proposed rulemaking. We want a lot of input. Our job
is to implement Congress’ wish, and that is the Volcker rule, but
we want to use such flexibility as we have that doesn’t undermine
safety and soundness. And there would clearly be some flexibility
around the issue you are talking about.
Mr. BUDD. Thank you. I want to switch topics to the ongoing ne-
gotiation of new international capital standards, or ICS.
First, I want to thank you for such a quick and thorough re-
sponse to questions I had after we met last time. We don’t always
get quick responses, but you did, so thank you. We are genuinely
grateful.
And the following question, sir, it was originally intended for
Vice Chairman Quarles, but a letter he sent back to my office on
this question we received just yesterday and chose not to respond
at this portion. So hopefully, I will pitch it to you for an answer.
Governor Daniel Tarullo stated in a speech at the National Asso-
ciation of Insurance Commissioners’ International Insurance
Forum—this is May 20 of 2016—he said, quote:
‘‘There are, as you all know, a lot of ideas out there as to how
we should construct the capital requirements we will apply to in-
surance companies. Some, such as variations on the Solvency II ap-
proach used in the European Union, strike us as unpromising.
‘‘Evaluation frameworks for insurance liabilities adopted in Sol-
vency II differ starkly from U.S. GAAP and may introduce exces-
sive volatility. Such an approach would also be inconsistent with
our preferred or strong preference for building a predominantly
standardized risk-based capital rule that enables comparisons
across firms without excessive reliance on internal models.’’
‘‘Finally’’—this is a mouthful, isn’t it—‘‘Finally, it appears that
Solvency II could be quite pro-cyclical.’’
So do you agree with what Governor Tarullo said there?
Mr. POWELL. It makes sense to me. I have to admit I don’t recall
that speech and what issue he was talking about there.
Mr. BUDD. About Solvency II, being used by the EU, being pro-
cyclical rather than countercyclical.
Mr. POWELL. I would want to check with our insurance capital
experts. But, yes, I do believe that, I think that reflects our view.
Mr. BUDD. Good. Can you give us any explanation as to why the
Federal Reserve staff participating in the Kuala Lumpur negotia-
tions agreed to accede to the Europeans at the IAIS to mandate
that the financial reporting for the referenced ICS be done using
a Solvency II approach—what we just talked about—Solvency II
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approach, and not something more suitable for the U.S. insurance
industry, like GAAP or statutory accounting?
Mr. POWELL. I will have to check up on this. I don’t have this
kind of detail.
Mr. BUDD. Pretty in the weeds, but I appreciate you thinking
through it. And if we could give that back. Thank you.
And finally, do you agree with Governor Tarullo that a Solvency
II accounting approach introduces excessive volatility into the U.S.
insurance markets? And if so, how do you plan on remedying this
at the next IAIS negotiations on ICS?
Mr. POWELL. I am really going to have to go—
Mr. BUDD. We just delved further into these weeds.
Well, if we could get a response it would be great, at another
time.
Thank you so much, again, for your time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back. Thank you.
Mr. POWELL. Thank you.
Chairman HENSARLING. The gentleman yields back.
I would like to thank Chairman Powell for his testimony today.
The Chair notes that some Members may have additional ques-
tions for this panel, which they may wish to submit in writing.
Without objection, the hearing record will remain open for 5 legis-
lative days for Members to submit written questions to these wit-
nesses and to place their responses in the record. Also, without ob-
jection, Members will have 5 legislative days to submit extraneous
materials to the Chair for inclusion in the record.
I would ask Chairman Powell that you respond as promptly as
you are able.
This hearing stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 1:28 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
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For release at
8:30 a.m. EDT
July 18,2018
Statement by
Jerome H. Powell
Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Committee on Financial Services
U.S. House of Representatives
July 18,2018
65
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Good morning. Chairman Hensarling, Ranking Member Waters, and other members of
the Committee, I am happy to present the Federal Reserve's semiannual Monetmy Policy Report
to the Congress.
Let me start by saying that my colleagues and I strongly support the goals the Congress
has set for monetary policy--maximum employment and price stability. We also support clear
and open communication about the policies we undertake to achieve these goals. We owe you,
and the public in general, clear explanations of what we are doing and why we are doing it.
Monetary policy affects everyone and should be a mystery to no one. For the past three years,
we have been gradually retuming interest rates and the Fed's securities holdings to more normal
levels as the economy strengthens. We believe this is the best way we can help set conditions in
which Americans who want a job can find one, and in which inflation remains low and stable.
I will review the current economic situation and outlook and then tum to monetary
policy.
Current Economic Situation and Outlook
Since I last testified here in February, the job market has continued to strengthen and
inflation has moved up. In the most recent data, inflation was a little above 2 percent, the level
that the Federal Open Market Committee, or FOMC, thinks will best achieve our price stability
and employment objectives over the longer run. The latest figure was boosted by a significant
increase in gasoline and other energy prices.
An average of215,000 net new jobs were created each month in the first half of this year.
That number is somewhat higher than the monthly average for 2017. It is also a good deal
higher than the average number of people who enter the work force each month on net. The
unemployment rate edged down 0.1 percentage point over the first half of the year to 4.0 percent
66
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-2-
in June, near the lowest level of the past two decades. In addition, the share of the population
that either has a job or has looked for one in the past month--the labor force participation rate-
has not changed much since late 2013. This development is another sign oflabor market
strength. Part of what has kept the participation rate stable is that more working-age people have
started looking for a job, which has helped make up for the large number of baby boomers who
are retiring and leaving the labor force.
Another piece of good news is that the robust conditions in the labor market are being felt
by many different groups. For example, the unemployment rates for African Americans and
Hispanics have fallen sharply over the past few years and are now near their lowest levels since
the Bureau of Labor Statistics began reporting data for these groups in 1972. Groups with higher
unemployment rates have tended to benefit the most as the job market has strengthened. But
jobless rates for these groups are still higher than those for whites. And while three-fourths of
whites responded in a recent Federal Reserve survey that they were doing at least okay
financially in 2017, only two-thirds of African Americans and Hispanics responded that way.
Incoming data show that, alongside the strong job market, the U.S. economy has grown at
a solid pace so far this year. The value of goods and services produced in the economy--or gross
domestic product--rose at a moderate annual rate of 2 percent in the first quarter after adjusting
for inflation. However, the latest data suggest that economic growth in the second quarter was
considerably stronger than in the first. The solid pace of growth so far this year is based on
several factors. Robust job gains, rising after-tax incomes, and optimism among households
have lifted consumer spending in recent months. Investment by businesses has continued to
grow at a healthy rate. Good economic performance in other countries has supported U.S.
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-3 -
exports and manufacturing. And while housing construction has not increased this year, it is up
noticeably from where it stood a few years ago.
I will tum now to inflation. After several years in which inflation ran below our
2 percent objective, the recent data are encouraging. The price index for personal consumption
expenditures, which is an overall measure of prices paid by consumers, increased 2.3 percent
over the 12 months ending in May. That number is up from 1.5 percent a year ago. Overall
inflation increased partly because of higher oil prices, which caused a sharp rise in gasoline and
other energy prices paid by consumers. Because energy prices move up and down a great deal,
we also look at core inflation. Core inflation excludes energy and food prices and generally is a
better indicator of future overall inflation. Core inflation was 2.0 percent for the 12 months
ending in May, compared with 1.5 percent a year ago. We will continue to keep a close eye on
inflation with the goal of keeping it near 2 percent.
Looking ahead, my colleagues on the FOMC and I expect that, with appropriate
monetary policy, the job market will remain strong and inflation will stay near 2 percent over the
next several years. This judgment reflects several factors. First, interest rates, and financial
conditions more broadly, remain favorable to growth. Second, our financial system is much
stronger than before the crisis and is in a good position to meet the credit needs of households
and businesses. Third, federal tax and spending policies likely will continue to support the
expansion. And, fourth, the outlook for economic growth abroad remains solid despite greater
uncertainties in several parts of the world. What I have just described is what we see as the most
likely path for the economy. Of course, the economic outcomes we experience often tum out to
be a good deal stronger or weaker than our best forecast. For example, it is difficult to predict
the ultimate outcome of current discussions over trade policy as well as the size and timing of the
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-4-
economic effects of the recent changes in fiscal policy. Overall, we see the risk of the economy
unexpectedly weakening as roughly balanced with the possibility of the economy growing faster
than we currently anticipate.
Monetary Policy
Over the first half of2018 the FOMC has continued to gradually reduce monetary policy
accommodation. In other words, we have continued to dial back the extra boost that was needed
to help the economy recover from the financial crisis and recession. Specifically, we raised the
target range for the federal funds rate by 1/4 percentage point at both our March and June
meetings, bringing the target to its current range of 1-3/4 to 2 percent. In addition, last October
we started gradually reducing the Federal Reserve's holdings of Treasury and mortgage-backed
securities. That process has been running smoothly. Our policies reflect the strong performance
of the economy and are intended to help make sure that this trend continues. The payment of
interest on balances held by banks in their accounts at the Federal Reserve has played a key role
in carrying out these policies, as the current Monetary Policy Report explains. Payment of
interest on these balances is our principal tool for keeping the federal funds rate in the FOMC's
target range. This tool has made it possible for us to gradually return interest rates to a more
normal level without disrupting financial markets and the economy.
As I mentioned, after many years of running below our longer-run objective of 2 percent,
inflation has recently moved close to that level. Our challenge will be to keep it there. Many
factors affect inflation--some temporary and others longer lasting. Inflation will at times be
above 2 percent and at other times below. We say that the 2 percent objective is "symmetric"
because the FOMC would be concerned if inflation were running persistently above or below our
objective.
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The unemployment rate is low and expected to fall further. Americans who want jobs
have a good chance of finding them. Moreover, wages are growing a little faster than they did a
few years ago. That said, they still are not rising as fast as in the years before the crisis. One
explanation could be that productivity growth has been low in recent years. On a brighter note,
moderate wage growth also tells us that the job market is not causing high inflation.
With a strong job market, inflation close to our objective, and the risks to the outlook
roughly balanced, the FOMC believes that--for now--the best way forward is to keep gradually
raising the federal funds rate. We are aware that, on the one hand, raising interest rates too
slowly may lead to high inflation or financial market excesses. On the other hand, if we raise
rates too rapidly, the economy could weaken and inflation could run persistently below our
objective. The Committee will continue to weigh a wide range of relevant information when
deciding what monetary policy will be appropriate. As always, our actions will depend on the
economic outlook, which may change as we receive new data.
For l,'Uideposts on appropriate policy, the FOMC routinely looks at monetary policy rules
that recommend a level for the federal funds rate based on the current rates of inflation and
unemployment. The July Monetary Policy Report gives an update on monetary policy rules and
their role in our policy discussions. I continue to find these rules helpful, although using them
requires careful judgment.
Thank you. I will now be happy to take your questions.
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For use at 11:00 a.m., EDT
July13,2018
Poucv
MoNETARY REPORT
july 13, 2018
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
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lETTER Of
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Washington, D.C., July 13,2018
THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE
THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
The Board of Governors is pleased to submit its Monetary Policy Report pursuant to
section 2B of the Federal Reserve Act.
Sincerely,
Jerome H. Powell, Chairman
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STATEMENT ON LoNGER-RuN GoALS AND MoNETARY PoucY STRATEGY
/\doptecl etfective January
The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) is firmly committed to fulfilling its statutory
mandate from the Congress of promoting maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate
long-term interest rates. The Committee seeks to explain its monetary policy decisions to the public
as clearly as possible. Such clarity facilitates well-informed decisionmaking by households and
businesses, reduces economic and financial uncertainty, increases the effectiveness of monetary
policy, and enhances transparency and accountability, which are essential in a democratic society.
Inflation. employment, and long-term interest rates fluctuate over time in response to economic and
financial disturbances. Moreover, monetary policy actions tend to influence economic activity and
prices with a lag. Therefore, the Committee's policy decisions reflect its longer-run goals, its medium
term outlook, and its assessments of the balance of risks, including risks to the financial system that
could impede the attainment of the Committee's goals.
The inflation rate over the longer run is primarily determined by monetary policy, and hence the
Committee has the ability to specify a longer-run goal for inflation. The Committee reaffirms its
judgment that inflation at the rate of 2 percent, as measured by the annual change in the price
index for personal consumption expenditures, is most consistent over the longer run with the
Federal Reserve's statutory mandate. The Committee would be concerned if inflation were running
persistently above or below this objective. Communicating this symmetric inflation goal clearly to the
public helps keep longer-term inflation expectations firmly anchored, thereby fostering price stability
and moderate long-term interest rates and enhancing the Committee's ability to promote maximum
employment in the face of signii!cant economic disturbances. The maximum level of employment
is largely determined by nonmonetary factors that affect the structure and dynamics of the labor
market. These factors may change over time and may not be directly measurable. Consequently,
it would not be appropriate to specify a llxed goal for employment; rather, the Committee's policy
decisions must be informed by assessments of the maximum level of employment, recognizing that
such assessments are necessarily uncertain and subject to revision. The Committee considers a
wide range of indicators in making these assessments. Information about Committee participants'
estimates of the longer-run normal rates of output growth and unemployment is published four
times per year in the FOMC's Summary of Economic Projections. For example, in the most
recent projections, the median of FOMC participants' estimates of the longer-run normal rate of
unemployment was 4.6 percent.
In setting monetary policy, the Committee seeks to mitigate deviations of inflation from its
longer-run goal and deviations of employment from the Committee's assessments of its maximum
level. These objectives are generally complementary. However, under circumstances in which the
Committee judges that the objectives are not complementary, it follows a balanced approach in
promoting them, taking into account the magnitude of the deviations and the potentially different
time horizons over which employment and inflation arc projected to return to levels judged
consistent with its mandate.
The Committee intends to reallirm these principles and to make adjustments as appropriate at its
annual organizational meeting each January.
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Summary .................................................. 1
Economic and Financial Developments ........................................ .
Monetary Policy ........................................................... 2
Special Topics ............................................................. 2
Part 1: Recent Economic and Financial Developments ................ 5
Domestic Developments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Financial Developments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ....... 23
International Developments ................................................. 30
Part 2: Monetary Policy ....................................... 35
Part 3: Summary of Economic Projections ......................... 47
The Outlook for Economic Activity ............................................ 48
The Outlook for Inflation ................................................... 50
Appropriate Monetary Policy ................................................ 51
Uncertainty and Risks ...................................................... 51
Abbreviations .............................................. 63
List of Boxes
The Labor Force Participation Rate for Prime-Age Individuals ......................... 8
The Recent Rise in Oil Prices ................................................ 16
Developments Related to Financial Stability ..................................... 26
Complexities of Monetary Policy Rules ......................................... 37
Interest on Reserves and Its Importance for Monetary Policy ......................... 44
Forecast Uncertainty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 62
Non: This report reflects information that was publicly available as of noon EDT on july 12, 2018.
Unless otherwise stated, the time series in the figures extend through, for daily data, July 11, 2018; for monthly data,
June 2018; and, for quarterly data, 2018:Q1. In bar charts, except as noted, the change for a given period is measured to
its final quarter from the final quarter of the preceding period.
For figures 16 ,mel 34, note that the S&P 500 !nde>x and the Dow Jones B.mk !ndex are products of S&P Dow Jones !ndices LLC and/or its affiliates Jnd
have been licensed for use by the J division of S&P Global, dnd/or its affitidtes. All
Redistribution, reproduction, ond/o;;ohotocctov;,nQ
in any included regardless of the cause and, ln no event, DTCC or any of
indirt•ct, special or consequential damages, costs, expenses, legal f<'es, or lossC's (including lost income or lost profit
in connection with this publication.
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Economic activity increased at a solid pace a sizable increase in consumer energy prices.
over the first half of 20 18, and the labor The 12-month measure of inflation that
market has continued to strengthen. Inflation excludes food and energy items (so-called core
has moved up, and in May, the most recent inflation), which historically has been a better
period for which data are available, inflation indicator of where overall inflation will be in
measured on a 12-month basis was a little the future than the total figure, was 2 percent
above the Federal Open Market Committee's in May. This reading was \12 percentage point
(FOMC) longer-run objective of 2 percent, above where it had been 12 months earlier. as
boosted by a sizable increase in energy prices. the unusually low readings from last year were
In this economic environment, the Committee not repeated. Measures of longer-run inflation
judged that current and prospective economic expectations have been generally stable.
conditions called for a further gradual removal
of monetary policy accommodation. In line Economic growth. Real gross domestic product
with that judgment, the FOMC raised the (GDP) is reported to have increased at an
target for the federal funds rate twice in the annual rate of 2 percent in the first quarter
first half of 2018, bringing it to a range of of 2018, and recent indicators suggest that
I Yi to 2 percent. economic growth stepped up in the second
quarter. Gains in consumer spending slowed
Economic and Financial early in the year, but they rebounded in
Developments the spring, supported by strong job gains,
recent and past increases in household
The labor market. The labor market has wealth, favorable consumer sentiment, and
continued to strengthen. Over the first higher disposable income due in part to the
six months of 2018, payrolls increased an implementation of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act.
average of 215,000 per month, which is Business investment growth has remained
somewhat above the average pace of 180,000 robust, and indexes of business sentiment have
per month in 2017 and is considerably faster been strong. Foreign economic growth has
than what is needed, on average, to provide remained solid, and net exports had a roughly
jobs for new entrants into the labor force. neutral eJTeet on real U.S. GDP growth in the
The unemployment rate edged down from first quarter. However, activity in the housing
4.1 percent in December to 4.0 percent in June, market has leveled off this year.
which is about :;, percentage point below the
median of FOMC participants' estimates of Financial conditions. Domestic financial
its longer-run normal level. Other measures conditions for businesses and households
of labor utilization were consistent with a have generally continued to support economic
tight labor market. However, hourly labor growth. After rising steadily through 2017.
compensation growth has been moderate, broad measures of equity prices are modestly
likely held down in part by the weak pace of higher, on balance, from their levels at the end
productivity growth in recent years. of last year amid some bouts of heightened
volatility in financial markets. While long
Inflation. Consumer price inflation, as term Treasury yields, mortgage rates, and
measured by the 12-month percentage change yields on corporate bonds have risen so far
in the price index for personal consumption this year, longer- term interest rates remain
expenditures, moved up from a little below low by historical standards, and corporate
the FOMC's objective of 2 percent at the end bond issuance has continued at a moderate
of last year to 2.3 percent in May, boosted by pace. Moreover, most types of consumer loans
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2 SUMMARY
remained widely available for households with accommodative, thereby supporting strong
strong creditworthiness, and credit provided by labor market conditions and a sustained return
commercial banks continued to expand. The to 2 percent inflation.
foreign exchange value of the U.S. dollar has
appreciated somewhat against the currencies The FOMC expects that further gradual
of our trading partners this year, but it increases in the target range for the federal
remains below its level at the start of 2017. funds rate will be consistent with a sustained
Foreign financial conditions remain generally expansion of economic activity, strong labor
supportive of growth despite recent increases market conditions, and inflation ncar the
in financial stress in several emerging market Committee's symmetric 2 percent objective
economies. over the medium term. Consistent with this
outlook, in the most recent Summary of
F'inancial stability. The U.S. financial system Economic Projections (SEP), which was
remains substantially more resilient than compiled at the time of the June FOMC
during the decade before the financial crisis. meeting, the median of participants'
Asset valuations continue to be elevated assessments for the appropriate level for
despite declines since the end of 2017 in the the federal funds rate rises gradually over
forward price-to-earnings ratio of equities and the period from 2018 to 2020 and stands
the prices of corporate bonds. In the private somewhat above the median projection for
nonfinancial sector, borrowing among highly its longer-run level by the end of 2019 and
levered and lower-rated businesses remains through 2020. (The June SEP is presented
elevated, although the ratio of household in Part 3 of this report.) However, as the
debt to disposable income continues to be Committee has con tinned to emphasize, the
moderate. Vulnerabilities stemming from timing and size of future adjustments to the
leverage in the financial sector remain low, target range for the federal funds rate will
reflecting in part strong capital positions depend on the Committee's assessment of
at banks, whereas some measures of hedge realized and expected economic conditions
fund leverage have increased. Vulnerabilities relative to its maximum-employment objective
associated with maturity and liquidity and its symmetric 2 percent inflation objective.
transformation among banks, insurance
companies, money market mutual funds, Balance sheet policy. The FOMC has
and asset managers remain below levels that continued to implement the balance sheet
generally prevailed before 2008. normalization program described in the
Addendum to the Policy Normalization
Monetary Policy Principles and Plans that the Committee issued
about a year ago. Specifically, the FOMC has
Interest rate policy. Over the first half of 2018, been reducing its holdings of Treasury and
the FOMC has continued to gradually increase agency securities by decreasing, in a gradual
the target range for the federal funds rate. and predictable manner, the reinvestment
Specifically, the Committee decided to raise of principal payments it receives from these
the target range for the federal funds rate at securities.
its meetings in March and June, bringing it
to the current range of I% to 2 percent. The Special Topics
decisions to increase the target range for the
federal funds rate reflected the economy's Prime-age labor force participation. Labor
continued progress toward the Committee's force participation rates (LFPRs) for men and
objectives of maximum employment and price women between 25 and 54 years old-that is,
stability. Even with these policy rate increases, the share of these individuals either working
the stance of monetary policy remains or actively seeking work-trended lower
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 201 B 3
between 2000 and 2013. Those trends likely when deciding on a policy stance they deem
reflect numerous factors, including a long-run most likely to foster the FOMC's statutory
decline in the demand for workers with lower mandate of maximum employment and stable
levels of education and an increase in the prices. They also routinely consult monetary
share of the population with some form of policy rules that connect prescriptions for the
disability. By contrast, the prime-age LFPR policy interest rate with variables associated
has increased notably since 2013, and the with the dual mandate. The use of such rules
share of nonparticipants who report wanting requires, among other considerations, careful
a job remains above pre-recession levels. Thus, judgments about the choice and measurement
some continuation of the recent increase in of the inputs into the rules such as estimates
the prime-age LFPR may be possible if labor of the neutral interest rate, which are highly
demand remains strong. (See the box "The uncertain. (See the box "Complexities of
Labor Force Participation Rate for Prime-Age Monetary Policy Rules" in Part 2.)
