testimony · February 23, 1998
Congressional Testimony
Alan Greenspan
CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
Report of the Federal Reserve Board pursuant to the
Full ffTTiployTnent and Balanced Growth Act of 1978,
P.L. 95-623
The State of the Economy
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL MONETARY POLICY
OP THE
COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND
FINANCIAL SERVICES
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
FEBRUARY 24, 1998
Printed for the use of the Committee on Banking and Financial Services
Serial No. 10S-47
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
46-865 CC WASHINGTON : 1998
For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office
Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office, Washington, DC 20402
ISBN 0-16-056490-5
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HOUSE COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND FINANCIAL SERVICES
JAMBS A. LEACH, Iowa, Chairman
BILL McCOLLUM, Florida. Vice Ckairiftaa
MARGE ROUKF.MA. New Jersey HENRY B. GONfcAL&Z, Texas
DOUG K. BEREUTER, Nebraska JOHN J, LAFALGE, New York
RICHARD H. BAKER, Louisiana BRUCE F. VEN7O, Minnesota
RICK LAZIO, New York CHARLES E. SOHUMER, New York
SPENCER BACHUS, Alabama BARNEY
MICHAEL N. CASTLE, Delaware PAUL E. KANJORSKI, Pennsylvania
PETER T. KING, New York JOSEPH P. KENNEDY H, Massachusetts
TOM CAMPBELL, California MAXJNE WATERS, Catifcttfe,
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California CAROLYN a MALONET&NU York
FRANK D. LUCAS, Oklahoma LUIS V. GUTIERREZ, Illinois
JACK METCALF, Washington LUCILLE ROYBAL-ALLARD, California
ROBERT W. NEY, Ohio THOMAS M. BAARETT. Wisconsin
ROBERT L. EHRLICH JR., Maryland NYD1A M. VELAZQUEZ, New York
BOBBARR. Georgia MELVTN L. WATT. North Carolina
JON D. POX, Pennsylvania MAURICE D. HINCHEY, New York
SUE W. KELLY, New York GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
RON PAUL, Texas KEN BENTSEN, Texas
DAVE WELDON, Florida JESSE L. JACKSON, JR., lllinoii
JIM RYUN, Kansas CAROLYN C. KILPATRICK, Michigan
MERRILL COOK, Utah JAMES H. MALONEY, Connecticut
VINCE SNOWBARGER, Kansas DARLENE HOOLEY, Oregon
BOB RILEY, Alabama JULIA M. CARSON, Indiana
RICK HILL, Montana ROBERT A. WEYGAND, Rhode Island
PETE SESSIONS, Texas BRAD SHERMAN, California
STEVEN c. LATOURETTE, oh»
MAX SANDLIN, Texas
DONALD A MANZULLO, Illinois GREGORY WEEKS, New York
MARK FOLEY, Florida ESTEBAN EDWARD TORRES, California
WALTER B. JONES JR., North Carolina
BILL REDMOND. New Mexico BERNARD SANDERS, Vermont
VJTO FOSSELLA, New York
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL MONETARY POLICY
MICHAEL N.CASTLE, Delaware, Chairman
JON D. FOX.Pennsylvania, Vice Chairman
STEVEN c. LATOURETTE, owo
BARNEY FRANK, Massachusetts
FRANK D. LUCAS, Oklahoma JOSEPH P. KENNEDY II, Massachusetts
JACK METCALF, Washington BERNARD SANDERS. Vermont
ROBERT W. NEY, Ohio PAUL E. KANJORSKI, Pennsylvania
BOB BASH, Georgia NYDIA M. VELAZQUEZ, New York
RON PAUL. Texas CAROLYN B. MALONEY, New York
DAVE WELDON, Florida MAURICE D. HINCHEY, New York
MARGE ROUKEMA, New Jersey KEN BENTSEN, Texas
DOUG K. BEREUTER, Nebraska JESSE L. JACKSON, JR., Illinois
MERRILL COOK, Utah
DONALD A. MANZULLO, niinow
MARK FOLEY, Florida
(ID
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CONTENTS
Page
Hearing held on:
February 24, 1998 1
Appendix
February 24, 1998 37
WITNESS
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1998
Greenspan, Hon. Alan, Chairman, Board of Governors, Federal Reserve
System 8
APPENDIX
Prepared statements:
Castle, Hon. Michael N 38
Hinchey, Hon. Maurice D 40
LaFalce, Hon. John J 41
Sandlin, Hon. Max 43
Greenspan, Hon. Alan 45
ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
Grenspan, Hon. Alan:
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, "Monetary Policy
Report to the Congress Pursuant to the Full Employment and Balanced
Growth Act of 1978," February 24, 1998 61
(HI)
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CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1998
U.S. HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES,
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC AND
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY POLICY,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND FINANCIAL SERVICES,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10:04 a.m., in room
2128, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Michael N. Castle,
[chairman of the subcommittee], presiding.