Individuals" in Part 1.)
Interest on reserves. The payment of interest
Oil prices. Oil prices have climbed rapidly on reserves-balances held by banks in
over the past year, reflecting both supply and their accounts at the Federal Reserve-is an
demand factors. Although higher oil prices essential tool for implementing monetary
are likely to restrain household consumption policy because it helps anchor the federal
in the United States, much of the negative funds rate within the FOMC's target range.
effect on GDP from lower consumer spending This tool has permitted the FOMC to achieve
is likely to be offset by im:reascd production a gradual increase in the federal funds rate in
and investment in the growing U.S. oil sector. combination with a gradual reduction in the
Consequently, higher oil prices now imply Fed's securities holdings and in the supply
much less of a net overall drag on the economy of reserve balances. The FOM C judged that
than they did in the past, although they will removing monetary policy accommodation
continue to have important distributional through first raising the federal funds rate
effects. The negative effect of upward moves and then beginning to shrink the balance
in oil prices should get smaller still as U.S. oil sheet would best contribute to achieving and
production grows and net oil imports decline maintaining maximum employment and
further. (See the box "The Recent Rise in Oil price stability without causing dislocations in
Prices" in Part 1.) financial markets or institutions that could put
the economic expansion at risk. (See the box
Monetary policy rnlcs. Monetary policymakers "Interest on Reserves and Its Importance for
consider a wide range of information on Monetary Policy" in Part 2.)
current economic conditions and the outlook
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5
1
PART
RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
Domestic
Labor market conditions have continued to 1. Net change in payroll employment
strengthen so far in 2018. According to the
Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), gains in }-mo ~ n ~ l - h - m - o ~ v i - n - g - a ~ v e - rag ~ es - ~~------------~ ! bottsandsofJobs
total nonfarm payroll employment averaged
400
215,000 per month over the Jirst half of the Private
year. That pace is up from the average monthly 200
pace of job gains in 2017 and is considerably
faster than what is needed to provide jobs for 200
new entrants into the labor force (iigure I).'
400
Indeed, the unemployment rate edged down
from 4.1 percent in December to 4.0 percent 600
in June (figure 2). This rate is below all 800
Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC)
participants' estimates of its longer-run
normal level and is about 'h percentage point SocRCf: Bureau of labor StallstJcs via Haver Anal)-tlcs.
below the median of those estimates-' The
unemployment rate in June is close to the lows
last reached in 2000.
The labor force participation rate (LFPR),
which is the share of individuals aged 16
and older who are either working or actively
looking for work, was 62.9 percent in June
and has changed little, on net, since late
2013 (figure 3). The aging of the population
is an iinportant contributor to a downward
trend in the overall participation rate. In
particular, members of the baby-boom
cohort are increasingly moving into their
retirement years, a time when labor force
participation is typically low. Indeed, the
share of the civilian population aged 65
and over in the United States climbed from
16 percent in 2000 to 19 percent in 2017 and
is projected to rise to 24 percent by 2026.
Given this trend, the flat trajectory of the
l. Monthly job gains in the range of 130,000 to
160.000 are consistent with an unchanged unemployment
rate and an unchanged labor force participation rate.
2. See the Summary of Economic Projections in Part 3
of this report.
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6 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND EINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
2. Measures of labor tmderutilization
SOlJRCE: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics
LFPR during the past few years is consistent
with strengthening labor market conditions.
Similarly. the LFPR for individuals between
25 and 54 years old--which is much less
sensitive to population aging--has been rising
for the past several years. (The box "The
Labor Force Participation Rate for Prime
3. Labor force participation rates and Age Individuals" examines the prospects for
employment-to-population ratio
further increases in participation for these
individuals.) The employment-to-population
ratio for individuals 16 and over-the share
85 La\x:lrl(m;cpartlctpatwnm!c 68 of the total population who are working
66 was 60.4 percent in June and has been
gradually increasing since 20 II, reflecting the
combination of the declining unemployment
rate and the flat LFPR.
Other indicators are also consistent with
a strong labor market. As reported in the
Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey
(JOLTS), the rate of job openings has
remained quite elevated3 The rate of quits has
3. Indeed, the number of job openings now about
matches the number of unemployed individuals.
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: jULY 2018 7
stayed high in the JOLTS, an indication that
workers are able to successfully switch jobs
when they wish to. In addition, the JOLTS
layoJT rate has been low, and the number of
people filing initial claims for unemployment
insurance benel1ts has remained ncar its
lowest level in decades. Other survey evidence
indicates that households perceive jobs as
plentiful and that businesses see vacancies as
hard to fill. Another indicator, the share of
workers who are working part time but would
prefer to be employed full time---which is part
of the U -6 measure of labor underutilization
from the BLS--fell further in the first six
months of the year and now stands close to its
pre-recession level (as shown in figure 2) .
. . . and unemployment rates have fallen
for all major demographic groups
The continued decline in the unemployment
rate has been reflected in the experiences of
multiple racial and ethnic groups (Jlgure 4).
The unemployment rates for blacks or
African Americans and Hispanics tend to
rise considerably more than rates for whites
and Asians during recessions but decline
4. Unemployment rate by race and ethnicity
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8 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
The labor Force Participation Rate for Prime-Age Individuals
The overall labor force participation rate (LFPRJ has increases in automation, such as the use of robotics,
generally been trending lower since 2000, and while and various aspects of globalization have spurred
the aging of the baby-boom generation into retirement the elimination of some types of jobs~in particular,
ages provides an important reason for that decline, some manufacturing jobs that have historically been
it is not the only reason. Another contributing factor, held by workers without a college education-and
as shown in figure A, is that the LFPRs of prime-age emerging jobs may require a different set of skills. These
men and women (those between 25 and 54 years developments may have led some workers to become
old) trended lower through 2013 even though prime discouraged over the lack of suitable job opportunities
age LFPRs are largely unaffected by the aging of and drop out of the labor force.1 The rising share of
the population: The prime-age male LFPR has been college-educated workers, which may partly reflect
declining for six decades, and the prime-age female individuals responding over time to the declining
LFPR has drifted lower since 2000 after a multidecade demand for jobs that require less education, has likely
increase. Nevertheless, prime-age LFPRs have moved prevented even steeper declines in the prime-age LFPR,
up notably and consistently since 2013, as improving as better-educated workers have higher LFPRs and
labor market conditions have drawn some individuals may be more adaptable to unforeseen disruptions in
back into the labor force and encouraged others not to particular jobs or industries.
leave. These recent increases in the prime-age LFPR, Another potential factor may be that an increasing
in the context of the longer-run trend decline, raise the share of the prime-age population has some difficulty
question of how much additional scope there is for working because of physical or mental disabilities.
further increases in prime-age labor force participation. For example, figure C shows that about 5 percent of
To gauge whether further increases are possible, a both prime-age men and women report that they are
useful starting point is understanding the factors behind out of the labor force and do not want a job due to
the longer-run decline in the prime-age LFPR, as these disability or illness; those shares have trended higher
factors may limit additional increases if they continue over the past several decades. Other research suggests
to exert some downward pressure. One factor may that increased opioid use may be associated with a
be a secular decline in the demand for workers with lower prime-age LFPR, although it is unclear how
lower levels of education. Indeed, as shown in figure B, much of the decline in the prime-age LFPR can be
the long-run declines in prime-age LFPR are much directly explained by opioid use or whether increases
larger among adults without a college degree than (continued)
among college-educated adults. Research suggests that
1. For evidence on displacement from technological
A. Prime-age labor force participation rates see David H. Autor, David Dorn, and Gordon H.
"Untangling Trade and Technology: Evidence
from local Markets," Economic journal, voL 125 (Mna y),
pp. 621-46; Oaron Acernog!u and Pascual Restrepo (201
"Robots and Jobs: Evidence from U.S. labor Markets," NBER
Working P<lper Series 23285 (Cambridge, Mass.: National
Bureau of Economic Research, March),
Daron Acemoglu and
lntC'!!igence, Alltomation,
24196 (Cambridge, Mass.:
Research, january), ,vv,w.<me,c.oc:y
For evidence on g!obalization~in
2000s-see David
Oorn, and Gordon H. Hanson (2013),
Syndrome: Local Labor Market Effects of Import Competition
in the United States/' American Economic Review, vo!. 103
(October), pp. 2121-68. A discussion of these and other
explanations is also provided in Katharine G. Abraham and
Melissa S. Kearney (2018), "Explaining the Decline in the U.S.
Employment-to-Population Ratio: A Review of the Evidence,"
NBER Working Paper Series 24333 (Cambridge, Mass.:
Research. National Bureau of Economic Research, February), ww\v.nlwr.
SoLRn.: Bureau ofi.abor Statistics. PI g/pclperS.\\'2-1333.
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MONETARY POliCY REPOH JULY 2018 9
B. Prime-age labor force participation rates by education
Men Women
Nun::: The data arc seasonally adjusted 12-month moving averages and extend through May 2018. The shaded bars indicate
periods of business recession as defined by the National Bureau of Economic Research.
SocRCE: U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey.
in opioid use are an indirect result of poor employment responsibilities as women participate in the workforce
opportunities. 2 in greater numbers. For some--especially those for
Caregiving responsibilities play an important role in whom childcare costs are not a major concern~not
explaining why LFPRs for prime-age women are lower participating in the labor force may represent an
than for men, and they may play an increasing role in unconstrained choice to care for other members of their
explaining declining prime-age LFPRs for men as well. families. For others, however, this decision may reflect
As shown in figure C, roughly 15 percent of prime- a lack of affordable childcare.
age women report being out of the labor force for Additionally, the shore of the populotion-
caregiving reasons--by far the largest reason for prime particularly black men---·with a history of incarceration
age women to report not wanting a job----but this share has increased over time. Individuals who have
has been fairly flat over time. ln contrast, while a much previously been incarcerated often have trouble finding
smaller fraction of men are out of the labor force for work, in part because many employers choose not to
caregiving reasons, that share has trended up in recent hire people with such "background and likely also
decades, likely reflecting some shift in household in part because incarceration prevents people from
accumulating work experience and developing skills
2. Evidence that opioid use could be significant for valuable to employers. Discrimination could also help
understanding the declining LFPR is provided by Alan B. explain the lack of participation for some minority
Krueger (2017), "Where Have A!! the Workers Gone? An groups, as they recognize that such discrimination
Inquiry into the Decline of the U.S. Labor Force limits their job opportunities.
Rate," Brookings
lnternotional comparisons may help clarify the
kruc~crtextfa17bpea.p<if, importance of some of those factors. Since 1990, the
opioid prescriptions and employment at the county is (continued on next page)
found in janet Currie, Jonas Y. jln, and Molly Schnell (2018),
''U.S. Employment and Opioids: Is There a Connection?"
NBER Working Paper Series 24440 (Cambridge, Mass.:
National Bureau of Economic Research, March), ww·w.nher.
Some evidence on whether the opioid
varies with local economic conditions is provided
Larrimore, Alex Durante, Kimberly Kreiss, Ellen Merry,
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1( ) PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
The Labor Force Participation Rate (continued)
C. Prime-age non participation by reason
Men Women
Percent Monthly Puccnt
16
1-l
12
10
12-month moving averages and extend through May 2018.
by the National Bureau of Economic Research.
SocRcE: U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey.
prime-age LFPR in the United States has declined self-report as wanting a job (despite not having actively
considerably for both men and women relative to other searched for a job recently) has been declining since
advanced countries. Some factors, like automation and 2010, that share for men remains between 1f4 and
globalization, have affected all advanced economies to 1h percentage point above its 2007 !eve! and earlier
some degree and for some time, yet diverging long-run expansion peaks. Furthermore, prime-age men and
trends in prime-age labor force participation have still women who had previously reported being out of the
occurred. Research suggests that part of the relative labor force and not wanting a job due to disability or
decline in the United States is explained by differential illness have been entering the labor force at increasing
changes in work~family policies across countries. rates in recent years.
Other parts of the divergence may be explained by Looking forward, how can policymakers support
other policies, including policies designed toward additional improvements in the prime-age LFPR?
keeping those affected by automation anrl globalization Favorable labor markN conditions can likely help,
attached to the labor force, or other factors-such as and monetary policy can therefore play a role through
incarceration or opioid use-that differ across those supporting strong cyclical conditions as part of its
countries. 3 maximum-employment objective. However, structural
Although many of the factors behind the factors (in contrast with cyclical ones) are also
multidecade decline in the prime-age LFPR may important to address; policies to address such factors
persist, some continuation of the increases in the LFPR are beyond the scope of monetary policy.
over the past few years nevertheless seems possible,
especially if labor market conditions remain favorable.
and how this may affect differences in LFPR, see International
Indeed, as shown in figure C, although the share of Monetary Fund (2018), "Labor Force Participation in Advanced
nonparticipating prime~age men and women who Economies: Drivers and Prospects," chapter 2 in World
Economic Outlook: Cyclical Upswing, Structural Change
3. For recent trends on prime-age LFPRs in the United {Washington: IMF, April), pp. 71-128. For evidence on how
States compared with other developed countries, see work~family policies may affect prime~age lFPRs in the United
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development States relative to other OECD st.>e Francine D. B!au
(2018), OECD United States 2018 (Paris: and Lawrence M. Kahn (2013), Labor Supply: Why
OECD Publishing), Is the United States Falling Behind?" American Economic
en. For a description of policy differences across countries Review, vol. 103 (May), pp. 251·-·56.
83
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 11
more rapidly during expansions. Indeed, 5. Prime-age labor force participation rate by race and
the declines in the unemployment rates for cthnicity
blacks and Hispanics have been particularly
striking, and the rates have recently been at
or near their lowest readings since these series
began in the early 1970s. Although differences
in unemployment rates across ethnic and
racial groups have narrowed in recent years,
they remain substantial and similar to pre
recession levels. The rise in LFPRs for prime
age individuals over the past few years has
also been evident in each of these racial and
ethnic groups, with increases again particularly
notable for African Americans. Even so, the
LFPR for whites remains higher than that for
the other groups (figure 5)4
Increases in labor compensation have
been moderate ...
Despite the strong labor market, the available 6. Measures of change in hourly compensation
indicators generally suggest that increases
in hourly labor compensation have been
moderate. Compensation per hour in the -· 6
business sector-a broad-based measure ~- 5
of wages, salaries, and bcnchts that is quite
volatile-rose 2% percent over the four
quarters ending in 2018:Ql, slightly more than
the average annual increase over the preceding
seven or so years (figure 6). The employment
cost index-a less volatile measure of both
wages and the cost to employers of providing
bcnefits··-likewise was 2% percent higher in LL___:_ L_ _L__L_L__L_ __ L_. . _L_ ... _LJ
2010 2012 20!4 2016 2018
the first quarter of 2018 relative to its year
earlier level; this increase was \1, percentage
point faster than its gain a year earlier. Among
measures that do not account for benefits.
average hourly earnings rose 2% percent in
June relative to 12 months earlier, a gain in
line with the average increase in the preceding
few years. According to the Federal Reserve
Bank of Atlanta, the median 12-month wage
4. The lower levels of labor force participation for
these other groups differ importantly by sex. For African
Americans, men have a lower participation rate relative
to white men. while the participation rate for African
American women is as high as that of white women. By
contrast, the lower LFPRs for Hispanics and Asians
reflect lower participation among women.
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12 PART 1 o RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAl DEVElOPMENTS
growth of individuals reporting to the Current
Population Survey increased about 3'1. percent
in May, also similar to its readings from the
past few years. 5
... and likely have been restrained by
slow growth of labor productivity
Those moderate rates of compensation
gains likely reflect the offsetting influences
of a strong labor market and persistently
7. Change in business-sector output per hour
weak productivity growth. Since 2008, labor
productivity has increased only a little more
than 1 percent per year. on average, well below
the average pace from 1996 through 2007 of
~-- 4
2.8 percent and also below the average gain in
the 1974-95 period of 1.6 percent (figure 7).
The weakness in productivity growth may
be partly attributable to the sharp pullback
in capital investment during the most recent
recession and the relatively slow recovery
that followed. However, considerable debate
remains about the reasons for the recent
slowdown in productivity growth and whether
it will persist6
Price inflation has picked up from !he
low readings in 2017
In 2017, inflation remained below the FOMC's
longer-run objective of 2 percent. Partly
because the softness in some price categories
appeared idiosyncratic, Federal Reserve
policymakers expected inflation to move
higher in 20187 This expectation appears to be
5. The Atlanta Fed's measure differs from others in
that it measures the wage growth only of workers who
were employed both in the current survey month and
12 months earlier.
6. The box "Productivity Developments in the
Advanced Economies'' in the July 2017 Monetary
Polic_v Report provides more information. Sec Board
of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (20 17),
Monetary Policy Report (Washington: Board of
Governors, July), pp. 12-13, h!tps://v,. \\\\ Jcdcralr.-:scnt'.
go\/monetar) policy!2017-07-mpr-part l.htm.
7. Additional details can be found in the June 2017
Summary of Economic Projections, an addendum to the
minutes of the June 2017 FOMC meeting. See Board
of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (20 17),
·'Minutes of the Federal Open Market Committee,
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 13
on track so far. Consumer price inflation, as 8. Change in the price index for personal consumption
measured by the 12-month percentage change expenditures
in the price index for personal consumption Monthly 11-mo - n - th - p - e · r - c · e · n · t · c - h - a - n · g - e · -
expenditures (PCE), moved up to 2.3 percent
in May (figure 8). Core PCE inflation, which Total 3.0
excludes consumer food and energy prices that 2.5
are often quite volatile and typically provides
2.0
a better indication than the total measure of
where overall inflation will be in the future, 1.5
was 2 percent over the 12 months ending in l 0
May-0.5 percentage point higher than it .5
had been one year earlier. The total measure
exceeded core inllation because of a sizable
increase in consumer energy prices. In
contrast, food price inflation has continued to
NoTE: The data extend through May 20 18; changes arc from one year
be low by historical standards--data through car her.
May show the PCE price index for food and
beverages having increased less than Y, percent
over the past year.
The higher readings in both total and core
inllation relative to a year earlier rellect faster
price increases for a wide range of goods and
services this year and the dropping out of the
12-month calculation of the steep one-month
decline in the price index for wireless telephone
services in March last year. The 12-month
change in the trimmed mean PCE price
index-an alternative indicator of underlying
inflation produced by the Federal Reserve
Bank of Dallas that may be less sensitive
than the core index to idiosyncratic price
movements-slowed by less than core inflation
over 2017 and has also increased a bit less
this year. This index rose 1.8 percent over the
12 months ending in May, up a touch from the
increase over the same period last year. 8
June 13-14, 2017," press release, July 5, llltps://
8. The trimmed mean index excludes whatever prices
showed the largest increases or decreases in a given
month; for example. the sharp decline in prices for
wireless telephone services in March 2017 was excluded
from this index.
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1 4 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAl DEVELOPMENTS
9. Brent spot and futures prices Oil prices have surged amid supply
concerns ...
Week.l} -------·-· _
As noted, the faster pace of total inflation
this year relative to core inflation reflects a
substantial rise in consumer energy prices.
100
Retail gasoline prices this year were driven
90
80 higher by a rise in oil prices. The spot price of
70 Brent crude oil rose from about $65 per barrel
·- 60 in December to around $75 per barrel in early
50
July (figure 9). Although that increase took
40
30 place against a backdrop of continued strength
20 in global demand, supply concerns have
become more prevalent in recent months. (For
a discussion of the reasons behind the oil price
increases along with a review of the effects of
ICE Brent Futures via Bloomberg.
oil prices on U.S. economic growth, see the
box "The Recent Rise in Oil Prices.")
10. Non fuel import prices and industrial metals indexes
... while prices of imports other than
July2014 ·)0{) July20!4-l00
--------·- energy have also increased
120 102 Nonfuel import prices rose sharply in early
110 2018, partly reflecting the pass-through
100 of earlier increases in commodity prices
100
(figure J0 ). In particular, metals prices posted
9R
sizable gains late last year due to strong
80 96 global demand but have retreated somewhat
70 in recent weeks.
60 -- 94
Survey-based measures oi inflation
expectations have been stable ...
Expectations of inflation likely influence actual
inflation by affecting wage-and price-setting
decisions. Survey-based n1easurcs of inflation
Analytics. expectations at medium-and longer-term
horizons have remained generally stable so
far this year. In the Survey of Professional
Forecasters conducted by the Federal Reserve
Bank of Philadelphia, the median expectation
for the annual rate of increase in the PCE
price index over the next I 0 years has been
around 2 percent for the past several years
(figure II). In the University of Michigan
Surveys of Consumers, the median value
for inflation expectations over the next 5 to
I 0 years has been about 2 Y2 percent since
the end of 2016, though this level is about
V. percentage point lower than had prevailed
through 2014. In contrast, in the Survey of
Consumer Expectations conducted by the
87
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 15
Federal Reserve Bank of New York, the 11. Median inflation expectations
median of respondents' expected inflation rate
three years hence has been moving up recently -------------~~~----
and is currently at the top of the range it has
occupied over the past couple of years. ·-- 4
... while market-based measures of --~
inflation have
moved sideways this year ~
SPF expectations
Inflation expectations can also be gauged for next 10 years
by market-based measures of inflation
compensation. However, the inference
is not straightforward, because market-
based measures can be importantly affected
by changes in premiums that provide
compensation for bearing inflation and
liquidity risks. Measures of longer-term
inflation compensation--derived either from
differences between yields on nominal Treasury 12. 5-to-lO~ycar-forward inflation compensation
securities and those on comparable-maturity
Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities
(TIPS) or from inflation swaps-have moved
35
sideways for the most part this year after
having returned to levels seen in early 2017 30
(figure 12).9 The TIPS-based measure of
2.5
5-to-l 0-year-forward inflation compensation
and the analogous measure of inflation swaps 2.0
arc now about 2 percent and 2'1, percent 1.5
respectively, with both measures below the
10
ranges that persisted for most of the 10 years
before the start of the notable declines in
mid-2014.10
9. lnllation compensation implied by the TIPS
hrcakeven inflation rate is based on the difference, at
comparable maturities, between yields on nominal
Treasury securities and yields on TIPS, which are indexed
to the total consumer price index (CPI). Inflation swaps
are contracts in which one party makes payments of
certain fixed nominal amounts in exchange for cash
flows that arc indexed to cumulative CPI inflation over
some horizon. l-<Ocusing on inflation compensation 5 to
10 years ahead is useful, particularly for monetary policy.
because such forward measures encompass market
participants' views about where inflation will settle in the
long term after developments influencing inflation in the
short term have run their course.
10. As these measures are based on CPI inflation,
one should probably subtract about ~ to 11'1 percentage
point-the average differential \vith PCE inflation over
the past two decades--to infer inJ1ation compensation on
a PCE basis.
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16 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
The Recent Rise in Oil Prices
Oil prices have increased more than 50 percent the country's economic and political crisis. Prices also
over the past year, with the spot price of Brent crude increased after President Trump announced on May 8
oil rising from a bit below $50 per barrel to around that the United States was withdrawing from the !ran
$75 per barrel (figure A). For much of the period, nuclear deal and that sanctions against Iranian oil
further-dated futures prices remained relatively stable, exports would be reinstated.
in the neighborhood of $55 per barrel; however, since The pattern of spot and futures prices indicates
February, futures prices have moved up appreciably, that market participants generally anticipate that oil
reaching over $70 per barreL prices will decline slowly over the next few years, in
Both supply and demand factors have contributed part reflecting an expectation that supply, including
to the oil price increase. In particular, the broad-based U.S. shale oil production, will grow to meet demand.
improvement in the outlook for the global economy In addition, the higher prices put pressure on OPEC's
was a key driver of the price increase in the second November 2016 agreement with certain non-OPEC
half of 2017. In recent months, supply concerns have countries to restrain production. A stated aim of the
become more prevalent, affecting both spot and further agreement was to reduce the glut in global inventories,
dated futures prices. Despite sharply rising U.S. oil and, in recent months, inventory levels have fallen
production, markets have been attuned to escalating rapidly toward long-run averages. In response to both
conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran as well as the lower inventories and higher prices, OPEC leaders
precipitous decline in Venezuelan oil production amid slightly relaxed the production agreement in june this
I continued)
A. Brent spot and futures prices
n,uly DoJiaroperbarrd
---------------···
QO
80
70
60
50
40
-----:___ _____, _ _____ ,___ ___ [ __ ---_L_ J
Jan Mar May July Sept Nov. Mar May July
2017 201S
SOURCE: ICE Brent Futures via Bloomberg
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 1 7
year, reducing some of the upward pressure on prices. power abroad than in the past, as much of the negative
That said, futures prices have not returned to their early effect on GDP from lower household consumption
2018 levels, implying that market participants expect is likely to be offset by increased production and
some of the recent increase in prices to be long lasting. investment in the growing U.S. oil sector. On net, the
What is the expected effect of the recent rise in oil drag on GDP from higher oil prices is likely a small
prices on the U.S. economy? To begin with, higher oil fraction of what it was a decade ago and should get
prices are likely to restrain household consumption. smaller still if U.S. oil production continues to grow
In particular, the increase in oil prices since last year as projected-·flgure C-and the net oil import share
is estimated to have translated into a roughly $300 shrinks toward zero.
increase in annual expenditures on gasoline for the Indeed, if U.S. oil trade moves fully into balance,
average household, from about $2,100 to $2,400. the offsetting effects of a change in the relative price of
However, as U.S. oil production has grown rapidly oil might be expected to net out within the domestic
over the past decade, the ratio of net U.S. oil imports economy. However, even if the United States is no
to U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) has declined longer a net oil importer, to the extent that higher
substantially (figure B). As a result, higher oil prices oil prices cause credit-constrained consumers to cut
now imply much less of a redistribution of purchasing spending by more than oil producers expand their
investment, this redistribution of purchasing power
B. Net oil import share could still have negative effects on overall GDP.
Pertent<lfnomma!GDP
C. U.S. crude oil production
3.5
-- 3.0 Qtwrtcrly
2.5
13
2.0
12
L5
1.0 11
10
90
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18 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
13. Change in real gross domestic product and gross Real gross domestic product growth
domestic income slowed in !he first quarter, bu! spending
by households appears to have picked up
Pcr<:cnl,annua!rJ.tc
in recent months
After having expanded at an annual rate of
3 percent in the second half of 2017, real gross
QJ domestic product (GDP) is now reported to
have increased 2 percent in the first quarter of
this year (figure 13). The step-down in growth
during the first quarter was largely attributable
to a sharp slowing in the growth of consumer
spending that appears transitory, and gains in
GDP appear to have rebounded in the second
quarter. Meanwhile, business investment has
SOURCL Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Ana!ytics. remained strong, and net exports had little
clfect on output growth in the first quarter. On
balance, over the first half of this year, overall
14. Change in real personal consumption expenditures
and disposable personal income economic activity appears to have expanded at
a solid pace.
The economic expansion continues to be
supported by favorable consumer and business
sentiment, past increases in household
wealth, solid economic growth abroad, and
accommodative domestic financial conditions,
including moderate borrowing costs and easy
access to credit for many households and
businesses.
Gains in income and wealth continue to
support consumer spending ...
Following exceptionally strong growth in the
fourth quarter of 2017, consumer spending
in the lirst quarter of this year was tepid,
15. Personal saving rate rising at an annual rate of 0. 9 percent. The
slowdown in growth was evident in outlays
Momhly
for motor vehicles and in retail sales more
" generally; moreover, unseasonably warm
weather depressed spending on energy services.
10 However, consumer spending picked up in
more recent months as retail sales lirmcd, and
PCE in April and May rose at an annual rate
of 2Y.. percent relative to the average over the
lirst quarter (!igure 14).
Real disposable personal income (DPI), a
measure of after-tax income adjusted for
inflation, has increased at a solid annual rate
of about 3 percent so far this year. Real DPI
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 19
has been supported by the reduction in income 16. Prices of existing single-family houses
taxes owing to the implementation of the
Pcrcentchangcfromycarcarher
Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) as well as the
continued strength in the labor market. With 15
consumer spending rising just a little less than 10
the gains in disposable income so far this year,
the personal saving rate has edged up after
having fallen for the past two years (figure 15).
Ongoing gains in household net worth likely
have also supported consumer spending. 15
House prices, which are of particular 20
importance for the balance sheet positions of
a large set of households, have been increasing
at an average annual pace of about 6 percent in
recent years (figure 16).11 Although U.S. equity
prices have posted modest gains, on net, so far
this year, this flattening followed several years
of sizable gains. Buoyed by the cumulative
17. Wealth-to-income ratio
increases in home and equity prices, aggregate
household net worth was 6.8 times household Quan~rly Ratto
income in the first quarter, down just slightly
from its ratio in the fourth quarter--the -- 7.0
highest -ever reading for that ratio, which dates
back to 1947 (Jlgurc 17). 6.5
... and borrowing conditions for 6.0
consumers remain generally favorable ...
5.5
Financing conditions for consumers are
5.0
generally favorable and remain supportive
of growth in household spending. However,
banks have continued to tighten standards 2000 2003 2006
for credit cards and auto loans for borrowers Non:: The series is the ratio of household net worth to disposable personal
with low credit scores, possibly in response
to some upward moves in the delinquency Ana!y~is via Haver Analytics
rates of those borrowers. Mortgage credit has 18. Changes in household debt
remained readily available for households with
solid credit profiles. For borrowers with low Bi!lionsofdoilaro,annualrnte
credit scores, mortgage Jlnancing conditions Mortgages --- !.000
D11 Consumer credit
have eased somewhat further but remain tight -Sum 800
overall. In this environment, consumer credit 600
continued to increase in the first few months 400
of 2018, though the rate of increase moderated
200
some from its robust pace in the previous year
(figure 18).
200
4110
600
II. For the rnajmity of households. home equity
makes up the largest share of their \Vealth.
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2 0 PART 1' RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
19. Indexes of consumer sentiment and income expectations ... while consumer confidence remains
strong
I.MTus1onmdcx Index
Consumers have remained upbeat. So far this
year, the Michigan survey index of consumer
sentiment has been near its highest level
since 2000, likely reflecting rising income, job
gains, and low inflation (figure 19). Indeed,
households' expectations for real income
changes over the next year or two now stand
above levels preceding the previous recession.
Business investment has continued
to rebound ...
Investment spending by businesses has
continued to increase so far this year, with
average. notable gains for spending, both on equipment
SOCR("F.· University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers
and intangibles and on nonresidential
structures (figure 20). Within structures,
20. Change in real private nonresidential fixed investment the rise in oil prices propelled another steep
ramp-up in investment in drilling and mining
Percent, annual raw
structures-albeit not yet back to the levels
Structures
II Equipment and intangible capital 20 recorded from 2012 to 2014---while investment
!5 in nonresidential structures outside of the
energy sector picked up after declining in
10
2017. Forward-looking indicators of business
investment spending remain favorable on
balance. Business sentiment and the profit
expectations of industry analysts have been
positive overall, while new orders of capital
10 goods have advanced on net this year.
. . . while corporate financing conditions
SouRer: Burcatl of Economic Analysis \'Ja Haver Ana!ytics. have remained accommodative
21. Selected components of net debt financing for Aggregate flows of credit to large nonfinancial
nonfinancial businesses firms remained strong in the first quarter,
supported in part by relatively low interest
rates and accommodative financing conditions
1 Il f l j C B o o m nd m s ercial paper 80 (figure 21). The gross issuance of corporate
IIIII Bank loans bonds stayed robust during the first half of
Sum
2018, while yields on both investment-and
40 speculative-grade corporate bonds moved
20 up notably but remained low by historical
standards (figure 22). Despite strong growth in
business investment, outstanding commercial
20 and industrial (C&I) loans on banks' books
40 rose only modestly in the first quarter,
although their pace of expansion in more
recent months has strengthened on average. In
SOJJRl'E: Federal Reserve Board, Statistical Release Z.l, "Finannal
Accounts of the United States."
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 21
April, respondents to the Senior Loan Officer 22. Corporate bond yields, by securities rating
Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices,
or SLOOS, reported that demand for C&l
loans weakened in the first quarter even as
lending standards and terms on such loans
eased." Respondents attributed this decline in
demand in part to firms drawing on internally
generated funds or using alternative sources of
financing. Meanwhile, growth in commercial
real estate loans has moderated some but
remains strong. In addition, financing
conditions for small businesses appear to
have remained generally accommodative, with
lending standards little changed at most banks
and with most firms reporting that they arc
able to obtain credit. Although small business pcnnisswn.
credit growth has been subdued, survey data
23. Mortgage rates and housing affordability
suggest this sluggishness is largely due to
continued weak demand for credit by small Pcr>:cnt lnde;.;
businesses.
205
But activity in the housing sector has JRS
leveled ofl
165
Residential investment, which rose a modest 145
2\-i percent in 2017, appears to have largely
125
moved sideways over the first five months of
the year. The slowing in residential investment 105
likely is partly a result of higher mortgage 85
interest rates. Although these rates are still
low by historical standards, they have moved
up and are near their highest levels in seven
years (figure 23). In addition, higher lumber
prices and tight supplies of skilled labor
and developed lots reportedly have been
restraining home construction. While starts
of both single-family and multifamily housing 24. Private housing starts and permits
units rose in the fourth quarter, single-family
Millionsofumts,annualralc
starts have been little changed, on net, since
then, whereas multifamily starts continued
20
to climb earlier this year before flattening
out (figure 24). Meanwhile, over the first five 1.6
months of this year, new home sales have
held at around the rate of late last year, but
sales of existing homes have eased somewhat .8
(figure 25). Despite the continued increases
in house prices, the pace of construction has
12. The SLOOS is available on the Board's website at
h tt ps: 1/W\\ \V. fed era ln:~cn c. gov/da tah-loos;\loo-.. ht m.
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22 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAl DEVELOPMENTS
25. New and existing horne sales not kept up with demand. As a result, the
months' supply of inventories of homes for
sale has remained at a relatively low level, and
75 16 the aggregate vacancy rate stands at the lowest
level since 2003.
Net exports had a neutral effect on GOP
growth in !he first quarter
After being a small drag on U.S. real GDP
growth last year, net exports had a neutral
effect on growth in the first quarter. Real
U.S. exports increased about 3'1, percent at
an annual rate, as exports of automobiles
and consumer goods remained robust. Real
import growth slowed sharply following
a surge late last year (figure 26). Nominal
trade data through May suggest that export
growth picked up in the second quarter, Jed
26. Change in real imports and exports of goods by agricultural exports, while import growth
and services
was tepid. All told, the available data suggest
~~~ ~---~--~--~-": 'r: c~cnt annual rate that the nominal trade deficit likely narrowed
Ill Imports relative to GOP in the second quarter
Exports (figure 27).
Fiscal policy became more expansionary
this year ...
Federal fiscal policy will likely provide a
moderate boost to GDP growth this year. The
individual and corporate tax cuts in the TCJA
should lead to increased private consumption
and investment, while the Bipartisan Budget
2012 2013 2014 Act of 2018 (BBA) enables increased federal
&luRCE: Bureau ofEconomJC Analys1s v1a Ha·vcr Ana!ytK'S spending on goods and services. As the effects
of the BBA had yet to show through, federal
27. U.S. trade and current account balances government pnrchases posted only a modest
gain in the first quarter (figure 28).
Pcrccntuf n"mm~l GDl'
After narrowing significantly for several years,
the federal unified deficit widened from about
--- 2 2'/, percent of GDP in fiscal year 2015 to
3'/, percent in fiscal2017, and it is on pace
to move up further in fisca120 18. Although
expenditures as a share of GDP in 2017
were relatively stable at 21 percent, receipts
moved lower to roughly I 7 percent of GDP
and have remained at about the same level so
far this year (figure 29). The ratio of federal
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 23
debt held by the public to nominal GDP was 28. Change in real government expenditures on
76'h percent at the end of fiscal2017 and is consumption and investment
quite elevated relative to historical norms l'ercent,annua!ratc
(figure 30).
Federal
1111 State and local
... and the fiscal of mos! state
and local governments is stable
The fiscal position of most state and local
governments remains stable, although there is a
range of experiences across these governments
and some states are still struggling. After
several years of slow growth. revenue gains of
state governments have strengthened notably
as sales and income tax collections have picked
up over the past few quarters. In addition, SoLRn: Bureau of Econ()mic Analysis
house price gains have continued to push up 29. Federal receipts and expenditures
property tax revenues at the local level. But
expenditures by state and local governments
have been restrained. Employment growth
26
in this sector has been moderate, while real
outlays for construction by these governments
have largely been moving sideways at a
relatively low level.
Financial Developments
The expected path of the federal funds 14
rate has moved up
Market-based measures of the path of the
federal funds rate continue to suggest that
market participants expect further gradual
increases in the federal funds rate. Relative
to the end of last year, the expected policy
30. Federal government debt he!J by the public
rate path has moved up, boosted in part by
investors' perception of a strengthening in Pncentofno:nina!GDI'
the domestic economic outlook (figure 31).
so
In particular, the policy path moved higher
in response to incoming economic data so far 70
this year. especially the employment reports,
60
which were seen as supporting expectations for
a solid pace of growth in domestic economic 50
activity. In addition, investors reportedly 40
interpreted FOMC communications in the first JO
half of 2018 as signaling an upbeat economic
20
outlook and as reinforcing expectations for
further gradual removal of monetary policy
accommodation.
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2 4 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCI,\L DEVELOPMENTS
31. Market-implied federal fUnds rate Survey-based measures of the expected path
of the policy rate over the next few years have
Quartdy Percent also increased modestly since the end of last
year. According to the results of the most
3.0 recent Survey of Primary Dealers and Survey
of Market Participants, both conducted by
1.5
the Federal Reserve Bank of New York just
2.0 before the June FOMC meeting, the median
Dec. 29.2017 of respondents' projections for the path of the
1.5 federal funds rate shifted up about 25 basis
points for 2018 and beyond, compared with
10
the median of assessments last December.13
Market-based measures of uncertainty about
the policy rate approximately one to two years
al1ead increased slightly, on balance, from their
levels at the end of last year.
The nominal Treasury yield curve has
shifted up
The nominal Treasury yield curve has shifted
32. Yields on nominal Treasury securities up and flattened somewhat further during the
first half of 2018 after flattening considerably
Pcrccm in the second half of 2017. In particular, the
yields on 2-and l 0-year nominal Treasury
securities increased about 70 basis points and
45 basis points, respectively, from their levels
at the end of 2017 (flgurc 32). The increase
in Treasury yields seems to largely reflect
investors' greater optimism about the domestic
growth outlook and firming expectations for
further gradual removal of monetary policy
accommodation. Expectations for increases
in the supply of Treasury securities following
the federal budget agreement in early February
also appear to have contributed to the increase
in Treasury yields, while increased concerns
about trade policy both domestically and
abroad, political developments in Europe,
and the foreign economic outlook weighed on
longer-dated Treasury yields. Yields on 30-year
agency mortgage-backed securities (MBS}-an
important determinant of mortgage interest
13. The results of the Survey of Primary Dealers
and the Survey of Market Participants are available
on the Federal Reserve Bank of New York's website at
https:!/wv;w.nc\\yorkfcd.org/markds/primarydeakr~
"'-Y'""'"""·"""'and nm""'""."
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: )UlY 2018 25
rates--increased about 60 basis points over the 33. Yield and spread on agency mortgage-backed securities
first half of the year, a bit more than the rise in
Percent
the 10-year nominal Treasury yield, but remain
low by historical standards (figure 33). Yields 300
on corporate debt securities--both investment
250
grade and high yield-rose more than Treasury
yields, leaving the spreads on corporate bond 200
yields over comparable-maturity Treasury 150
yields notably wider than at the beginning of 100
the year.
Broad equity indexes rose modestly amid
some bouts of market volatility
After surging as much as 20 percent in 2017,
broad stock market indexes rose modestly,
on balance, so far this year amid some bouts
of heightened volatility in financial markets Sm·Rc~o: Department of the Treasury; Bardays
(figure 34). The boost to equity prices from
34. Equity prices
first-quarter earnings reports that generally
beat analysts' expectations was reportedly
offset by increased uncertainty abont trade
policy, rising interest rates, and concerns
about political developments abroad. While
stock prices for companies in the technology
and consumer discretionary sectors rose
notably, those of companies in the industrial
and financial sectors declined modestly. After
spiking considerably in early February, the
implied volatility for the S&P 500 index
the VIX--declined and ended the period
slightly above the low levels that prevailed in
2017. (For a discussion of financial stability
issues, sec the box "Developments Related to
Financial Stability.")
Markets for Treasury securities, mortgage
backed securities, and municipal bonds
have functioned well
On balance, indicators of Treasury market
functioning remained broadly stable over
the first half of 2018. A variety of liquidity
metrics---including bid-ask spreads, bid sizes,
and estimates of transaction costs--have
displayed nlinimal signs of liquidity pressures
overall, with the exception of a brief period
of reduced liquidity in early February amid
elevated financial market volatility. Liquidity
conditions in the agency MBS market were
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26 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
Developments Related to Financial Stability
The U.S. findncial system remains substantially more A. Forward price-to-earnings ratio of S&P 500 firms
resilient than during the decade before the financial
crisis.1 Valuations continue to be elevated for a range
of assets. In the private nonfinancial sector, the ratio of
total debt to gross domestic product (GDP) is about in
line with an estimate of its trend, and vulnerabilities
associated with debt remain moderate on balance.
While borrowing among highly levered and lower
rated firms is elevated and a future weakening in
economic activity could amplify some vulnerabilities
in the corporate sector, the ratio of household debt to
disposable income has remained stable in recent years.
Vulnerabilities associated with leverage in the financial
sector appear low, reflecting in part strong capital
positions of banks. However, some measures of hedge
fund leverage have increased. Vulnerabilities associated
with maturity and liquidity transformation continue to
be low compared with levels that generally prevailed
before 2008.