Present: Chairman Castle; Representatives Lucas, Metcalf, Paul.
Roukema, Cook, Manzullo, Foley, Frank, Sanders, Hinchey, ana
Bentsen.
Also Present: Representatives Leach, LaFalce, Watt, Weygand
and Sandlin.
Chairman CASTLE. The hearing will come to order.
The subcommittee meets today to receive the Semiannual Report
of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System on the
Conduct of Monetary Policy and the State of the Economy as man-
dated in the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978.
Chairman Greenspan, welcome back to the House Committee on
Banking and Financial Services, the Subcommittee on Domestic
and International Monetary Policy. I understand that you are try-
ing to shake a cold, as am I, as probably a lot of other people in
this room are. So I hope that we do not overstrain your voice today.
Chairman Greenspan, it is clear that our Nation is experiencing
a remarkable and perhaps historic period of economic times. This
economic expansion is one of the longest since World War II. Yet,
there are still important decisions facing us in the areas of mone-
tary and fiscal policy, and these decisions are tightly connected to
all aspects of the foreign and domestic issues facing our Nation.
Obviously, we are interested in your complete assessment of our
economy and your assessment ana plans for United States mone-
tary policy. As part of this assessment, I have three specific ques-
tions that are very much on my mine! and I think on the minds of
many American people. I hope you will address these issues today.
First, our country is enjoying a low level of inflation. With the
need to maintain the economic growth which is benefiting many
Americans in all walks of life, will the Federal Reserve lower inter-
est rates to help American families keep more of what they earn?
Second, regarding the Federal budget, is it the most sensible pol-
icy for the President and Congress to make achieving and main-
taining a balanced budget our top priority, above cutting taxes or
new spending programs? In addition, with the prospect of a bal-
(1)
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anced budget, can we expect to see lower interest rates accompany
this success if we adhere to sensible budget policies?
And third, what is your latest analysis of the Asian economic cri-
sis and how it will affect our country? How critical is it for Con-
gress to act on additional U.S. contributions to the International
Monetary Fund?
I hope you will directly address these questions in the course of
our discussions today.
Since we would surely be blaming the Federal Reserve if the
economy was on the skids, we should accord you the credit you un-
doubtedly deserve for a well-orchestrated monetary policy. The
question is what can the Fed do to sustain and build on this suc-
cess?
In addition, the balanced budget agreement and responsible fis-
cal policy agreed to by Congress ana the Administration go hand
in hand with successful monetary policy. Yet, some are getting
giddy over the prospect of budget surpluses and are already mak-
ing plans to spend the surplus. I know you do not share this view
and want to discuss all the ramifications of changing our currently
prudent fiscal policy.
The current Asian economic crises illustrate the dangers of
superheated economies hitting the wall. Yet, the United States
economy has thus far not suffered from the "Asian flu." Under
what circumstances could this change?
I would be interested in how you view the prospects for economic
growth this year in comparison to the 4 percent rate of the last
quarter of 1997. The contrasting impact of lower earnings for Unit-
ed States firms with heavy investment in the affected regions of
Asia and the potential for even lower-priced imports to keep down-
ward pressure on inflation must make it difficult to call the econ-
omy from quarter to quarter.
Other echoes of the problems in the Far East are our continuing
inflows of foreign capital at a rate of 2 percent of gross domestic
product. Is this a problem or something our economy can sustain?
The troubled Japanese economy remains a major cause for concern,
but it is hard to believe that their government will permit that
economy to tank.
Your opinion on the steps our Government should take in ad-
dressing the threat to our own economy from the problems in Asia
carries great weight. What is your advice to Congress on this issue?
From a larger perspective, we should ask is our Nation now in
a new economy that can sustain continued growth without reignit-
ing inflation? Should the Federal Reserve worry less about inflation
and focus more on allowing more growth to create additional jobs
for Americans? Those are questions that Members also want to dis-
cuss even if they are addressed in your testimony.
I believe that this Congress acted responsibly in seeking a bal-
anced budget, and that responsible fiscal policy must go hand in
hand with monetary policy to support long-term economic growth.