Valuation pressures in various asset markets So~mrr Staff estimates based on Thomson Reuters, IllES.
remain elevated by historical standards, although
they have declined somewhat since the start of the
year, as corporate bond prices have fallen and higher markets, commercial property valuations continue to
earnings have helped rationalize equity prices. Market be stretched. Capitalization rates (computed as the ratio
movements were outsized in February, around the time of net operating income relative to property values)
of the previous Monetary Policy Report. Since then, remain low, and, in recent quarters, their spreads to
volatility has receded, although it has ended up slightly yields on 10 -year Treasury securities have moved down
above the low levels seen in 2017. Even with higher considerably. Finally, valuation pressures in residential
expected earnings due in part to changes in tax law, the real estate markets increased modestly. Aggregate price
forward equity price-to-earnings ratio for the S&P 500 to-rent ratios, adjusted for an estimate of their long-run
remains in the upper end of its historical distribution trend and the carrying cost of housing, are approaching
(figure A). Treasury term premiums have increased the cycle peaks of the early 1980s and early 1990s but
modestly from the beginning of the year but remain remain well below the levels observed on the eve of
low relative to historically observed values. Corporate the financial crisis.
bond yields and their spreads to yields on comparable With households and businesses taken together, the
maturity Treasury securities have increased notably, ratio of total debt to GOP is about in line with estimates
but they continue to be low by historical standards. In of its trend, although pockets of stress are evident. !n
particular, speculative-grade yields and spreads lie in the household sector, the net expansion of household
the bottom fifth and bottom fourth of their respective debt has been in line with income growth and is
historical distributions. In leveraged loan markets, concentrated among prime-rated borrowers. However,
issuance has been robust, spreads have reached their delinquency rates for some forms of consumer credit
lowest levels since the financial crisis, and the presence have moved up, suggesting rising strains among riskier
of loan covenants has decreased further. In real estate borrowers even with unemployment very low. Banks
are reportedly tightening standards on credit card and
auto loans. In the nonfinancial business sector, leverage
1. An overview of the framework for assessing financial
stability in the United States is provided in lac! Brainard of corporate businesses remains high, as indicated by
(2018), "An Update on the Federal Reserve's Financial Stabl!ity a positive sectoral credit-to-GDP gap. Net issuance of
Agenda,'' speech delivered at the Center for Global Economy risky debt has risen in recent quarters, mainly driven by
and Business, Stern Schoo! New York the growth in leveraged loans (figure 8). While current
New York, Apri I
i•w•:l20 180-lOlJ.hlc (continued)
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JUlY 2018 27
B. Total net issuance of risky debt a severe global recession.' The hypothetical "severely
adverse'1 scenario---the most stringent scenario
yet used in the Board's stress tests, with the U.S.
unemployment rate rising almost 6 percentage points to
80 10 percent-projects $578 billion in total losses for the
35 participating banks during the nine quarters tested.
Since 2009, these firms have added about $800 billion
in common equity capital. The Board also evaluates the
capital planning processes of the participating banks,
including the firms' planned capital actions, such as
dividend payments and share buybacks. 3 The Board did
not object to the capital plans of 34 iirms. Although
the recent U.S. tax legislation is expected to increase
40 banks' post-tax earnings, and hence their ability
to accrete capital, it did lead to one-time losses,
decreasing banks' capital ratios at the end of 2017, the
jumping-off point of the stress tests. In part because
of these effects, evident in text tlgure 36, two firms
were required to maintain their capital distributions
at the levels they paid in recent Separately, one
firm will be required to address management and
corporate credit conditions are favorable overall, analysis of its counterparty exposure under stress. The
with low interest expenses and defaults, the elevated Board objected to the capital plan of one bank because
leverage in this sector could result in higher future of qualitative concerns.
default rates. In addition, weak protection from loan Vulnerabilities associated with liquidity and
covenants could reduce early intervention by lenders maturity transformation----that is, the financing of
and lower recovery rates for investors on default. illiquid assets or long-maturity assets with short
Investors may also be exposed to significant repricing maturity debt~continue to be low, owing in part to
risks because bond yields and credit risk premiums are liquidity regulations for banks and money market
both low. reform. Large banks have strong liquidity positions,
Vulnerabilities from financial-sector leverage because their use of core deposits as a source of
continue to be relatively tow. Core financial funding and their holdings of high-quality liquid
intermediaries, including large banks, insurance assets remain near historical highs, while their use of
companies, and broker-dealers, appear well positioned short-term wholesale funding as a share of liabilities
to weather economic stress. Regulatory capital ratios for is near historical lows. Since the money market fund
the global systemically important banks have remained reforms implemented in October 2016, assets under
well above the fully phased-in enhanced regulatory management at prime funds, institutions that proved
requirements and are close to historical highs. Capital vulnerable to runs in the past, have remained far below
levels at insurance companies and broker~dealers pre-reform levels. In addition, the growth in alternative
also remain relatively robust by historical standards. short-term investment vehicles, which may have some
However, some indicators of hedge fund leverage in (continued on next page)
the equity market, such as the provision of total margin
credit to equity investors, have risen to historically See Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
"Federal Reserve Board RelE'ases Results of Supervisory
elevated levels, and in the past few quarters dealers june 21.
have reportedly eased, on net, price terms to their
hedge fund clients.
The results of supervisory stress tests released In June
by the Federal Reserve Board confirm that the nation's
largest banks are strongly capitalized and would be
able to lend to households and businesses even during bcn.'g20l G0629d.htm.
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2 8 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
Financial Stability (continued)
similar vulnerabilities, continues to be limited, as more pronounced vulnerabilities, reflecting some
investors have shifted primarily from prime funds into combination of the following: subslantial corporate
government funds. leverage, fiscal concerns, or excessive reliance on
Risks from abroad are moderate overall. Advanced foreign funding. Globally, potential downside risks to
foreign economies (AFEs), many of which have international financial markets and financial stability
significant financial and real linkages to the United include political uncertainty, an intensification of trade
St.1tes, continue to have notable or elevated valuations tensions, and challenges posed by rising interest rates.
in some asset markets and, in a few countries, high The countercyclical capital buffer (CCyB) is a
levels of household debt relative to GOP. These macroprudential tool the Federal Reserve Board can
factors have contributed to some AFEs announcing usc to increase the resilience of the financial system
or implementing macroprudential actions, including by raising capital requirements on the largest banks.
increases in countercyclical capital buffers, over the Activating the CCyB is appropriate when systemic
past couple of years. More generally, AFE financial vulnerabilities are meaningfully above normal.4 The
sectors continue their slow pace of deleveraging Board is closely monitoring the level and configuration
that started after the global financial and euro-area of systemic vulnerabilities described earlier.
sovereign debt crises. In addition, low corporate debt
spreads in the past few years have yet to translate 4. See Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
into any marked increase in leverage in most of these (2016), "Regulatory Capital Rules: The Federal Reserve Board's
Framework for Implementing the U.S. Basel Ill <..o<J<n<Xc)'U"'"'
countries' nonfinancial corporate sectors. Some major Buffer," final policy statement (Docket No.
emerging market economies continue to harbor vol. 81 (Septt'mbt'r 16), pp. 63682-llS.
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: jULY 2018 29
also generally stable. Overall, the functioning
of Treasury and agency MBS markets has not
been materially affected by the implementation
of the Federal Reserve's balance sheet
normalization program, including the
accompanying reduction in reinvestment of
principal payments from the Federal Reserve's
securities holdings. Credit conditions in
municipal bond markets have remained stable
since the tnrn of the year. Over that period,
yield spreads on 20-year general obligation
municipal bonds over comparable-maturity
Treasury securities edged up a bit.
Money market rates have moved up in
line with increases in the FOMC's target
range
Conditions in domestic short-term funding
markets have also remained generally stable
so far in 2018. Yields on a broad set of money
market instruments moved higher in response
to the FOMC's policy actions in March and
June. Some money market rates rose during
the first quarter more than what would
normally occur with monetary tightening.
For example, the spreads of certificates of
deposit and term London interbank offered
rates relative to overnight index swap (OIS)
rates increased notably, reportedly reflecting
increased issuance of Treasury bills and
perhaps also the anticipated lax-induced
repatriation of foreign earnings by U.S.
corporations. The upward pressure on short
term funding rates, beyond that driven by
expected monetary policy, eased in recent
months, leading to a narrowing of spreads
of some money market rates to OIS rates.
However, the spreads remain wider than at the
beginning of the year.
Bank credit continued to expand and
bank nr.nllt:>lul
Aggregate credit provided by commercial
banks continued to increase through the first
quarter of 2018 at a pace similar to the one
seen in 2017. Its pace was slower than that of
nominal GDP, thus leaving the ratio of total
commercial bank credit to current-dollar
102
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30 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND EINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
35. Ratio of total commercial bank credit to nominal gross GDP slightly lower than in the previous year
domestic product (figure 35). Available data for the second
quarter suggest that growth in banks' core
Per~cnt
loans continued to be moderate. Measures of
bank profitability improved in the first quarter
75
of 2018 after having experienced a temporary
70 decline in the last quarter of 2017. Weaker
fourth-quarter measures of bank profitability
65 were partly driven by higher write-downs of
deferred tax assets in response to the U.S. tax
60
legislation (figure 36).
55
International Developments
Political developments and signs of
moderating growth weighed on advanced
foreign economy asset prices
36. Protitability of bank holding companies
Since February, political developments
in Europe and moderation in economic
growth outside of the United States weighed
2.0 30 on some risky asset prices in advanced
foreign economies (AFEs). Interest rates on
LO sovereign bonds in several countries in the
.5 t European periphery rose notably relative to
0 core countries, and European bank shares
.5 10 came under pressure, as investors focused
LO 20 on the formation of the ltalian government.
LS Nonetheless, peripheral bond spreads
remained well below their levels at the height
of the euro-area crisis, and the moves partly
retraced as a government was put in place.
Broad stock price indexes were little changed
on net (figure 37). In contrast to the United
37. Equity indexes for selected foreign economies States. long-term sovereign yields and market
implied paths of policy rates in the core euro
Weekly Weckcndmglanuary7,2015m J(lf) area as well as the United Kingdom declined
140 somewhat, and rates were little changed in
Japan (figure 38).
130
120 Heightened investor focus on
110 vulnerabilities in emerging market
economies led asset prices to come under
100
pressure
90
Investor concerns about financial
80
vulnerabilities in several emerging market
economics (EMEs) intensified this spring
against the backdrop of rising U.S. interest
rates. Broad measures of EME sovereign
103
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MONETARY POliCY REPORT JULY 2018 31
bond spreads over U.S. Treasury yields 38. Nominal 10 -year government bond yields in
widened notably, and benchmark EME equity selected advanced economies
indexes declined, as investors scrutinized Weekly Pen-en1
macroeconomic policy approaches in several
countries. Turkey and Argentina, which faced 3.0
persistently high inflation, expansionary fiscal United States 2.5
policies, and large current account deficits, 2.0
were among the worst performers. Trade 1.5
policy developments between the United 1.0
States and its trading partners also weighed on
EME asset prices, especially on stock prices
in China and some emerging Asian countries.
EME mutual funds saw net outnows in May
and June after generally solid inllows earlier
in the year (figure 39). While movements in
asset prices and capital flows were notable for
a number of economies, broad indicators of
financial stress in EMEs remained low relative
to levels seen during other periods of stress in 39. Emerging market mutual fund flows and spreads
recent years.
The dollar appreciated 500 60
After depreciating during 2017, the broad 450 ""
exchange value of the U.S. dollar has 400 20
appreciated moderately in recent months
350
(ligure 40). Factors contributing to the
appreciation of the dollar likely include 300 20
moderating growth in some foreign economies 250 ~- 40
combined with continued output strength 200 60
and ongoing policy tightening in the United
States, downside risks stemming from political
developments in Europe and several EMEs,
and the recent developments in trade policy.
Several currencies appeared particularly
sensitive to trade policy developments,
including the Canadian dollar and the
Mexican peso, related to the North American
Free Trade Agreement negotiations, as well
as the Chinese renminbi, which fell notably
against the dollar in June.
The pace of economic activity moderated
in the AFEs
In the first quarter, real GOP growth
decelerated in all major AFEs and turned
negative in Japan, down from robust rates of
activity in 2017 (figure 41 ). Part of this slowing
is a result of temporary factors, though,
104
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32 PART 1: RECENT ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENTS
40. U.S. dollar exchange rate indexes including unusually cold weather in Japan
and the United Kingdom, labor strikes in the
Wt'£'kly -----~~-- W - e ~ e - ke - nd ~ in - g - Ja - nu - a - ry - 7, - 20 - !5 !00 euro area, and disruptions in oil production in
Dollar appreciation !50 Canada. In most AFEs, economic indicators
for the second quarter, including purchasing
manager surveys and exports, are generally
consistent with solid economic growth.
Despite tight labor markets,
inflation pressures remain subdued in
mostAFEs ...
Sustained increases in oil prices provided
upward pressure on consumer price inflation
across all AFEs in the first half of the year
(figure 42). However, core intlation has
generally remained muted in most AFEs,
despite further improvement in labor market
conditions. In Canada, in contrast, core
intlation picked up amid solid wage growth,
41. Real gross domestic product growth in selected
pushing the total intlation rate above the
advanced foreign economics
central bank target.
IIIII United Kingdom ... prompting central banks to maintain
highly accommodative monetary policies
Wit Canada With underlying inflation still subdued, the
Bank of Japan and the European Central
Bank (ECB) kept their policy rates at
historically low levels, although the ECB
indicated it would again reduce the pace of
its asset purchases starting in October. The
Bank of England and the Bank of Canada,
which both began raising interest rates last
year, signaled that fnrther rate increases will
be gradual, given a moderation in the pace of
economic activity.
In emerging Asia, growth remained
solid ...
Economic growth in China remained solid
in the first quarter of 2018, as a rebound in
steel production and strong external demand
bolstered a recovery in industrial activity
and overall growth (figure 43). Indicators
of investment and retail sales have slowed
in recent months, however, suggesting that
the authorities' effort to rein in credit may
have softened domestic demand. Most other
105
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 33
emerging Asian economies registered strong 42. Consum.cr price inflation in selected advanced foreign
growth in the tirst quarter of 2018, partly cconom1es
reflecting solid external demand. \1onth!y 12-monthpcrc<:utdmngc
... while growth in some latin American
economies was mixed
In Mexico, real GDP surged in the first quarter
as economic activity rebounded from two
major earthquakes and a hurricane last year.
Following a brief recovery in the first half of
2017, Brazil's economy stalled in the fourth
quarter and grew tepidly in the first quarter,
and a truckers' strike paralyzed economic
activity in late May.
43. Real gross domestic product growth in selected
emerging market economics
Percent, annual rate
!Ill China
![® Korea 12
• Mexico
106
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35
2
PART
MoNETARY Poucy
The federal Market Committee of the labor market and the accumulating
continued to increase !he evidence that, after many years of runni;g
federa I funds range in the first half below the Committee's 2 percent longer
of the year ... run objective, inflation had moved close to
2 percent.
Since December 2015, the Federal Open
Market Committee (FOMC) has been ... but monetary policy continues to
gradually increasing its target range for
support economic growth
the federal funds rate as the economy has
continued to make progress toward the Even after the gradual increases in the federal
Committee's congressionally mandated funds rate over the first half of the year, the
objectives of maximum employment and Cormnittee judges that the stance of monetary
price stability. In the first half of this year, the policy remains accommodative, thereby
Committee continued this gradual process of supporting strong labor market conditions
scaling back monetary policy accommodation, and a sustained return to 2 percent inflation.
increasing its target range for the federal funds In particular, the federal funds rate remains
rate '!4 percentage point at its meetings in both somewhat below most FOMC participants'
March and June. With these increases, the estimates of its longer-run value.
federal funds rate is currently in the range of
1% to 2 percent (figure 44).14 The Committee's The Committee expects that a gradual
decisions reflected the continued strengthening approach to increasing the target range for
the federal funds rate will be consistent with
a sustained expansion of economic activity,
14. Sec Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve System (2018), "Federal Reserve Issues strong labor market conditions, and inflation
FOMC Statement," press release, March 21, https:// near the Committee's symmetric 2 percent
objective over the medium term. Consistent
and of Governors of with this outlook, in the most recent
the Federal Reserve System (2018), "Federal Reserve Summary of Economic Projections (SEP),
Issues FOMC Statement.'' press release, June 13. https:/1
which was compiled at the time of the June
FOMC meeting, the median of participants'
44. Selected interest rates
2008 2009 2010 JOll 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 20!8
107
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36 PART 2: MONETARY POLICY
assessments for the appropriate level of the as useful benchmarks. However, the use and
target range for the federal funds rate at interpretation of such prescriptions require,
year-end rises gradually over the period from among other considerations, careful judgments
2018 to 2020 and stands somewhat above the about the choice and measurement of the
median projection for its longer-run level by inputs to these rules such as estimates of the
the end of 2019 and through 2020.1' neutral interest rate, which are highly uncertain
(see the box "Complexities of Monetary
future changes in the federal funds rate Policy Rules").
will depend on the economic outlook as
informed by incoming data The FOMC has continued to implement
its program to gradually reduce the
The FOMC has continued to emphasize
Federal Reserve's balance sheet
that, in determining the timing and size of
future adjustments to the target range for The Committee has continued to implement
the federal funds rate, it will assess realized the balance sheet normalization program
and expected economic conditions relative described in the June 2017 Addendum to the
to its maximum-employment objective and Policy Normalization Principles and Plans."
its symmetric 2 percent inflation objective. This program is gradually and predictably
This assessment will take into account a wide reducing the Federal Reserve's securities
range of information, including measures holdings by decreasing the reinvestment of the
of labor market conditions, indicators of principal payments it receives from securities
inflation pressures and inflation expectations, held in the System Open Market Account.
and readings on financial and international Since the initiation of the balance sheet
developments. normalization program in October of last year,
such payments have been reinvested to the
In evaluating the stance of monetary policy, extent that they exceeded gradually rising caps
policymakers routinely consult prescriptions (figure 45).
from a variety of policy rules, which can serve
l5. See the June SEP, which appeared as an addendum
to the minutes of the June 12~13, 2018, meeting of the
FOMC and is presented in Part 3 of this report.
45. Principal payments on SOMA securities
·rreasury securities Agency debt and mortgage-backed securities
Mo11thly Btlhon\ufdullars Monthly
Redemptions Ill Redemptions
Reinvestments 80 Reinvestments 80
- Monthly cap 70 Monthly cap 70
60 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
10
NOTE: Reinvestment and redemption amounts of agency mortgage~backed securities are projections starting in June 2018. The data
extend through December 2019.
SOURCE: Federal Reserve Bank of New York; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.
108
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 3 7
Complexities of Monetary Policy Rules
Overview reflect the three key principles of good monetary policy
noted earlier. Each rule takes into account estimates
Monetary policy rules Jre mathematical formulas of how far the economy is from achieving the Federal
that relate a policy interest rate, such as the federal Reserve's dual-mandate goals of maximum employment
funds rate, to a small number of other economic and price stability.
variables-typically including the deviation of inflation Four of the five rules include the difference
from its target value along with an estimate of resource between the rate of unemployment that is sustainable
slack in the economy. Policy rules can provide helpful in the longer run and the current unemployment
guidance for policymakers. Indeed, since 2004, rate (the unemployment rate the first-difference
prescriptions from policy rules have been included rule includes the change in unemployment gap
in written materials that are routinely sent to the rather than its leveL' In addition, four of the five rules
Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). However, include the difference between recent inflation and the
interpretation of the prescriptions of policy rules FOMC's longer-run objective (2 percent as measured
requires careful judgment about the measurement of by the annual change in the price index for personal
the inputs to the rules and the implications of the many consumption expenditures, or PCE), while the price
considerations that the rules do not take into account. level rule includes the gap between the level of prices
Policy rules can incorporate key principles of good today and the level of prices that would be observed
monetary policy.1 One key principle is that monetary if inflation had been constant at 2 percent from a
policy should respond in a predictable way to changes specified starting year (Plgap,).' The price-level rule
in economic conditions. A second key principle is thereby tak<'s account of the deviation of inflation from
that monetary policy should be accommodative when
(continued on next page)
inflation is below the desired level and emp!oymE'nt
is below its maximum sustainable level; conversely,
monetary policy should be restrictive when the Policy, proceedings of a symposium sponsored by the Federdl
Reserve Bank of Kansas City, held in Jackson Hole, Wyo.,
opposite holds. A third key principle is that, to stabilize (Kansas Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas
inflation, the policy rate should be adjustC'd by more 137~59, ll[[[JSJ""·"·'''"''''"
than one~for-one in response to persistent increases or Finally, r;,_,_d;lfNenceru!e was
decreases in inflation. by Athanasios Orphanides (2003), "Historical
Monetary Po !Icy Analysis and the Taylor Rule," JournJI
Economists have analyzed many monetary policy of Monetary Economics, vol. 50 Ou!y), pp. 983-1022. A
rules, including the well-known Taylor (1993) rule. comprehensive review of policy rules is in John B, Taylor
Other rules include the "balanced approach" rule, the and John C. Williams (2011), "Simple and Robust Rules for
"adjusted Taylor (1993)" rule, the "price level" rule, and Monetary Policy," in Benjamin M. Friedman and Michael
the "first difference" rule (figure A).' These policy rules Woodford, eds., I iandbook of Monetary Economics, vol. JB
(Amsterdam: North~Holland), pp. 829-59. The same volume
of the Handbook of Monetary Economics also discusses
1. For discussion regarding principles for the conduct of approaches other than policy rules for deriving policy rate
monetary policy and monetary policy rules, see Board of prescriptions.
Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2018), The Taylor (1993) rule represented slack in resource
and Practice," Board of Governors, using an output gap (the difference between the
current !eve! of real gross domestic product (GOP) and what
GOP would be if the economy was operating at maximum
in John ('mployrnent). The rules in figure A represent slack in resource
in Practice," uti!izatlon using the unemployment gap instead, because that
Rochester Conference Series on vaL 39 gap better captures the FOMC's statu~ory goal to pro~ote
(December), pp. 195-214. The balanced-approach maximum employment. Movements m these a!ternat1ve
analvzed in John B. Taylor (1999), "A Historical measures of resource utilization are highly correlated. For
Mon'etary Policy Rules," in John B. Taylor, ed., more information, see the note below figure A
Rules {Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 4. Calculating the prescriptions of the price-level rule
adjusted Taylor (1993) rule was studied in David Reifschneider requires selecting a starting year for the price level from which
and John C Williams (2000), "Three lessons for Monetary to cumulate the 2 percent annual inflation. Figure Buses 1998
a Low-Inflation l::ra," Journal of Money_, Credit and as the starting year. Around that time, the underfying trend
vo!. 32 (November), pp. 936-66. A price-!eve! rule of inflation and longer-term inflation expectations stabilized
in Robert E. Hall (1984), "Monet.1ry at a level consistent with PCE price inflation being close to
with an Elastic Price Standi!rd," in 2 percent.
109
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38 PART 2: MONETARY POLICY
Monetary Policy Rules (continued!
A. Monetary policy rules
Taylor (1993) rule
Balanced-approach rule
Taylor (1993) rule, adjusted
Price-level rule R[L = maximum {rt"R + rr, + (uiR-u,) + 05(PLgap,), 0}
First-difference rule
NOTE: R/"J, R,8A, R/wwf.', R/z·, and R/0 represent the values of the nominal federal funds rate prescribed by the Taylor ( !993),
balanced-approach. adjusted Taylor (1993). price-leveL and iirst-diJTerence rules. respectively.
R 1 denotes the actual nominal federal funds rate for quarter t, n, is four-quarter price inflation for quarter t, u, is the
unemployment rate in quarter!, and r/" is the level of the neutral real federal funds rate in the longer run that, on average, is
expected to be consistent with sustaining maximum employment and inflation at the FOMCs 2 percent Jong:er~run o[:jective.
n.u. In addition, u/R is the rate of unemployment in the longer run. Z is the cumulative sum of past deviations of the federal
funds rate from the prescriptions of the Taylor (1993) rule when that rule prescribes settjng the federal funds rate below zero.
PLgap1 is the percent deviation of the actual level of prices from a price level that rises 2 percent per year from its level in a
specified starting period.
The Taylor (1993) rule and other poJjcy rules are generally written in terms of the deviation of real output from its full
capacity level. In these equations, the output gap has been replaced with the gap between the rate of unemployment in the
longer run and its actual level (using a relationship known as Ohm's law) in order to represent the rules in terms of the
FOMCs statutory goals. Historically, movements in the output and unemployment gaps have been highly correlated. Box
note 2 provides references for the policy rules.
lhe long-run objective in earlier periods as well as also recognizes that the federal funds rate cannot be
the current period. Thus, if inflation had been running reduced materially below zero. If inflation runs below
persistently above 2 percent, the price-level rule would the 2 percent objective during periods when the rule
prescribe a higher level for the federal funds rate than prescribes setting the federal funds rate well below
rules that use the current inflation gap. Likewise, zero, the price-level rule wilt over time, provide
if inflation had been running persistently below accommodation to make up for the past inflation
2 percent, the price-level rule would prescribe setting shortfalL
the policy rate lower than rules that use the current The U.S. economy is complex, and the monetary
inflation gap. policy rules shown in figure A do not capture many
The adjusted Taylor (1993) rule recognizes that elements that are relevant to the conduct of monetary
the federal funds rate cannot be reduced materially policy. Moreover, as shown in figure B, different
below zero, and that following the prescriptions monetary policy rules often offer quite different
of the standard Taylor (1993) rule after a recession prescriptions for the federal funds rate. s In practice,
during which interest rates have fallen to their lower there is no unique criterion for favoring one rule over
bound may, for a time, not provide enough policy another. In recent years, almost all of the policy rules
accommodation. To make up for the cumulative (continued)
shortfall in accommodation (Z), the adjusted rule
prescribes only a gradual return of the policy rate to 5. These prescriptions are calculated using (1) published
the (positive) levels prescribed by the standard Taylor data for inflation and the unemployment rate and (2l
survey-based estimates of the longer-run value of the
(1993) rule after the economy begins to recover. neutral real interest rate and the longer-run value of the
The particular price-level rule specified in figure A unemployment rate.
110
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 39
R Historical federal funds rate prescriptions from simple policy rules
Quarterly
vc.ar
Sot:RtT Federal Reserve Rank of Philadelphia; Wolters Kluwcr, R!ue Chip Economic Indicators; Federal Reserve Board staff estimate~
shown have called for rising values of the federal funds growth, changing demographics, and other shifts in the
rate, but the pace of tightening that the rules prescribe structure of the economy. As a result, estimates of the
has varied widely. neutral rea! interest rate in the longer run made today
may differ substantially from estimates made later.
Uncertainty about the neutral interest rate Academic studies have estimated the longer-
in the longer run run value of the neutral real interest rate using
statistical techniques to capture the variations among
The Taylor (1993), balanced-approach, adjusted inflation, interest rates, real gross domestic product,
Taylor (1993), and price-level rules provide unemployment, and other data series. The range of
prescriptions for the level of the federal funds rate; estimates is wide but suggests that the neutral real rate
all require an estimate of the neutral real interest rate has declined since the turn of the century (figure C).'
in the longer run (r,")-that is, the level of the real There is substantial statistical uncertainty surrounding
federal funds rate that is expected to be consistent, in each estimate of the longer-run value of the neutral
the longer run, with maximum employment and stable rea! rate, as evidenced by the width of the 95 percent
inflation.6The neutral real interest rate in the longer (continued on next page)
run is determined by structural features of the economy
and is not observable. In addition, its value may vary
over time because of fluctuations in trend productivity
6. The first-difference rule shown in figure A does not
require an estimate of the neutral real interest rate in the
longer run. However, this rule has its own shortcomings. For
suggests that this sort of rule wi!! result in
in employment and inflation rdative to what
be under the Taylor {1993) and balanced- journal of lnternalional Economics, supp. 1, vo!. 108
approach rules unless the estimates of the neutral real federal (May), pp. Benjamin K. Johannsen and E!mar
funds rate In the longer run and the rate of unemployment in Mertens (2016), Expected Rea! Interest Rate in the
the longer run thJ.t are included in those rules J.re sufficiently long Run: Time Series Evidence with the Effective lower
far from their true values. Bound," FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors
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40 PART 2; MONETARY POLICY
Monetary Policy Rules !continued!
uncertainty bands for the estimated values in the first C. Range of selected estimates for the neutral real federal
quarter of 2018 (figure D). funds rate in the longer run
The longer-run normal level of the federal funds
rate under appropriate monetary policy--equal to
the sum of the neutral real interest rate in the longer
run and the FOMC's 2 percent inflation objective-is
one benchmark for evaluating the current stance
of monetary policy. Uncertainty about the longer-
run value of the neutral real interest rate leads to
uncertainty about how far the current federal funds
rate is from its !onger~run normal level. For the Taylor
(1993), balanced-approach, adjusted Taylor (19931, and
price-level rules, different estimates of the neutral real
interest rate in the longer run translate one-for-one to
differences in the prescribed setting of the federal funds
rate. As a result, the substantial statistical uncertainty
accompanying estimates of the neutral rate in the
longer run implies substantial uncertainty surrounding
the prescriptions of each policy rule. Following the
prescriptions of a policy rule with an incorrect value of
the neutral rate could lead to poor economic outcomes.
If the longer-run value of the neutral real interest rate then monetary policy is more likely to be constrained
is currently at the low end of the range of estimates, by the lower bound on nominal interest rates in the
future. Historically, the FOMC has cut the federal
funds rate by 5 percentage points, on average, during
downturns in the economy. Cutting the federal funds
rate by this much in response to a future economic
downturn may not be feasible if the neutral federal
funds rate is as low as most of the estimates suggest.
(continued)
112
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 41
D. Point estimates and uncertainty bands for neutral real rate in the longer run as of 2018:QI
Point estimate band
Del Negro and others (20 17) 1.3
Holston and others .6
Johannsen and Mertens (20 I 6) .7 (-1.3,2.5)
Kiley (2015) .4 (-.6. 1.6)
Laubach and Williams (2015) .I (-5.4, 5.6)
Lewis and Vazquez-Grande (20 17) 1.8 (.5, 3.1)
Lubik and Matthes (2015) 1.0 (-2.3, 4.5)
SouRcE: Federal Reserve Board staff calculations, along with references listed in box note 7.
As a result, it may not be feasible to provide the levels In the years following the financial crisis, with the
of accommodation prescribed by many policy rules, federal funds rate close to zero, the FOMC recognized
potentially leading to elevated unemployment and that it would have limited scope to respond to an
inflation averaging below the Committee's 2 pE>rcE'nt unexpected weakening in the economy by lowering
objective.' Rules that try to offset the cumulative short-term interest rates. This risk has, in recent years,
shortfall of accommodation posed by the !ower bound provided a sound rationale for following a more
on nominal interest rates, such as the adjusted Taylor gradual path of rate increases than that prescribed by
(1993) rule, or make up the cumulative shortfall in some policy rules. In these circumstances, increasing
the level of prices, such as the price-level rule, are the policy rate quickly in order to have room to
intended to mitigate the effects of the lower bound cut rates during an economic downturn could be
on the economy by providing more accommodation counterproductive because it might make a downturn
than prescribed by rules that do not have these more likely to happen.
makeup features. 9
8. For further discussion of these issues, see Michael T.
Kiley and John M. Roberts in a low
Interest
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42 PART 2: MONETARY POliCY
In the first quarter, the Open Market Desk The implementation of the program has
at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, proceeded smoothly without causing disruptive
as directed by the Committee, reinvested price movements in Treasury and MBS
principal payments from the Federal Reserve's markets. As the caps have increased gradually
holdings of Treasury securities maturing and predictably, the Federal Reserve's total
during each calendar month in excess of assets have started to decrease, from about
S12 billion. The Desk also reinvested in agency $4.4 trillion last October to about $4.3 trillion
mortgage-backed securities (MBS) the amount at present, with holdings of Treasury securities
of principal payments from the Federal at approximately $2.4 trillion and holdings
Reserve's holdings of agency debt and agency of agency and agency MBS at approximately
MBS received during each calendar month in $1.7 trillion (figure 46).
excess of $8 billion. Over the second quarter,
payments of principal from maturing Treasury
The Federal Reserve's implementation of
securities and from the Federal Reserve's
monetary policy has continued smoothly
holdings of agency debt and agency MBS were
reinvested to the extent that they exceeded To implement the FOMC's decisions to raise
S 18 billion and $12 billion, respectively. At the target range for the federal funds rate in
its meeting in June, the FOMC increased the March and June of 2018, the Federal Reserve
cap for Treasury securities to $24 billion and increased the rate of interest on excess reserves
the cap for agency debt and agency MBS (IOER) along with the interest rate offered
to $16 billion, both effective in July. The on overnight reverse repurchase agreements
Conunittee has indicated that the caps for (ON RRPs). Specifically, the federal Reserve
Treasury securities and for agency securities increased the IOER rate to 1Y . percent and
will increase to $30 billion and $20 billion per the ON RRP offering rate to 1' h percent in
month, respectively, in October. These terminal March. In June, the Federal Reserve increased
caps will remain in place until the Committee the IOER rate to 1.95 percent-5 basis points
judges that the Federal Reserve is holding no below the top of the target range--and the
more securities than necessary to implement ON RRP offering rate to 1Y . percent. In
monetary policy eflicicntly and effectively. addition, the Board of Governors approved
46. Federal Reserve assets and liabilities
Weekly Tnlhonsordollar5
--Assets
=Liabilities and capital
D__"L_L_L..l_.i.......L.....---.L-L. . L..L._LJ'-.l_L--LJ_L-L.l--L_
2008 2009 20!0 201 t 2012 20\3 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
NoTE: ''Credit and liquidity facilities" consists: of primary, secondary, and seasonal credit; tenn auction credit; central hank liquidity swaps; support for
Maiden Lane, Bear Stearns, and AIG; and other credit facilities, including the Primary Dealer Credit Facility, the Asset~ Backed Commercial Paper Money
Market Mutual Fund Liquidity Facility. the Commercial Paper Funding and the Tenn Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility, "Other assets"
includes unamortized premiums and discounts on securities held outright. reverse repurchase agreements, the US
Treasury General Account, and the U.S. Treasury Supplementary Financing Account.
SocRno: Federal Rescn'e Board, Statistical Release H.4.1, "Factors Affecting Reserve Balances."
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MONETARY POliCY REPORT: JUlY 2018 43
a'!. percentage point increase in the discount was trading near the top of the target range.
rate (the primary credit rate) in hoth March At its June meeting, the Committee made a
and June. Yields on a broad set of money small technical adjustment in its approach
market instruments moved higher, roughly in to implementing monetary policy by setting
line with the federal funds rate, in response the IOER rate modestly below the top of the
to the FOMC's policy decisions in March target range for the federal funds rate. This
and June. Usage of the ON RRP facility adjustment resulted in the effective federal
has declined, on net, since the turn of the funds rate running closer to the middle of the
year, reflecting relatively attractive yields on target range since mid-June. In an environment
alternative investments. of large reserve balances, the I 0 ER rate has
been an essential policy tool for keeping the
The effective federal funds rate moved up federal funds rate within the target range set by
toward the IOER rate in the months before the FOMC (see the box "Interest on Reserves
the June FOMC meeting and, therefore, and Its Importance for Monetary Policy").
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44 PART 2: MONETARY POLICY
Interest on Reserves and Its Importance for Monetary Policy
The financial crisis that began in 2007 triggered the As the economic expansion continued and
deepest recession in the United States since the Great unemployment declined-and with labor market
Depression. In response, the Federal Open Market conditions projected to continue improving·-·-the
Committee (FOMC) cut its target for the federal funds FOMC decided that it would scale back policy
rate to nearly zero by late 2008. Other short-term support by increasing the level of short-term interest
interest rates declined roughly in line with the federal rates and by reducing the Federal Reserve's securities
funds rate. Additional monetary stimulus was necessary holdings. To that end, the Committee began gradually
to address the significant economic downturn and raising its target range for the federal funds rate in
the associated downward pressure on inflation. The December 2015. Later, in October 2017, it began
FOMC undertook other monetary policy actions to gradually reducing holdings of Treasury and agency
put downward pressure on longer-term interest rates, securities; this gradual reduction results in a decline in
including large-scale purchases of longer-term Treasury the supply of reserve balances. The FOMC judged that
securities and agency-guaranteed mortgage-backed removing monetary policy stimulus through this mix of
securities. first raising the federal funds rate and then beginning
These policy actions made financial conditions more to shrink the balance sheet would best contribute to
accommodative and helped spur an economic recovery achieving and maintaining maximum employment and
that has become a long-lasting economic expansion. price stability without causing dislocations in financial
The unemployment rate has declined from 10 percent markets or institutions that could put the economic
to less than 4 percent over the course of the recovery expansion at risk.
and expansion, and inflation has been low and fJirly Interest on reserves-the payment of interest on
stable. The FOMC's actions were critical to fostering balances held by banks in their accounts at the Federal
progress toward maximum employment and stable Reserve-has been an essential policy tool that has
prices-the statutory goals for the conduct of monetary permitted the FOMC to achieve a gradual increase in
policy established by the Congress. the federal funds rate in combination with a gradual
The Federal Reserve's large-scale asset purchases reduction in the Fed's securities holdings and in the
had the side effect of generating a sizable increase in supply of reserve balances.' Interest on reserves is a
the supply of reserve balances, which are the balances monetary policy tool used by all of the world's major
that banks maintain in their accounts at the Federal central hanks.
Reserve,1 From the onset of the financial crisis in Interest on reserves is the principal tool the FOMC
August 2007 until October 2014, when the FOMC uses to anchor the federal funds rate in the target range.
ended the last of its asset purchase programs, the The federal funds rate, in turn, establishes an important
supply of reserve balances rose from about $15 billion benchmark for the borrowing and lending decisions
to about $21fl trl1lion.1 Reserve balances rose well in the banking sector (figure A). When the Federal
above the level necessary to meet reserve requirements, Reserve increases the target range for the federal funds
thus swelling the quantity of excess reserves held by the rate and the interest rate it pays on reserve balances,
banking system. banks bid up the rates in short-term funding markets
to levels consistent with those increases; rates in other
short-term funding markets-such as commercial
paper rates, Treasury bill rates, and rates on repurchase
1. A!! depository institutions (commercial banks, savings (continued)
banks, thrift institutions, credit unions, and most U.S. branches
and agencies of foreign banks) that maintain reserve balances
are eligible to earn interest on those balances. We refer to 3. The Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act of 2006
these institutions as "banks." authorized the Federal Reserve Banks to pay interest on
2. For a detailed discussion of how the changes in Federal balances held by or on behalf of depository institutions at
Reserve securities holdings affect the Federal Reserve's Federal Reserve Banks, subject to of the Board of
balance sheet and sectors of the U.S. economy, see Jane Governors, effective October 1, date of this
Ihrig, lawrence Mize, and Gretchen C. Weinbach (2017), authority was changed to October 1, 2008, by the Emergency
"How Does the Fed Adjust Its Securities Holdings and Who Is Economic Stabilization Act of 2008. The Congress authorized
Affected?" Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2017- the payment of interest on reserves to help minimize the
099 Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve incentives for costly reserve avoidance schemes and 1o provide
'1-\'\'> \v.fedt:r ,l:re:;('rve .gov/ecnnr es/ the Federal Reserve with a policy tool that could be useful for
monetary policy implementation more broadly.
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MONETARY POLICY REPORTo JULY 2018 45
A. Overnight money market rates B. Term money market rates
Target range 250 150
225 125
200 200
!75 175
!50 150
125 l2:'i
100 100
75 75
50 50
25 25
agreements-all tend to move higher as well (figure B), is higher than the interest it pays on reserve balances.
This increase in the general level of short-term rates, Each the Federal Reserve remits its earnings-
together with the expected future path of short-term that its income net of expenses-to the Treasury
rates, then influences the level of other financial asset Department; in 2017, remittances totaled more than
prices and overall financial conditions in the economy. $80 billion.
Thus, changing the interest rate on reserves has proven Had the Federal Reserve not been able to pay
to be an effective tool for transmitting changes in the interest on reserve balances at the same time that
FOMC's target range for the federal funds rate to other excess reserves in the banking system were large, it
interest rates in the economy. would not have been able to gradually raise the federal
The rate of interest the Federal Reserve pays on funds rate and other short-term interest rates while
banks' reserve balances is far lower than the rate that reserve balances were abundant; the FOMC would
banks can earn on alternative safe assets, including have had to take a different approach to scaling back
most U.S. government or agency securities, municipal monetary policy accommodation. This approach likely
securities, and loans to businesses and consumers.4 would have involved a rJpid and sizable reduction
Indeed, the bank prime rate---the base rate that banks in the Federal Reserve's securities holdings in order
use for loans to many of their customers-is currently to put sufficient upward pressure on interest rates.
around 300 basis points above the level of interest on (continued on next page)
reserves. Banks continue to find !ending attractive,
and bank lending has been expanding at a solid pace
Reguldtion D defines short-term interest rdtcs fur tht•
since 2012. Households have begun to see interest of this authority as "rates on obligations with
rates on retail deposits rising as well. Moreover, the no more than one year, such as the primary
configuration of interest rates implies that the return rates on term federal funds, term repurchase agreements,
the Federal Reserve earns on its holdings of securities commercial paper, term Eurodollar deposits, and other simifar
instruments." The rate of interest on reserves has been well
within a of :.hort-term interest rates as defined in Board
4. The Congress's authorization allows the Federal regulations. rJtes on a numbf'r of short-term money
Reserve to pay interest on deposits maintained by depository market instruments, see Board of Governors of the Federal
institutions at a rate not to exceed the "general !eve! of Reserve Statistical Release "Selected Interest
short~term interest rates." The Federal Reserve Board's Rates," ;:current.