The marketplace first hacf to believe that the Federal Government
was serious about balancing the budget before it could incorporate
the possibility of ever arriving at this outcome as a factor in future
planning.
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The high relative value of the dollar seems to reflect both the
leading position of our economy with regard to Europe and the Far
East and the flight capital that has arrived from areas suffering
economic insecurities. As integration of the various world econo-
mies continues in the direction of a unitary world marketplace, the
leverage exerted by the Federal Reserve grows accordingly. There
are few obvious negative signals that mignt predict a turn of the
cycle to a downward phase. What we all want to know is how long
can we continue with price stability and full employment?
As the economy continues to run ahead of what would be indi-
cated by traditional models, we would welcome any insight you can
impart about adjustments being incorporated into your model.
Again, Mr. Greenspan, inquiring minds want to know: Can we
expect lower interest rates to sustain the good conditions of our
policy? How should the Federal Government handle the prospects
of a Budget surplus? And how do we effectively address the prob-
lems in Asia?
As always, we are delighted to have you with us and look for-
ward to a lively discussion.
I will now turn to Mr. Frank for his opening statement.
[The prepared statement of Chairman Michael N. Castle can be
found on page 38 in the appendix.]
Mr. FRANK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I note you mentioned that Mr. Greenspan has a cold. I hope he
will issue a statement very soon thereafter that he is in fact in gen-
erally very good health, because I have learned never to underesti-
mate the neurosis of the market. And there is the saying, "When
the American economy gets a cold, the world gets a fever. Now we
are going to find out what happens when Mr. Greenspan gets a
cold. Win the market fall into a swoon? I hope not. But we may
have to give him a physical.
The country has had a major debate over the past few years, and
I think it is important to note that, at least as of now, it appears
we have gotten an answer to a question. There is this view, I said
this before, that you are supposed to pretend that you don't like
saving MI told you so." But I never met anyone who did not greatly
enjoy saying "I told you so," and I personally find it is one the few
pleasures that improves with age. So I think those of us who were
very critical of people who thought we had to raise interest rates
because the economy was too good a few years ago are entitled to
say, "I told you so."
I think maybe we should have a little burial policy for the con-
cept known as the "NAIRU" which recently, about a year ago, was
a hot topic. The Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment,
which there was a great economic consensus about, it seemed to
me, a couple of years ago, that it was close to 6 percent, and that
unemployment dropped, and then the NAIRU dropped and unem-
ployment dropped more, and the NAIRU dropped more. It is now
clear what the historical role of that is: it is a lagging indicator of
the unemployment rate. Whatever unemployment is, the so-called
"Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment" is one-half a
point higher in the hands of some economists.
We had this debate, and there were people who argued that you
could not possibly in the American economy grow at the rate we
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have grown over the past 4 or 5 years and get inflation down below
5 percent on a consistent basis and not have inflation. Many of us
felt that there were trends in the economy that made that expli-
cable and that it would in any case be a grave error to preempt
an inflation which had not yet lifted its head at the cost of increas-
ing unemployment.
And I welcome the fact, Mr. Greenspan, that you resisted what
I believe were considerable pressures for you to take the preemp-
tive route. And it was interesting for many of us to watch things
evolve, because it did seem that we went from the New York Times,
Financial Times, the bastion of orthodoxy in America. The New
York Times financial pages is to the high interest rate clergy of
Wall Street, it seems to me, what L'Osservatore Romano is to the
Vatican. And it was interesting to see them go from being your
strong advocates to them seeing you as a little bit of a rebel and
being a little bit worried about maverick tendencies on your part.
But those who argued that there was no reason to raise interest
rates, and I urge people to go back and read the financial pages
about this, because it was implicit and sometimes explicit criticism
of the failure to raise interest rates, we were proven correct; there
have been things in the American economy that have allowed us,
apparently, to grow at a higher rate and have a lower unemploy-
ment rate without inflation than people thought possible, and that
has meant that it would not have been a good thing to raise inter-
est rates.
Now it is time to open up the next part of that, and I think it
is time now to start talking about a preemptive strike against re-
cession and against disinflation. And it is interesting, given the bi-
ases in the financial community, that the notion of a preemptive
strike against inflation is the model of fiscal responsibility, but
talking about a preemptive strike against a turn-down in the econ-
omy will shock some people. But it is clearly where we ought to be.
To the extent that you can measure, we see no signs of inflation.