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46 PART 2c MONETARY POliCY
Interest on Reserves (continued)
Getting the pace of asset sales just right for achieving yet known, that level is likely to be much lower than it
the Federal Reserve's objectives would have been is today, though appreciably higher than it was before
extremely challenging. Such an approach to removing the crisis.6 In addition, the amount of U.S. currency~
accommodation would have run the risk of disrupting Federal Reserve notes~that people in the United States
financial markets, with adverse effects on the economy. and elsewhere want to hold has increased substantially
Indeed, as observed during the early summer of since the crisis. If banks want to hold more reserve
2013, market reactions to changes in the outlook for balances and the public wants to hold more U.S.
the Federal Reserve's holdings of long-term securities currency than before the crisis, the Federal Reserve will
can have outsized effects in bond markets. At that time, need to supply the reserves and currency, so the Federal
FOMC communications that pointed to the eventual Reserve's securities holdings also will have to be larger
cessation of asset purchases seemed to alarm investors than before the financial crisis.7
and reportedly contributed to a rise in longer-term rates Interest on reserves will remain an important policy
of 1 SO basis points over just a few months. That rise in tool for keeping the federal funds rate within the target
rates quickly pushed up the cost of mortgage credit and range set by the FOMC and thus managing the level of
rates on other forms of borrowing for households and short-term interest rates, even as the ongoing reduction
businesses. in the Federal Reserve's securities holdings generates a
Thus, Federal Reserve policymakers judged that gradual decline in the amount of reserve balances on
the best strategy for adjusting the stance of monetary which the Federal Reserve pays interest. In June 2018,
policy would be gradual increases in the target range the Federal Reserve made a small technical adjustment
for the federal funds rate, supplemented later on by to de-link the rate of interest on reserves from the top
gradual reductions in the Federal Reserve's securities of the Committee's target range for the federal funds
holdings. The ongoing, gradual reduction in the Federal rate. At the june 2018 FOMC meeting. the Committee
Reserve's securities holdings that the FOMC set in increased the federal funds target range by 25 basis
motion in 2017 will bring the !eve! of reserve balances points, while the rate of interest on reserve balances
down substantially over the next few years. The size was increased by 20 basis points. This change is
of reserves that banks eventually want to hold will intended to ensure that the federal funds rate continues
reflect balances held to meet reserve requirements and to trade well within the Committee's target range. The
payments needs as well as balances held to address spread between the effective federal funds rate and the
regulatory and structural changes in the banking system rate of interest on reserves could continue to narrow
since the financial crisis.5 Although the level of reserve over time as the Federal Reserve's securities holdings
balances that banks will eventually want to hold is not and the supply of reserve balances gradually decline.
6. Uncertainty about the eventual level of reserve balances
is another reason that the FOMC has been reducing the
Federal Reserve's holdings of securities, and the supply of
reserve balances, gradually.
7. Currency grows roughly in fine with nominal
domestic product. ln December 2008, currency in
WJS around $850 billion, compared with $1.6 trillion at
end of June 2018.
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47
3
PART
SuMMARY OF EcoNOMIC PROJECTIONS
The following material appeared as an addendum to the minutes of the june 12-13,2018,
meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee.
In conjunction with the Federal Open All participants who submitted longer-run
Market Committee (FOMC) meeting held projections expected that, throughout the
on June 12··13, 2018, meeting participants projection period, the unemployment rate
submitted their projections of the most likely would run below their estimates of its longer
outcomes for real gross domestic product run level. All participants projected that
(GDP) growth, the unemployment rate, and inflation, as measured by the four-q uartcr
inflation for each year from 2018 to 2020 percentage change in the price index for
and over the longer run.17 Each participant's personal consumption expenditures (PCE),
projections were based on information would run at or slightly above the Committee's
available at the time of the meeting, together 2 percent objective by the end of 2018 and
with his or her assessment of appropriate remain roughly flat through 2020. Compared
monetary policy-including a path for the with the Summary of Economic Projections
federal funds rate and its longer-run value (SEP) from March, most participants slightly
and assumptions about other factors likely marked up their projections of real GDP
to affect economic outcomes. The longer- growth in 2018 and somewhat lowered their
run projections represent each participant's projections for the unemployment rate from
assessment of the value to which each variable 2018 through 2020; participants indicated
would be expected to converge, over time, that these revisions reflected, in large part,
under appropriate monetary policy and in the strength in incoming data. A large majority of
absence of further shocks to the economy.'' participants made slight upward adjustments
"Appropriate monetary policy" is defined as to their projections of inflation in 2018.
the future path of policy that each participant Table 1 and figure 1 provide summary statistics
deems most likely to foster outcomes for for the projections.
economic activity and inflation that best
satisfy his or her individual interpretation of As shown in figure 2, participants generally
the statutory mandate to promote maximum continued to expect that the evolution of
employment and price stability. the economy relative to their objectives
of maximum employment and 2 percent
All participants who submitted longer-run inflation would likely warrant further gradual
projections expected that, in 2018, real GDP increases in the federal funds rate. The central
would expand at a pace exceeding their tendencies of participants' projections of the
individual estimates of the longer-run growth federal funds rate for both 2018 and 2019
rate of real GDP Participants generally saw were roughly unchanged, but the medians
real GDP growth moderating somewhat in for both years were 25 basis points higher
each of the following two years but remaining relative to March. Nearly all participants who
above their estimates of the longer-run rate. submitted longer-run projections expected
that, during part of the projection period,
17. Three members of the Board of Governors were in evolving economic conditions would make it
office at the time of the June 2018 meeting.
appropriate for the federal funds rate to move
18. One participant did not submit longer-run
projections for real GDP growth, the unemployment rate, somewhat above their estimates of its longer
or the federal funds rate, run level.
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48 PART 3: SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Table l. Economic projections of Federa1 Reserve Board members and Federal Reserve Bank presidents,
under their individual assessments of projected appropriate monetary policy, June 2018
Percent
3.4-3.7 4.3-4.6 3.5-3.8 3.3~3.8 .1.3--4.0 4.1-4.7
4.3--4.7 3.6-4.0 3.3--4.2 3.3--4.4 4.2~4.8
2.1 2.1 2.0 2.0.·2.2 1.9-2.3 2.0.·2.3 2.0
2.0 2J 2.0 1.8 2.1 1.9-2.3 2.0-·2.3 2.0
2.1 2.1 1.9-2.1 2.0--2.3 2.0-2.3
2.1 2.1 1.8-2.1 1.9-2.3 2.0-2.3
3.1 3.4
In general, participants continued to view mentioned accommodative monetary policy
the uncertainty attached to their economic and financial conditions, strength in the global
projections as broadly similar to the outlook, continued momentum in the labor
average of the past 20 years. As in March, market, or positive readings on business and
most participants judged the risks around consumer sentiment as important factors
their projections for real GDP growth, the shaping the economic outlook. Compared with
unemployment rate, and inflation to be the March SEP, the median of participants'
broadly balanced. projections for the rate of real GDP growth
was 0.1 percentage point higher for this year
The Outlook for Economic Activity and unchanged for the next two years.
The median of participants' projections for Almost all participants expected the
the growth rate of real GDP, conditional on unemployment rate to decline somewhat
their individual assessments of appropriate further over the projection period. The
monetary policy, was 2.8 percent for this year median of participants' projections for the
and 2.4 percent for next year. The median unemployment rate was 3.6 percent for the
was 2.0 percent for 2020, a touch above the final quarter of this year and 3.5 percent
median projection of longer-run growth. Most for the final quarters of 2019 and 2020. The
participants con tinned to cite fiscal policy as median of participants' estimates of the
a driver of strong economic activity over the longer-run unemployment rate was unchanged
next couple of years. Many participants also at 4.5 percent.
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: IULY 2018 49
Figure 1. Medians, central tendencies, and ranges of economic projections, 2018 · 20 and over the longer run
l\.'1"\:eut
Change in real GDP
- Median of projections
Central tendency of projections
Range of projections
~
.LJ
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Longer
run
Percent
Unemployment rate
- 7
- 6
- 5
- 4
- 3
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Longer
run
Percent
PCE inflation
- 3
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Longer
run
Percent
Core PCE inflation
--
3
a;a
~
- I
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Longer
run
NOTE: Ddinitions of variables and other explanations arc in the notes to table l. The data for the actual vaJu~s of
the variables arc annual.
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50 PART 3o SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Figure 2. FOMC participants' assessments of appropriate monetary policy: Midpoint of target range or target level
for the federal funds rate
Percent
5.0
4.5
·····~···
40
3.5
3.0
............... _ 2.5
............... J .............. -~" ••
2.0
.. ·········~·· 1.5
1.0
......... ···- 0.5
0.0
2018 2019 2020 Longer run
Non:: Each shaded circle indicates the value (rounded to the nearest 118 percentage point) of an individual participant's
judgment of the midpoint of the appropriate target range for the federal funds rate or the appropriate target level for the federal
funds rate at the end of the specified calendar year or over the longer run. One participant did not submit longer-run projections
for the federal funds rate.
Figures 3.A and 3.B show the distributions of The Outlook for Inflation
participants' projections for real GDP growth
and the unemployment rate from 2018 to 2020 The medians of participants' projections for
and over the longer run. The distribution of total and core PCE price inflation in 2018 were
individual projections for real GDP growth 2.1 percent and 2.0 percent, respectively, and
this year shifted up noticeably from that in the the median for each measure was 2.1 percent
March SEP. By contrast, the distributions of in 2019 and 2020. Compared with the March
projected real GDP growth in 2019 and 2020 SEP, the medians of participants' projections
and over the longer run were little changed. for total PCE price inflation for this year and
The distributions of individual projections for next were revised up slightly. Some participants
the unemployment rate in 2018 to 2020 pointed to incoming data on energy prices
shifted down relative to the distributions as a reason for their upward revisions. The
in March, while the downward shift in the median of participants' forecasts for core PCE
distribution of longer-run projections was price inflation was up a touch for this year and
very modest. unchanged for subsequent years.
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: jULY 2018 51
Figures 3.C and 3.0 provide information on funds rate over the next few years would
the distributions of participants' views about likely involve gradual increases. This view
the outlook for inflation. The distributions was predicated on several factors, including a
of both total and core PCE price inf1ation judgment that a gradual path of policy firming
for 2018 shifted to the right relative to the likely would appropriately balance the risks
distributions in March. The distributions of associated with, among other considerations,
projected inf1ation in 2019, 2020, and over the possibilities that U.S. liscal policy could
the longer run were roughly unchanged. have larger or more persistent positive effects
Participants generally expected each measure on real activity and that shifts in trade policy
to be at or slightly above 2 percent in or developments abroad could weigh on
2019 and 2020. the expansion. As always, the appropriate
path of the federal funds rate would depend
Appropriate Monetary Policy on evolving economic conditions and their
implications for participants' economic
Figure 3.E provides the distribution of outlooks and assessments of risks.
participants' judgments regarding the
appropriate target--or midpoint of the target Uncertainty and Risks
range-for the federal funds rate at the end
of each year from 2018 to 2020 and over the In assessing the path for the federal funds rate
longer run. The distributions of projected that, in their view, is likely to be appropriate,
policy rates through 2020 shifted modestly FOMC participants take account of the range
higher, consistent with the revisions to of possible economic outcomes, the likelihood
participants' projections of real GOP growth, of those outcomes, and the potential benefits
the unemployment rate, and inf1ation. As and costs should they occur. As a reference.
in their March projections, a large majority table 2 provides measures of forecast
of participants anticipated that evolving uncertainty, based on the forecast errors of
economic conditions would likely warrant various private and government forecasts
the equivalent of a total of either three or over the past 20 years, for real GOP growth,
fonr increases of 25 basis points in the target the unemployment rate, and total PCE price
range for the federal funds rate over 2018. inflation. Those measures are represented
There was a slight reduction in the dispersion
of participants' views. with no participant
Table 2. Average historical projection error ranges
regarding the appropriate target at the end of
Percentage points
the year to be below 1.88 percent. For each
subsequent year. the dispersion of participants'
year-end projections was somewhat smaller
than that in the March SEP.
The medians of participants' projections
of the federal funds rate rose gradually to
2.4 percent at the end of this year, 3.1 percent
at the end of 2019, and 3.4 percent at the end
of 2020. The median of participants' longer
run estimates, at 2. 9 percent, was unchanged
relative to the March SEP.
In discussing their projections, many
participants continued to express the view
that the appropriate trajectory of the federal
123
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52 PART 3: SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Figure 3.A. Distribution of participants' projections for the change in real GDP, 2018--20 and over the longer run
:-.lumber of participants
2018
[J -IS
-16
14
12
-l()
-4
1.4 1.6 1.8
!.5 1.7 1.9
Percent range
~umhcrofparticipants
2019
-18
16
-14
12
-10
!.4- 1.6- 1.8·· 3.0
!.5 1.7 19 2.3 1.5 }_1
Percent range
Number of participants
2020
-IS
-16
-14
-12
JO
8
-6
-4
14-· 2.4- " 3.0
1.5 2.3 2.5 2.7 3.1
Percent ran~.:
l\'umbcrofpmticipants
Longer run
-18
-16
-14
-12
-10
-8
2.2- 1_4~ 2.6- 2.8-
23 2.5 2.7 2.9
Percent range
NoTE: Definitions of variables and other explanations are in the notes to table 1.
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MONETARY POliCY REPORT: jUlY 2018 53
Figure 3.B. Distribution of participants' projections for the unemployment rate, 2018-20 and over the longer run
1\'umberofpartJdpants
2018
D 18
16
-14
-12
-10
'-
3.(}.. 4.(~ 4.2- 4.+- 4.6· 4.8 5.0~
3.1 4.1 4.3 4.5 4.7 4.9 5.1
Percent range
!\"umber of participants
2019
18
-16
-14
12
-10
- 4
: 3 u 0 ~ " H 4 4 . . 6 7 " " 4.8 ~ 5 5 . 1 (~
Percent range
Number of participants
2020
18
-16
-14
-12
-10
8
6
- 4
44 4.6 4.8· 5.(}
4.5 4.7 4.9 5.1
Pt.!rccnt range
;.:umber of participants.
Longer run
18
-16
-14
12
-10
8
6
Percent range
NoTE: Definitions of variables and other explanations arc in the notes to table 1.
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54 PART 3: SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Figure 3.C. Distribution of participants' projections for PCE inflation, 2018·--20 and OYer the longer run
Numberofpart!dpants
2018
0 IK
16
-14
-12
r -10
- 4
1.7 L9~ 2,3-
18 2.0 24
Percent range
Number nf partk!pant~
2019
18
16
-14
-12
-10
- 6
1.7 2.3
18 24
Percent range
Numhcrorp;<rtidp,mts
2020
-IS
-16
-14
-12
-10
8
- 6
:1::..9n
2.2
2
2
3
4
1'\umhcrt>fparticipants.
Longer run
18
-16
-14
-12
10
21- 23-
24
Percent range
NOTE: Definitions of variables and other explanations arc in the notes to table 1.
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 55
Figure 3.D. Distribution of participants' projections for core PCE infia1ion. 2018-20
Numbcrotpart!cipants
2018
-18
16
14
12
r 10
-8
-4
1.7-- 2.1-- 2.:'1----
1! 2.0 24
Percent range
:-\umbcrnfparticip;mts
2019
18
16
-14
-12
10
U
l! :.n
Percent range
Number 0f partidpanL~
2020
18
16
-14
12
10
1.9·
2U
Percent range
Non-e: Definitions of variables and other explanations arc in the notes to table I.
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56 PART 3: SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Figure 3.E. Distribution of participants' judgments of the midpoint of the appropriate target range for the federal
funds rate or the appropriate target level for the federal funds rate, 2018-20 and over the longer run
Numbcrofp<~rticlpants
2018
-18
16
14
-12
-10
4.~8·· 4.63. 4.83·
4.62 4.87 5.12
Percent range
Numhi:rofpnrticipants
2019
-18
-10
-14
12
-10
8
2020
18
16
14
Percent range
Number of participants
Longer run
-18
-·-16
-14
-12
10
8
6
-4
!.63--. !.88- 2.13- :us- 4.38-
187 212 2.:n 2.62 5.12
Percent range
NOTE: Definitions of variables and other explanations are in the notes to table !.
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: JULY 2018 57
graphically in the "fan charts" shown in participants saw the risks to their projections
the top panels of figures 4.A, 4.B, and 4.C. as broadly balanced. Specifically, for GDP
The fan charts display the median SEP growth, only one participant viewed the risks
projections for the three variables surrounded as tilted to the downside, and the number of
by symmetric confidence intervals derived participants who viewed the risks as tilted
from the forecast errors reported in table 2. to the upside dropped from four to two.
If the degree of uncertainty attending these For the unemployment rate, the number of
projections is similar to the typical magnitude participants who saw the risks as tilted toward
of past forecast errors and the risks around the low readings dropped from four to two. For
projections are broadly balanced, then future inflation, all but one participant judged the
outcomes of these variables would have about risks to either total or core PCE price inflation
a 70 percent probability of being within these as broadly balanced.
confidence intervals. ror all three variables,
this measure of uncertainty is substantial and In discussing the uncertainty and risks
generally increases as the forecast horizon surrounding their projections, several
lengthens. participants continued to point to tlscal
developments as a source of upside risk,
Participants' assessments of the level of many participants cited developments related
uncertainty surrounding their individual to trade policy as posing downside risks to
economic projections are shown in the their growth forecasts, and a few participants
bottom-left panels of flgures 4.A, 4.B, also pointed to political developments in
and 4.C. Nearly all participants viewed Europe or the global outlook more generally
the degree of uncertainty attached to their as downside-risk factors. A few participants
economic projections for real GDP growth, noted that the appreciation of the dollar
the unemployment rate, and inflation as posed downside risks to the inflation outlook.
broadly similar to the average of the past A few participants also noted the risk of
20 years, a view that was essentially unchanged inflation moving higher than anticipated as the
from March.19 unemployment rate falls.
Because the fan charts are constructed to be Participants' assessments of the appropriate
symmetric around the median projections, future path of the federal funds rate were also
they do not reflect any asymmetries in the subject to considerable uncertainty. Because
balance of risks that participants may see the Committee adjusts the federal funds
in their economic projections. Participants' rate in response to actual and prospective
assessments of the balance of risks to their developments over time in real GOP growth,
economic projections are shown in the the unemployment rate, and inflation,
bottom-right panels of figures 4.A, 4.B, and uncertainty surrounding the projected path
4.C. Most participants judged the risks to for the federal funds rate importantly reflects
their projections of real GDP growth, the the uncertainties about the paths for those
unemployment rate, total inflation, and core key economic variables. Figure 5 provides a
inflation as broadly balanced-in other words, graphical representation of this uncertainty,
as broadly consistent with a symmetric fan plotting the median SEP projection for the
chart. Compared with March, even more federal funds rate surrounded by confidence
intervals derived from the results presented
19. At the end of this summary. the box "Forecast in table 2. As with the macroeconomic
Uncertainty" discusses the sources and interpretation
variables, forecast uncertainty surrounding the
of uncertainty surrounding the economic forecasts and
explains the approach used to assess the uncertainty and appropriate path of the federal funds rate is
risks attending the participants' projections. substantial and increases for longer horizons.
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58 PART 3o SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Figure 4.A. Uncertainty and risks in projections of GDP growth
Median projection and confidence interval based on historical forecast errors
-3
-I
2013 2014 2015 201fi 2017 2018 2019 2020
FOMC participants' assessments of uncertainty and risks around their economic projections
Numbcrofpar1K1pan1~ Numhcrofparticipant~
Uncertainty about GDP growth
0
18
16
14
12
10
Lower Broadly Higher Weighted to Broadly Weighted to
Similar downside hal anced upside
NOTE: The blue and red Jines in the top panel show actual values and median projected values.. rcspcctivc!y, of the percent change
in real (GOP) from the fourth quarter of the previous year to the fourth quarter of the year indicated. The
the median projected values is assumed to be symmetric and is based on ront mean squared errors of
various private and government forecasts made over the previous :20 years: more information about these data is available in table 2.
Because current conditions may dilfer from those that prevailed, on average. over the previous 20 years, the width and shape of the
confidence interval estimated on the basis of the historical forecast errors may not reflect FOMC participants' current assessments
of the uncertainty and risks around their projections: these current assessments are «ummarized in tbe lower panels. Generally
speaking. participants who judge the uncertainty about their projections as .. broadly similar .. to the average levels of the past
20 years would view the width of the confidence interval shown in the historical fan chart as largely consistent with their assessments
or the uncertainty about their projections. Likewise. participants who judge the risks to their projections as "broadly balanced ..
would view the conHdence interval around their projections as approximately symmetric. For definitions of uncertainty and risks in
economic projections, sec the box "Forecast Uncertainty."
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MONETARY POLICY REPORTo JULY 2018 59
Figure 4.B. Uncertainty and risks in projections of the unemployment rate
Median projection and confidence interval based on historical forecast errors
Percent
10
-9
-8
-6
-4
20!3 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020
FOMC participants' assessments of uncertainty and risks around their economic projections
Numlxr of partinpanl~ Numhernrparticipants
Uncertainty about the unemployment rate
EJ
18 18
16 -16
-14 14
12
10
8
- 6
Lower Broadly Higher Weighted to Broadly Weighted to
Similar downside balanced upside
NoTE: The blue and red lines in the top panel show actual values and median projected values. of the average
um:m.,1oymcJtlt rate in the fourth the year indicated. The confidence interval the median projected
root mean squared errors of various private and government forecasts made
more information about these data is available in table 2. Because current conditions
those on average, over the previous 20 years. the width and on the basis
of the historical forecast errors may not reflect fOMC participants' current assessments of the uncertainty and risks around
their projections; these current assessments arc summarized in the lower panels. Generally speaking, participants who judge the
uncertainty about their projections as "broadly similar" to the average levels of the past 20 years would v1ew the width of the
confidence interval shown in the historical fan chart as largely consistent with their assessments of the uncertainty about their
projections. Likewise, participants who judge the risks to their projections as "broadly balanced .. would view the confidence
interval around their projections as approximately symmetric. For definitions of uncertainty and risks in economic projections.
see the box '·Forecast Uncertainty."'
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60 PART 3o SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Figure 4.C. Uncertainty and risks in projections of PCE inflation
Median pwjection and confidence interval based on historical forecast errors Percent
PCE inflation
- 0
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
FOMC participants' assessments of uncertainty and risks around their economic projections
Number of pari!C!pants NumhcrofpaliKipants
Uncertainty about PCE inflation Risks to PCE inflation
G:l -18 0 -18
16 16
14 14
12 12
-10 10
- 8
6
Lower Broadly Higher Weighted to Broadly Weighted to
Similar downside balanced uPside
Numbcrrli'p<~rticipants Number of panldpanL>
Uncertainty about core PCE inflation Risks to core PCE inflation
0 IS 0 -18
-16 -16
14 -14
- 12 -12
-10 10
- 8 8
- 6
Lower Broadly Higher
Similar
Non: The blue and red lines in the top panel show actual values and median projected values., respectively, of the percent change
in the price index for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) from the fourth quarter of the previous year to the fourth quarter
of the year indicated. The confidence interval around the median projected \'alues is assumed to be symmetric and is based on root
mean squared errors of various private and government forecasts made over the previous 20 years; more information about these
data is available in table 2. Because current conditions may differ from those that prevailed, on average, over the previous
20 years, the \vidth and shape of the confidence interval estimated on the basis of the historical forecast errors may not reflect
FO:MC participants' current assessments of the uncertainty and risks around their projt->ctions; these current assessments are
summarized in the lower panels. Generally speaking, participants who judge the uncertainty about their projections as ''broadly
similar'' to the average levels of the past 20 years would view the width of the confidence interval shown in the historical fan
chart as largely consistent with their assessments of the uncertainty about their projections. Likewise. participants who judge
the risks to their projections as ''broadly balanced" would view the confidence interval around their projections as approximately
symmetric. For definitions of uncertainty and risks in economic projections, sec the box ·'Forecast Uncertainty. . ,
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MONETARY POLICY REPORT: )LILY 2018 61
Figure 5. Uncertainty in projections of the federal funds rate
Median projection and confidence interval based on historical forecast errors
------------------------------------------------------------------------~Pe~r~nt
Federal funds rate
-6
-5
-3
20D 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020
NoTE: The blue and red lines are based on actual values and median projected values, respectively, of the Committee's target for
the federal funds rate at the end of the year indicated. The actual values are the midpoint of the target range; the median projected
values are based on either the midpoint of the target range or the target level. The confidence interval around the median projected
values is based on root mean squared errors of various private and government forecasts made over the previous 20 years. The
confidence interval is not strictly consistent with the projections for the federal funds rate. primarily because these projections are
not forecasts of the likeliest outcomes for the federal fllllds rate. but rather projections of participants' individual assessments of
appropriate monetary policy. StilL historical forecast errors provide a broad sense of the uncertainty around the future path of the
federal funds rate generated by the uncertainty about the macroeconomic variables as well as additional adjustments to monetary
policy that may be appropriate to offset the effects of shocks to the economy.
The confidence interval is assumed to be symmetric except vJ1en it is truncated at zero-,the bottom of the lowest target range
for the federal funds rate that has been adopted in the past by the Committee This truncation would not be intended to indicate
the likelihood of the use of negative interest rates to provide additiona1 monetary policy accommodation if doing so was judged
appropriate. In such situations, the Committee could also employ other tools, including forward guidance and largc~scale asset
purchases. to provide additional accommodation. Because current conditions may differ from those that prevailed, on average.
over the previous 20 years, the width and shape of the confidence interval estimated on the basis of the historical forecast errors
may not reflect FOMC participants· current assessments of the uncertainty and risks around their projections.
*The cnnfidencc interval is derived of short-rerm interest rates in the fourth quarter of the year
indicated: more information about these data The shaded area cncPmpasscs less than a 70 percent confidence
interval if the confidence interval has been truncated at zero.
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62 PART 3: SUMMARY OF ECONOMIC PROJECTIONS
Forecast Uncertainty
The economic projections provided by the members of in the bottom-left panels of those figures. 1'-articipants
the Board of Governors and the presidents of the Federal also provide judgments as to whether the risks to their
Reserve Banks inform discussions of monetary policy projections are weighted to the upside, are weighted to
among policymakers and can aid public understanding the downside, or are broadly balanced. That is, while the
of the basis for policy actions. Considerable uncertainty symmetric historical fan charts shown in the top panels of
attends these projections, however. The economic and figures 4.A through 4.C imply that the risks to participants'
statistical models and relationships used to help produce projections are balanced, participants may judge that
economic forecasts are necessarily imperfect descriptions there is a greater risk that a given variable will be above
of the real world, and the future path of the economy rather than below their projections. These judgments
can be affected by myriad unforeseen developments and are summarized in the lower-right panels of figures 4./\
events. Thus, in setting the stance of monetary policy, through 4.C.
participants consider not only what appears to be the As with real activity and inflation, the outlook for
most likely economic outcome as embodied in their the future path of the federal funds rate is subject to
projections, but also the range of alternative possibilities, considerable uncertainty. This uncertainty arises primarily
the likelihood of their occurring, and the potential costs to because each participant's assessment of the appropriate
the economy should they occur. stance of monetary policy depends importantly on
Table 2 summarizes the average historical accuracy the evolution of real activity and inflation over time. If
of a range of forecasts, including those reported in past economic conditions evolve in an unexpected manner,
Monetary Policy Reports and those prepared by the then assessments of the appropriate setting of the federal
Federal Reserve Board's staff in advance of meetings of the funds rate would change from that point forward. The
Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). The projection final line in table 2 shows the error ranges for forecasts of
error ranges shown in the table illustrate the considerable short-term interest rates. They suggest that the historical
uncertainty associated with economic forecasts. For confidence intervals associated with projections of the
example, suppose a participant projects that real gross federal funds rate are quite wide. It should be noted,
domestic product (GDP) and total consumer prices will however, that these confidence intervals are not strictly
rise steadily at annual rJtes of, respectively, 3 percent and consistent with the projections for the federal funds
2 percent. If the uncertJinty attending those projections rate, as these projections are not forecasts of the most
is similar to that experienced in the past and the risks likely quarterly outcomes but rather are projections
around the projections are broadly balanced, the numbers of participants' individual assessments of appropriate
reported in table 2 would imply a probability of about monetary policy and are on an end-of-year basis.
70 percent that actual GOP woutd expand within a range However, the forecast errors should provide a sense of the
of 1.7 to 4.3 percent in the current year, 1.0 to 5.0 percent uncertainty around the future path of the federal funds rate
in the second year, and 0.9 to 5.1 percent in the third generated by the uncertainty about the macroeconomic
year. Tiu.~ corresponding 70 percent confidence intervals variables as well as additional adjustments to monetary
for overall inflation would be 1.3 to 2.7 percent in the policy that would be appropriate to offset the effects of
current year and 1.0 to 3.0 percent in the second and third shocks to the economy.
years. Figures 4.A through 4.C illustrate these confidence If at some point in the future the confidence interval
bounds in "fan charts" that are symmetric and centered on around the federal funds rate were to extend below zero,
the medians of FOMC participants' projections for GDP it would be truncated at zero for purposes of the fan chart
growth, the unemployment rate, and inflation. However, shown in figure 5; zero is the bottom of the lowest target
in some instances, the risks around the projections may range for the federal funds rate that has been adopted
not be symmetric. In particular, the unemployment rate by the Committee in the past. This approach to the
cannot be negative; furthermore, the risks around a construction of the federal funds rate fan chart would be
particular projection might be tilted to either the upside or merely a convention; it would not have any implications
the downside, in which case the corresponding fan chart for possible future policy decisions regarding the use of
would be asymmetrically positioned around the median negative interest rates to provide additional monetary
projection. policy accommodation if doing so were appropriate. In
Because current conditions may differ from those that such situations, the Committee could also employ other
prevailed, on average, over history, participants provide tools, including forward guidance and asset purchases, to
judgments as to whether the uncertainty attached to provide additional accommodation.
their projections of each economic variable is greater White figures 4.A through 4.C provide information on
than, smaller than, or broadly similar to typical levels the uncertainty around the economic projections, figure 1
of forecast uncertainty seen in the past 20 years, as provides information on the range of views across FOMC
presented in table 2 and reflected in the widths of the participants. A comparison of figure 1 with figures 4.A
confidence intervals shown in the top panels of figures through 4.C shows that the dispersion of the projections
4.A through 4.C. Participants' current assessments of the across participants is much smaller than the average
uncertainty surrounding their projections are summarized forecast errors over the past 20 years.
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63
ABBREVIATIONS
AFE advanced foreign economy
BBA Bipartisan Budget Act of 2018
BLS Bureau of Labor Statistics
C&I commercial and industrial
Desk Open Market Desk at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York
DPI disposable personal income
ECB European Central Bank
EME emerging market economy
FOMC Federal Open Market Committee; also, the Committee
GDP gross domestic product
IOER interest on excess reserves
JOLTS Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey
LFPR labor force participation rate
MBS mortgage-backed securities
Michigan survey University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers
OIS overnight index swap
ONRRP overnight reverse repurchase agreement
PCE personal consumption expenditures
SEP Summary of Economic Projections
SLOOS Senior Loan Olliccr Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices
S&P Standard & Poor's
TCJA Tax Cuts and Jobs Act
TIPS Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities
VIX implied volatility for the S&P 500 index
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-1 -
Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell, Chairman, Board of Govemors of the
Federal Reserve System, from Representative Beatty:
1. Title III of the Dodd-Frank Wall Stt·eet Reform and Consumer Protection Act, P.L. 111-
203, ("Dodd-Frank") transferred to the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
supervisory and examination authority of savings and loan holding companies and their
non-depository subsidiaries in 2011. This included supervisory and examination authority
of savings and loan holding companies primarily engaged in insurance underwriting
activities. According to the 1 04th Annual Report of the Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve System, the Fed supervised 11 insurance savings and loan holding companies in
2017, including two Ohio-based companies.
Please describe the Fed's history of regulating insurance companies.
The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Dodd-Frank Act) gave the
Federal Reserve supervisory and regulatory responsibilities for insurance companies that either
own a federally insured thrift as pmt of a savings and loan holding company (SLHC) or are
designated as systemically important by the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC). This
responsibility extends to the functionally regulated subsidiaries of these companies. Prior to the
Dodd-Frank Act, the Federal Reserve supervised insurance companies that were part of a bank
holding company stmcture. In developing its regulatory framework for supervised insurance
companies, the Federal Reserve Board (Board) has sought to adapt and tailor its overall statutory
responsibility for supervised institutions and to appropriately incorporate considerations for the
different material characteristics of insurance companies. While the Board has developed rules
specifically for supervised insurance companies, the Federal Reserve does not regulate the
business of insurance, including for its supervised institutions.
As patt of the Dodd-Frank Act's authorization to develop a regulatory and supervisory
framework for its supervised insurance companies, the Federal Reserve has pursued several
initiatives. These initiatives include the establishment of capital requirements for supervised
insurance companies and the establishment of enhanced prudential standards for institutions that
have been desit;;nated as systemically important. On June 3, 2016, the Board approved and
invited comment on an advance notice of proposed rulemaldng (ANPR) on two tailored
conceptual frameworks for capital stm1daxds for supervised insurance companies. One of the
proposed frameworks was tailored for insurance companies designated as systemically
important, while the other was tailored for insurance companies that own a depository institution.
The Federal Reserve is continuing to develop consolidated capital requirements for supervised
insurance companies. The Board also approved a proposed 1ule on June 3, 2016, to apply
enhanced prudential standards to systemically important insurance companies designated by the
FSOC. These rulemakings would apply consistent liquidity, corporate governance, and risk
management standards to these firms. In addition, the Board regularly reviews new and existing
guidance and regulations to determine the appropriate applicability for insurance savings and
loan holding companies (ISLHCs) while continuing to develop appropriate regulations.
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2. Currently, how many insurance savings and loan holding companies does the Fed
supervise?
The Federal Reserve currently supervises 11 ISLIICs.
3. Do you believe that you have the authority to tailor supervisory regulations with regards
to insurance savings and loan holding companies? If so:
a. Can you provide a complete list and short description of every instance where the Fed
has explicitly tailored supervisory and examination regulations, guidance or supervisory
letters to insurance savings and loan holding companies since July 21, 2011?
The Home Owners' Loan Act of 1933 (via the Dodd-Frank Act) provides the Federal Reserve
the flexibility to tailor appropriately its regulations and guidance for ISLHCs, to ensure each
firm's safety and soundness without imposing bank-centric standards.
As part of the general supervisory process, the Federal Reserve tailors the application of
supervisory letters (i.e., guidance) and regulations to ISLHCs based on the finn's size, risk
profile, structure, and business model. Federal Reserve supervisors work closely with state
insurance regulators and other relevant functional regulators of material business lines to ensure
the Federal Reserve's supervisory expectations are appropriately aligned with eaeh firm's
business and risk profiles.
Below is a sample list and summary of significant supervisory guidance and regulations that the
Federal Reserve has tailored or exempted ISLHCs from since July 21, 2011.
Exemption from Dodd-J:<'rank Act Capital, Stress Testing, and Liquidity Requirements:
The expectations in Supervision and Regulation (SR) Letter 12-7, "Supervisory Guidance on
Stress Testing tor Banking Organizations with More Than $10 Billion in Total Consolidated
Assets," and in the Comprehensive Capital Analysis and Review/Dodd-Frank Aruma! Stress
Testing have not been applied to ISLHCs to date but do apply to bank holding companies that
meet the same asset thresholds. In addition, the Federal Reserve did not apply Dodd-Frank Act
bank liquidity requirements (e.g., liquidity coverage ratio) and Basel III regulatory capital
standards to ISLHCs, as those specific capital and liquidity standards are too bank-centric.
Applicability of the Federal Reserve's Holding Company Rating System: In 2016, the Board
issued a Notice for Public Comment regarding the view that the petmanent application of the
RFI Rating System (Risk Management, Financial Condition, and Impact) to SLHCs would not
apply to ISLHCs. This notice stated the Board's intent to review "whether a modified version of
the lU'l rating system or some other supervisory rating system is appropriate for these firms on a
permanent basis." Similarly, in a 2017 Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, the proposed Large
Financial Institution (LFf) Rating System to be used at large firms supervised by the Federal
Reserve would not apply to large ISLHCs. If the LFI Rating System is implemented, the Board
intends to review the potential application and/or modification for ISLHCs. ISLHCs will
continue to be rated uoder the RFI rating system on an indicative basis while the Board considers
rating system options.
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The Federal Reserve has tailored the application of indicative RFI ratings to ISLHCs through
intcmal guidance, which are called Advisory Letters. Intemal guidance provides Federal
Reserve examiners direction on how to tailor their analysis of the financial conditions ofiSLHCs
to reflect the differences associated with the business of insurance. It also directs examiners to
rely, to the fullest extent possible, on the work of an ISLHC's state insnrance regulator(s) when
assessing the risk management of insurance-specific activities at an ISLHC. Internal guidance
requires Federal Reserve examiners to incorporate an ISLHC's Own Risk Solvency Assessments
(ORSAs), a state insurance regulator requirement, in their evaluations and to discuss results from
the ORSA with the appropriate state insurance regulator(s).
Supervisory Guidance Applicable to SLHCs prior to July 21,2011: SR Letter 14-9,
"Incorporation of Federal Reserve Policies into the Savings and Loan Holding Company
Supervision Program," lists guidance that was applicable to SLHCs prior to the transfer of
supervisory authority from the Office of1nrift Supervision to the Federal Reserve. Internal
guidance issued on general supervision allows for tailoring for ISLHCs, if necessary. For
example, SR Letter 12-17, "Consolidated Supervision for Large Financial Institutions," is
applicable to ISLHCs with $50 billion or more in assets (now $100 billion following enactment
of S. 2155), and addresses generally the supervision program for large firms. Guidance issued
on specific topics addressed in SR Letter 12-17, however, will have insurance-specific tailoring.
The Board is in the process of developing guidance that outlines the Federal Reserve's
supervisory framework for ISLHCs. This guidance will also discuss how supervisory guidance
is applied and tailored, as well as the Federal Reserve's interagency coordination activities with
state insurance regulators and other functional regulators of ISLHCs.
h. Does the Fed have any additional plans to tailor new and/or existing regulations,
guidance, or supervisory letters to insurance savings and loan holding companies in the
future? If so:
i. Please describe those plans with specificity to the fullest extent possible.
ii. When does the Fed expect to undertal<e these actions?
Board staff is emTently developing guidance that provides an overview of its supervisory
framework for ISLHCs. This guidance will clarify the Federal Reserve's supervisory objectives
and approach; articulate the Federal Reserves's process for applying and tailoring supervisory
guidance; and demonstrate how the Federal Reserve relies on, and coordinates with, tl1e primary
functional regulators (i.e., state insurance regulators, federal and state banking regulators, and
any other domestic or foreign supervisors) ofiSLHCs and their regulated subsidiaries. In
addition, this guidance will describe the Board's process for reviewing the applicability of
guidance and regulations to ISLHCs and its oversight duties ofiSLHC supervisory activities.
The Board expects to issue this guidance in the near future. The Board will continue to assess
new guidance and regulations for applicability to ISLHCs and tailor applicable guidance, when
appropriate.
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell, Chairman, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System, from Representative Gottheimer:
1. In the 2015 rulemaking for the risk-based capital surcharges for Global Systemically
Important Bank Holding Companies (GSIBs), the Federal Reserve Board (FRB) notes the
need to periodically review the coefficients to update its GSIB Method 2 in relation to
economic growth. The FRB rule states, "To ensure changes in economic growth do not
unduly affect firms' systemic risk scores, the Board will periodically review the coefficients
and make adjustments as appropriate."
Are there any discussions or plans to update or re-examine the GSIB coefficients,
particularly given recent economic growth?
Docs the FRB plan to periodically review coefficient or are there economic factors
that will trigger such a review? If periodically, how frequently will the reviews be
conducted?
How has recent economic growth impacted scores under the GSIB methodology?
The Federal Reserve Board's (Board) capital rules have been designed to significantly reduce the
likelihood and severity of future financial crises by reducing both the probability of failure of a
large banking organization and the consequences of such a failure were it to occur. Capital rules
and other prudential requirements for large banking organizations should be set at a level that
protects financial stability and maximizes long-term, through-the-cycle, credit availability and
economic growth: Consistent with these principles, the Board originally calibrated the GSIB
surcharge so that-given the circumstances of the financial system--each GSIB would hold
enough capital to lower its probability of failure so that the expected impact of its failure on the
fmancial system would be approximately equal to that of a large non-GSIB.
The bulk of post-crisis regulation is largely complete, with the important exception of the U.S.
implementation of the recently concluded Basel Committee agreement on bank capital standards.
It is therefore a natural and appropriate time to step back and assess those efforts. The Board is
conducting a comprehensive review of the regulations in the core areas of post-crisis reform,
including capital, stress testing, liquidity, and resolution. The objective of this review is to
consider the effect of those regulatory frameworks on the resiliency of the financial system,
including improvements in the resolvability of banking organizations, and on credit availability
and economic growth.
In general, I believe overall capital for our largest banking organizations is at about the right
level. Critical elements of onr capital structure for these organizations include stress testing, the
stress capital buffer, and the enhanced supplementary ratio. Work is underway to finalize the
calibration of these fundamental building blocks, all of which form part of the system in which
the GSIB surcharge has an effect. In this regard, I would note that the GSIB surcharge rule does
not take full effect until January 2019.
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell, Chairman, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System, from Representative Huizenga:
1. When the GSIB surcharge was finalized in 2015, the FRB recognized that the GSIB
surcharge "may be affected by economic growth that docs not represent an increase in
systemic risk." Accordingly, the FRB committed, "[t)o ensure changes in economic growth
do not unduly affect firms' systemic risk scores, the Board will periodically review the
coefficients and make adjustments as appropriate." Do you continue to believe, as you have
testified, that the United States has experienced significant economic growth in recent
years? Accordingly, is the FRB monitoring and prepared to update the requirement
accordingly?
The Federal Reserve Board's (Board) capitalmles have been designed to significantly reduce the
likelihood and severity of future financial crises by reducing both the probability of failure of a
large banking organization and the consequences of such a failure were it to occur. Capitalmles
and other pmdential requirements for large banking organizations should be set at a level that
protects financial stability and maximizes long-term, through-the-cycle, credit availability and
economic growth. Consistent with these principles, the Board originally calibrated the GSIB
surcharge so that-given the circumstances of the financial system--each GSIB would hold
enough capital to lower its probability of failure so that the expected impact of its failure on the
financial system would be approximately equal to that of a large non-GSIB.
The bulk of post-crisis regulation is largely complete, with the important exception of the U.S.
implementation of the recently concluded Basel Committee agreement on bank capital standards.
It is therefore a natural and appropriate time to step back and assess those efforts. The Board is
conducting a comprehensive review of the regulations in the core areas of post-crisis reform,
including capital, stress testing, liquidity, and resolution. The objective of this review is to
consider the effect of those regulatory frameworks on the resiliency of the financial system,
including improvements in the resolvability of banking organizations, and on credit availability
and economic growth.
In general, I believe overall capital for our largest banking organizations is at about the right
level. Critical elements of our capital structure for these organizations include stress testing, the
stress capital buffer, and the enhanced supplementary ratio. Work is underway to finalize the
calibration of these fundamental building blocks, all of which form pati of the system in which
the GSIB surcharge has an effect. In this regard, I would note that the GSIB surcharge mle does
not take full effect until January 2019.