We do see, as you look ahead, potential problems. Obviously, the
troubles in Asia are going to have a deflating effect to some extent
on the American economy. How bad, we don't know. But I would
hope that we are in the mode of being ready to move preemptively
not to do away with a nonexistent, so far, inflation, but to do away
with what seems to be a more real threat of a turn-down.
And I would say, Mr. Greenspan, that you have a very important
role to play in this, for this reason: This committee next week will,
I believe, take up the question of the International Monetary Fund.
The Chairman and the Ranking Member, the acting Ranking Mem-
ber of the full committee, have been working diligently trying to
put something together. Many of us who have some problems with
the way things have been done in the past are looking to find a
way to work something out now. And the central element, I believe,
in whether or not we will succeed in coming to an agreement here,
and it is not foretold that we will, but there are some people that
would like to reach an agreement, taking into account some impor-
tant values like the rights of labor and environmental concerns,
one critical question will be the extent to which there is a readiness
to protect people in the American economy against negative con-
sequences. And a domestic economy in which people think that the
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Federal Reserve might be prepared to reduce interest rates to off-
set negative effects on the American economy that come from Asia
is a world in which it is going to be easier to get this kind of sup-
port.
If you want to mobilize American support, domestic support, for
what I know you believe to be necessary in Asia, American dollars
pledged through the IMF to help out, then the American people
need to be reassured that their own economic interests are at least
as much in people's minds as those overseas. I understand in your
view that tney are, and that is obviously—in part you are moti-
vated by that. But I think you understand also that perception is
not 100 percent translated domestically, and therefore I think it is
essential to create the climate in which you can get the votes for
the IMF, that it be clear that American authorities, including the
Federal Reserve, will be prepared to respond if things turn down
in the United States. And I think that is a very important question
that you have to address both for its own worth and because of the
climate that I know you want to promote to get passage of inter-
national cooperation.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. Frank.
What I would like do now is to give the Chairman and the Rank-
ing Member of the full committee, Mr. Leach and Mr. LaFalce, the
chance to use 5 minutes if they wish, and then to try to limit what
we say to 2 minutes orally and with submission of statements in
order to get to Mr. Greenspan's testimony. Some of you were not
here, but Mr. Greenspan has a cold and is not feeling that well,
and we would like to leave sufficient time for questions.
Let me turn to Mr. Leach for his statement if he wishes.
Mr. LEACH. I thank the Chairman for his offer, but I would de-
sire to move ahead as rapidly as we can this morning. I will defer
to the Chairman and want to thank him for his great leadership
in these issues.
Chairman CASTLE. Mr. LaFalce.
Mr. LAFALCE. I thank the Chairman, and I won't take more than
a few minutes.
Mr. Greenspan, I am sorry about your cold. Do you think it is
safe to say that there is an improbable but not negligible chance
that this is the Asian flu?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I asked my physician whether I could character-
ize it as Asian flu concerning how appropriate it would be; and he
said, "Medically speaking, no."
Mr. LAFALCE. That is the most definitive answer you have ever
given.
Dr. Greenspan, I think that both the Chairman of the sub-
committee and Mr. Frank have raised some good points with re-
spect to the possible lowering of interest rates. I am hesitant to
talk about preemptive strikes this week. We pursue a diplomatic
solution, but maybe you could achieve a diplomatic solution.
In negotiating a diplomatic solution with other countries, might
not they like the idea, I want you to get into this, of lower interest
rates in the United States? Might not that bring about a better re-
alignment of our dollar with their currencies, cause less flight from
their countries to the United States? So isn't that something that
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might be helpful not only to the United States, but to some of the
countries, especially in Asia, experiencing some difficulties?
I would also like you to go into the question of the burgeoning
trade deficit that we have in the United States and its significance.
It is not simply with the countries that are having difficulty in
need of IMF assistance, it is with Japan, it is with China, and so
forth. But these trade deficits are a double-edged sword to be sure.
I want you in your testimony to explore the double-edged nature
of it and to what extent is it much more harmful than good. What
do we have to be careful of? Is it on our radar screen right now?
Also, one of the prescriptions the IMF gives to countries is—or
very frequently has been in the past at least^-nexport, export. But
to what extent can we use that as a model for virtually every coun-
try; then who would be left to import? The United States? And who
else? Japan has been very reluctant, and there are enough in the
European Community. To what extent can we be the safety valve
for this policy of export platform approaches that are being taken?
I would also like you to address what I think is a difficulty on
the horizon, and that is, in acceleration of the down-sizing phe-
nomenon, the recent data that I have seen suggests that this is in-
creasing tremendously. What should we be on the lookout for in
connection with that?