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell, Chairman, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System, from Representative Messer:
1. Chairman Powell, thank you for testifying before the House Financial Services
Committee on July 18, 2018. On May 24, 2018, President Trump signed S. 2155, the
Economic Growth, Regulatory Relief, and Consumer Protection Act, into law. I am
concerned about the implementation of Section 403 of the Act, which is entitled "Treatment
of Certain Municipal Obligations." Specifically, subsection (b) of that section states:
Not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation, the Board of Governot·s of the Federal Reserve
System, and the Comptroller ofthe Currency shall amend the final rule entitled
"Liquidity Coverage Ratio: Liquidity Risk Measurement Standards" (79 Fed. Reg.
61439 (October 10, 2014)) and the final rule entitled "Liquidity Coverage Ratio:
Treatment of U.S. Municipal Securities as High-Quality Liquid Assets" (81 Fed.
Reg. 21223 (Aprilll, 2016)) to implement the amendments made by this section.
Can you detail the steps the Federal Reserve has taken to work with the FDIC and OCC to
amend the relevant rules relating to the Liquidity Coverage Ratio to meet the August 22,
2018, deadline as established by the Act?
Following the enactment of S. 2155, the Economic Growth, Regulatory Relief, and Consumer
Protection Act (EGRRCPA), stafffrom the f'ederal Reserve, FDIC, and OCC (the agencies) took
action to comply with the requirements of the statute. Section 403 of the EGRRCPA required
the agencies, within 90 days of enactment, to treat municipal obligations as high-quality liquid
assets (HQLA) under their liquidity coverage ratio (LCR) mles if the municipal obligations are
investment grade and considered liquid and readily marketable.
On August 22, 2018, the agencies jointly issued an interim final rule (IFR) to treat eligible
municipal obligations as HQLA. The IFR took effect upon publication in the Federal Register
on August 31,2018, and public comments on the IFR were accepted by the agencies until
October 1, 2018.
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome J>owell, Chairman, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System from Representative Sherman:
1. Home price and rent growth are driving inflation. Are there measures the Federal
Reserve could take to stimulate single family and apartment construction and thereby ease
inflation?
The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC or Committee) monitors the housing market
carefully as it is an important sector of the economy. However, monetary policy affects the
economy as a whole and carroot be used to stimulate single family and apat1ment construction in
isolation. To the extent that there are supply constraints in the housing sector, addressing them is
well beyond the responsibility of the Federal Reserve. Rather, the Federal Reserve aims to
promote an economic environment with stable inflation and sustainable economic growth, which
helps support investment in all sectors of the economy, including housing.
2. With low unemployment, how does the Federal Reserve plan to curb inflation?
The Federal Reserve conducts monetary policy in order to promote maximum employment and
low and stable inflation at the rate of2 percent per year. While there exists an economic
relationship between slack in the labor market and inflation, this relationship appears to be much
weaker than in previous decades. In the latest Summary of Economic Projections, the median
projection ofFOMC pm1icipants indicates that, under appropriate monetary policy, the
unemployment rate will remain low and inflation will stay close to 2 percent. That said, the
Committee is always monitoring inflation developments carefully and is ready to adjust the
course of monetary policy to achieve its objectives.
3. To the extent the Federal Reserve decides to continue to raise interest rates to combat
signs of increasing inflation, are you concerned that these steps could lead to a slower
economy, or possibly a recession?
As I discussed in remarks I gave at a symposium hosted by the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas
City in Jackson Hole in August, there are two main risks confronting policymakers currently:
moving too fast and needlessly shortening the expansion, versus moving too slowly and risking a
destabilizing overheating. Minutes ofFOMC meetings and other Federal Reserve
communications infonn the general public that our discussions focus keenly on the relative
salience of these risks.
I see the emrent path of gradually raising interest rates as the FOMC's approach to taking
seriously both of these risks. While the unemployment rate is below the Committee's estimate of
the longer-run natural rate, estimates of this rate are quite unce11ain. The same is true of
estimates of the neutral interest rate. We therefore refer to many indicators when judging the
degree of slack in the economy or the degree of accommodation in the current policy stance. We
are also aware that, over time, inflation has become much less responsive to changes in resource
utilization.
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While inflation has recently moved up near 2 percent, we have seen no clear sign of an
acceleration above 2 percent, and there does not seem to be an elevated risk of overheating. This
is good news, and we believe that this good news results in part from the ongoing nmmalization
process, which has moved the stance of policy gradually closer to the FOMC's rough assessment
of neutral as the expansion has continued. As the most recent FOMC statement indicates, if the
strong grov.th in income and jobs continues, further gradual increases in the target range for the
federal funds rate will likely be appropriate.
My colleagues and I are carefully monitoring incoming data, and we are setting policy to do
what monetary policy can do to support continued growth, a strong labor market, and inflation
near 2 percent.
4. Are you concerned at all about the possibility of "stagflation"? In addition, are you
concerned that with interest rates still being relatively low, you would have limited tools to
combat a recession when one occurs?
"Stagflation" is typically defined as involving a combination of substandard growth or above
normal unemployment, and higher-than-desired inflation. There are many risks in the
macroeconomy at any given time, and the future course of the economy is always difficult to
discern. My colleagues and I are carefully monitoring incoming data, and are on alert for
unforeseen developments of any kind. However, at present, the risk of stagflation appears to be
quite low.
6. How concerned are you about the risks of an inverted yield curve, which historically
leads to a recession? Will you let the yield curve invert?
The Federal Reserve does not control or target the Treasury yield curve. The shape of the yield
curve is one of many financial and economic indicators that we consider in assessing the
economic outlook and the appropriate course of monetary. policy. It is normal for the yield curve
to flatten over the course of an economic expansion as the FOMC scales back monetary policy
accommodation. The FOMC's policies reflect the strong performance of the U.S. economy and
are intended to help make sure that this trend continues. Currently, the risks to the economic
outlook appear roughly balanced. In other words, when weighing a wide range of relevant
infonnation, it does not appear that there is an elevated risk of a recession. The FOMC will
continue to make its monetary policy decisions to best promote its maximum employment and
price stability objectives.
Based on historical data, there is a statistical relationship between an inverted yield curve and the
probability of a subsequent recession. However, research is not conclusive as to whether an
inverted yield curve causes recessions. Since the financial crisis, longer-term yields have been
held down by many factors other than policy rate expectations, so it is uncertain whether the
historical predictive relationship is still a reliable guide.
9. What is your goal for the 10-year Treasury note by the end of2019?
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The Federal Reserve does not control or target the yield on the ten-yeaT Treasury note. To fulfill
its congressional mandate of maximum employment and price stability, the FOMC adjusts the
stance of monetary policy primarily by changing the target range for the federal funds rate. The
yield on the ten-year Treasury note is one of many indicators that the Committee considers in its
policy deliberations.
10. Do you see the economy staying strong for the next 2 years or do yon see a possible
recession in 2019 or 2020?
As I noted in remarks in Jackson Hole, over the course of a long recovery, the U.S. economy has
strengthened substantially. The unemployment rate has declined steadily for almost nine years
and, at 3.9 percent, is now near a 20-year low. Most people who want jobs can find them.
Inflation has moved up and is now ncar the FOMC's objective of2 percent after rum1ing
generally below that level for six years. With solid household and business confidence, healthy
levels of job creation, rising incomes, and fiscal stimulus arriving, there is good reason to expect
that this strong performance will continue.
11. What are you going to do to keep stimulating business growth, which ultimately
stimulates the economy for individuals?
To support the ongoing growth of the economy, my colleagues and I will focus intently on
pursing the dual mandate given to us by the Congress --to promote price stability and maximum
employment. We strongly believe that pursuing that dual mandate is the best means available to
us to set a positive backdrop for decision-making by businesses and households, consistent with
their long-term wellbeing.
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell, Chairman, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System, from Representative Sherman:
5. What effect do you think the President's trade policies will have on the economy?
As you know, trade policy is the responsibility of Congress and the Administration. The Federal
Reserve's statutory mandate is to formulate monetary policy to achieve price stability and
maximum sustainable employment.
In general, trade and access to global markets provide many benefits for businesses and the
people they employ, including larger and deeper markets for their products and a wider selection
of inputs for production. Consumers also benefit through a greater variety of goods and more
competitive prices. That said, the benefits of trade are not shared equally by all people and all
sectors ofthe economy. Policymakers and economists alike are increasingly cognizant of the
need to design policies to support workers and families so that the benefits of trade can be more
widely shared.
In pursuit of our statutory objectives, we monitor the effects of various developments, including
trade policy, on the economy. Tariff increases, by both the United States and other countries,
have already affected individual businesses and industries. Although the direct effects of
announced measures on the overall U.S. economy are likely to be fairly modest, there is a
possibility that trade tensions could disrupt supply chains and undermine business confidence.
As indicated in the Federal Open Market Committee's (FOMC or Committee) minutes and the
Beige Book, our business contacts increasingly report that trade policy developments are raising
input costs and creating policy uncertainty, which is causing some fi1ms to delay investments.
The Administration's current trade policy process is still ongoing. If the end result is a world
with higher tariffs in many countries, then experience suggests there will be significant negative
effects for the U.S. economy. On the other hand, if the end result is a world with lower trade
barriers and a more level playing field, then the U.S. economy will benefit.
7. How concerned are yon about the danger of a crisis in emerging market economies with
their currencies losing value and with the ·Federal Open Market Committee raising rates?
How concerned are you about risks of contagion to the United States if there is a crisis in
emerging market economies?
Emerging market countries are an important part of the global economy, accounting for about
half of U.S. trade and over half of global economic growth. Accordingly, developments in
emerging markets matter for the U.S. economy.
The Federal Reserve adjusts its policy to achieve its congressionally mandated objectives of
price stability and maximum employment in the United States. Rising U.S. interest rates largely
reflect the strength of the U.S. economy, which is good news for the rest of the world, and
emerging markets arc no exception.
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Higher U.S. interest rates and a rising dollar may exert some financial pressure on emerging
markets, especially those that have borrowed considerably in U.S. dollars. Only a few emerging
market economies have faced substantial financial distress this year, and those are countries with
particular vulnerabilities, such as high debt, CU!Tent account deficits, and inflation. Still, we
continue to monitor emerging market developments, as more-widespread economic difficulties
could lead to heightened volatility in global financial markets and reduce demand for U.S.
exports.
The Federal Reserve strives to communicate its thinking about monetary policy as clearly and
transparently as possible, which should limit the likelihood of market ove!Teaction to its
decisions. We have signaled for some time that we expect to raise interest rates only gradually
as the U.S. economy strengthens. Ultimately, sustaining the economic expansion and domestic
financial stability will help suppmt prosperity and growth abroad as well.
8. How will diverging rate paths between the United States and the European Union play
out? Is there anything in the data that suggests rising inflation will become a significant
issue?
The Federal Reserve's monetary policy is focused on our congressionally mandated objectives of
maximum employment and price stability in the United States. In pursuing those objectives, we
monitor developments abroad, which can affect U.S. economic activity and inflation through a
number of channels. For instance, if the path of foreign interest rates falls shmt of expectations,
that will likely put some upward pressure on the dollar and also could weigh on U.S. long-te1m
bond yields. With those effects offsetting each other to some extent, lower foreign interest rates
should have only a marginal impact on the U.S. economy.
Economies vary in terms of their inflation perfmmance and the degree of labor market slack. It
should be expected that monetary policy will also vary across economies in response to local
conditions. Currently, the U.S. labor market is very strong and U.S. inflation has moved to near
2 percent. In the euro area, the economic recovery continues to be sluggish compared to the
United States, and inflation has persisted well below their 2 percent target, so the European
Cenu·al Bank has only recently begun to signal a gradual reduction in monetary accommodation.
The divergence between U.S. and euro-area interest rates has contributed the U.S. dollar's
appreciation against the euro.
An appreciating dollar makes our exports more expensive abroad and makes imports more
competitive relative to domestic production. All else equal, that circumstance would reduce net
exports and be a drag on U.S. economic growth. That said, the underlying strength of demand in
the United States, supported by healthy growth in consumption and investment, seems to be
sufficiently robust to overcome the drag from a higher dollar.
A strong dollar, which lowers prices for U.S. impmts, also tends to restrain U.S. price inflation,
whereas tightening resource slack tends to push up inflation. In the United States, inflation has
recently moved up to near 2 percent, but, as noted earlier, we have not seen a clear sign of an
acceleration above 2 percent, and there does not seem to be an elevated risk of overheating. That
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said, the Committee monitors inflation developments carefully and sets monetary poliey
accordingly.
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell, Chairman, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System, from Representative Sinema:
1. The Arizona Chamber of Commerce notes that a trade war immediately threatens over
250 million dollars in Arizona exports and 772,800 Arizona jobs supported by global trade.
Eighty-eight percent of Arizona exporters are small or medium-sized businesses, making
the effects of trade war particularly acute for Arizona entrepreneurs and family-run
businesses. Job-killing tariffs will target Arizona-made agricultural goods like apples and
cotton, imperiling the livelihoods of Arizona family farmers. Tariffs also impose costs
directly passed on to consumers, forcing Arizona families to pay more for their everyday
purchases. One of the functions of the Federal Reserve System is to strengthen U.S.
standing in the world economy. How do you anticipate the Administration's tariff policies
affecting that work?
As you know, Congress has entrusted the Federal Reserve with the statutory dual mandate of
achieving price stability and maximum employment. Trade policy is the responsibility of
Congress and the Administration.
In general, trade and access to global markets provide many benefits for businesses and the
people they employ, including larger and deeper markets for their products and a wider selection
of inputs for production. Consumers also benefit through a greater variety of goods and more
competitive prices. Because of these and other benefits, more open and globalized economies
generally have been faster growing, more productive, and more dynamic. That said, the benefits
of trade are not shared equally by all people and all sectors of the economy. Policymakers and
economists alike are increasingly cognizant of the need to design policies to support workers and
families so that the benefits of trade can be more widely shared.
Since World War II, the United States has been a global leader in building a rules-based trading
system, which has resulted in, over time, the consistent lowering of tariffs and growth in trade.
The Administration's current trade policy process is still ongoing. If the end result is a world
with higher tariffs in many countries, then experience suggests there will be significant negative
effects for the U.S. economy. On the other hand, if the end result is a world with lower trade
baniers and a more level playing field, then the U.S. economy will benefit.
To date, tariff increases, both by the United States and other countries, have already affected
individual businesses and industries, in pmiicular the agricultural sector. Moreover, our business
contacts increasingly repoti that trade developments are creating policy uncetiainty, which is
causing some firms to delay investments. Although the direct effects of announced measures on
the overall U.S. economy are likely to be fairly modest, there is a possibility that trade tensions
could disrupt supply chains and undermine business confidence. We continue to monitor trade
developments and their effects on U.S. employment and inflation.
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell, Chairman, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System, from Representative Sinema:
2. I was pleased to see economic growth in Q2 that is considerably stronger than that of
Ql. Yet too many Arizona families aren't seeing wages rise in a commensurate manner.
For many Arizonans, wages have stagnated or even declined when factoring in inflation.
At the same time, the cost of health care and other essential goods and services continues to
rise, causing many families to feel the pinch. What explanation can you offer fo1· wages
failing to trend upward with economic growth?
Although most indicators suggest that the labor market is quite strong, wage growth has
remained moderate. Generalizing across various measures, average annual wage gains have
picked up a little in recent years, from about 2 percent a few years ago to about 2 Y2 to 3 percent
now. Even taking into account relatively low inflation, the gains in inflation-adjusted wages
have averaged less than were seen prior to the recession. And of course, those figures are
averages. Some people have seen larger gains than that and unfortunately some have seen less.
One impotiant factor for the disappointing pace of overall wage gains, in the face of a strong
labor market, is that productivity has increased relatively slowly over the past several years.
Over time, productivity gains arc necessary to support rising living standards. Many other
factors influence wages as well. There is no consensus about their relative importance, but some
of the other factors cited by economists include globalization, demographic changes (e.g., the
retirement of higher paid older workers) which affect measmed average wage gro\>ih, hidden
labor market slack (e.g., the low labor force patiicipation rate), declines in unionization, rising
employer concentration, atJd an increase in the use of non-compete agreements and non
poaching agreements. 1
3. Congress passed the Volcker Rule as part of Dodd-Frank to reduce risky activities, such
as high-risk proprietary trading, at banks. We share the goal of reducing systemic risk in
our financial system to ensure another crisis does not happen. At the same time, we also
want to help companies grow and innovate by ensuring they have sufficient access to
capital. The current definition of "covered fund" in the Volcker Rule permits banks to
pt·ovide capital and credit to businesses but prohibits doing so via a fund structure.
I'm incredibly proud of Arizona's public universities, which create opportunities for
Arizonans to turn good ideas into great startups-creating jobs and growing the economy.
These startup incubators are placed at risk if the startup structures itself as a covered fund.
This is perplexing because fund structures allow banks to diversify risl>, which would
appear to be consistent with the goal of the Volcker Rule.
1 See Alan B. Krueger, Reflections on Dwindling Worker Bargaining Power and Monetmy Policy, Luncheon
Address at the Jackson Hole Economic Symposium (Aug. 24, 20 18), available at
h!!Rs://www.kansascityfcd.org/-/media/filesipublicat/sympos/20 18/papersandfLandouts/824180824kruegerremark~
.pdf/la=en; see also Ernie Tedeschi, Unemployment Looks Like 2000Again. But Wage Growth Doesn't, The New
York Times, Oct. 22, 2018, available at https://wv,_w.nytimes.com/20 18/10/22/upshot/mystery-slow-wage
erowth-econony.btmJ.
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What are your thoughts ou this? Is there intention to address aspects of the definition of
covered fund so that banks are not discouraged from diversifying dsk?
The Board, along with the Office of the Comptroller of the CutTency, Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation, Commodity Futures Trading Commission, and Securities and Exchange
Commission (the "agencies") adopted regulations to implement section 619 of the Dodd-Frank
Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (12 U.S.C. § 1851) (the "Volcker Rule") in
2013. These regulations included a definition of"covered fund" that, in the agencies' view, was
consistent with the statutory purpose of the Volcker Rule to limit certain investment activities of
banking entities. Subsequently, and based on experience with the Volcker Rule regulations, the
agencies identified opportunities for improvement and proposed amendments to the Volcker
Rule regulations in May 2018.2
The proposal requests comment on how to tailor the regulations governing a banking entity's
covered fund activities. For example, the proposal asks whether a different definition of
"covered fund" would be appropriate. In addition, the proposal requests comment on potential
exemptions for particular types of funds, or funds with pa1iicular characteristics.
Since proposing the amendments in May, the agencies have held meetings with and received
comments from interested parties regarding the treatment of covered funds. The agencies expect
to meet with and receive comments from interested parties throughout the comment period, and
will carefully consider each comment to determine whether any changes to the covered fund
regulations would be appropriate.
2 83 Fed. Reg. 33,432 (July 17, 2018).
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Questions for The Honorable Jerome H. Powell. Chairman. Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System from Representative Stivers:
1. Chairman Powell: As you know, the U.S. Method 2 G-SIB framework created fixed
coefficients that apply to each indicator used in the surcharge calculation. This incentivizes
firms to reduce their risk. However, despite recognizing the need to update these rules to
account for normal economic growth, these coefficients have remained unchanged since the
finalization of the U.S. G-SIB rule in 2015. Since that time, the U.S. economy has
experienced significant economic growth. Does the Fed monitor the impact of economic
growth on the GSIB coefficients? Additionally, when will the FRB update the coefficients to
address the economic growth?
The Federal Reserve Board's (Board) capital rules have been designed to significantly reduce the
likelihood and severity of future financial crises by reducing both the probability of failure of a
large banking organization and the consequences of such a failure were it to occur. Capital rules
and other prudential requirements for large banking organizations should be set at a level that
protects financial stability and maximizes long-term, through-the-cycle, credit availability and
economic growth. Consistent with these principles, the Board originally calibrated the GSIB
surcharge so that-given the circumstances of the financial system--each GSIB would hold
enough capital to lower its probability of failure so that the expected impact of its failure on the
financial system would be approximately equal to that of a large non-GSIB.
The bulk of post-crisis regulation is largely complete, with the important exception of the U.S.
implementation of the recently concluded Basel Committee agreement on bank capital standards.
It is therefore a natural and appropriate time to step back and assess those efforts. The Board is
conducting a comprehensive review of the regulations in the core areas of post-crisis reform,
including capital, stress testing, liquidity, and resolution. The objective of this review is to
consider the effect of those regulatory frameworks on the resiliency of the financial system,
including improvements in the resolvability of banking organizations, and on credit availability
and economic growth.
In general, I believe overall capital for our largest banking organizations is at about the right
level. Critical elements of our capital structure for these organizations include stress testing, the
stress capital buffer, and the enhanced supplementary ratio. Work is underway to finalize the
calibration of these fundamental building blocks, all of which form part of the system in which
the GSIB surcharge has an effect. In this regard, I would note that the GSIB surcharge rule does
not take full effect until January 2019.
Cite this document
APA
Jerome H. Powell (2018, July 17). Congressional Testimony. Testimony, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_20180718_chair_monetary_policy_and_the_state_of_the
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_testimony_20180718_chair_monetary_policy_and_the_state_of_the,
author = {Jerome H. Powell},
title = {Congressional Testimony},
year = {2018},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Testimony, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_20180718_chair_monetary_policy_and_the_state_of_the},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}