And then to a certain extent parochially, but also on a much
larger scale, I am interested in the relative value of the United
States dollar and the Canadian dollar. Everybody is talking about
the Asian currencies, the yen and the mark, and so forth. But in
January the U.S. dollar reached its strongest point, the Canadian
its weakest point, in the history of our two countries. And this, es-
pecially for the ten border States, but for all the United States, cer-
tainly Canada, too, has profound significance.
It would seem to me that we have had too much of a swing, and
we need some type of a stabilization and modification of the ex-
treme swing that we have seen in the past several years. I would
be interested in your comments on that.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Hon. John J. LaFalce can be found
on page 41 in the appendix.]
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you Mr. LaFalce.
Mr. Lucas.
Mr. LUCAS. No comments, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman CASTLE. Mr. Sanders.
Mr. SANDERS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome, Mr. Greenspan. I am going to have to be running back
and forth, so you will forgive me, but I hope maybe you will ad-
dress maybe two or three concerns in your remarks.
Number one, as you know, the United States has by far the most
unequal distribution of wealth and income in the industrialized
world. In 1976, the wealthiest 1 percent of the population owned
19 percent of the wealth, while today they own 42 percent of the
wealth. In I960, the CEO of a major corporation was earning about
12 times more than the average worker. Today that gap is over 200
times. CEOs now make 200 times what their workers make. We
are seeing a huge proliferation of millionaires and billionaires, and
yet we continue to have by far the highest rate of poverty in the
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industrialized world. So I hope that you will address the issue of
whether or not you think that that very unfair distribution of
wealth and income in the United States is healthy and what role
you think you can play in trying to change that.
Second of all, picking up on a point that Mr. Frank made a mo-
ment ago of the IMF. some of us think in fact that the IMF by and
large has been a failure, that in Africa and Latin America, after
years of IMF structural adjustment programs, what has happened
is there has been a significant increase in poverty; major cutbacks
in health, in education; increases in unemployment.
In fact, in Africa what we are seeing is a dismal situation and
in recent years has been made even more dismal. In Latin Amer-
ica, I think with the exception of Chile, every country there has
seen an increase in poverty. Also, as you know, the IMF told us a
year ago how splendidly the Asian economies were doing in Indo-
nesia, in Korea, and so forth, and now they are in the middle of
a meltdown.
Given the very poor record of the IMF, and given the fact that
a number of economists think that the major role of the IMF is to
help multinational banks and corporations rather than the poor
people of Third World countries, perhaps you can elaborate on why
you think the taxpayers of this country should put up $18 billion
in order to replenish the IMF? So I hope you will address some of
those issues.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman CASTLE. Mr. Metcalf, I understand you do not have an
opening statement. Let's go to Dr. Paul then.
Dr. PAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And welcome, Mr. Greenspan.
It seems like the most appropriate subject for now would be the
interrelation of the crisis in Asia with our own domestic monetary
policy. And if I am not mistaken, it seems like there has already
been in effect the foreign holdings of debt, our debt now has been
decreased by approximately $50 billion. It seems like it has
changed our domestic monetary policy because we are expanding
our Federal Reserve holdings, as well as M-3 is rising now.
In the old-fashioned definition of "inflation," we are well into it,
we are inflating a lot. If we do not rely on the erroneous messages
that we get from the CPI—during the 1920's certainly the CPI was
rather stable, and yet we had inflation that ended up with a lot of
problems.
I must remind everyone that when we debase a currency, which
means we inflate a currency, it inevitably leads to trade deficits
which we suffer from, it inevitably leads to uneven distribution of
income which we suffer from, and it always gives interest rates
that are higher than the people want. But to argue for lower inter-
est rates to me seems to compound our problem, because it requires
more inflation of the money supply.
At the same time, if we want to rescue the Southeast Asian cur-
rencies by an IMF bailout, we only do that by inflating our own
currency and setting the stage for a dollar crisis.
I yield back.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Dr. Paul.
Mr. Hinchey.
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8
Mr. HINCHEY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And good
morning, Mr. Greenspan, and I, too, hope that you are feeling oet-
ter.
These are very interesting times indeed. I can recall when I first
came to Congress 5 years ago, we were facing the problem of ever-
growing budget deficits, up around $300 billion at that time and
predicted to be close to $400 billion by now. Thanks largely to the
1993 budget resolution of the Clinton Administration, that deficit
has come down very dramatically. We are even facing the prospect
of actual budget surpluses this year. So these are extraordinary,
and indeed very interesting, tiroes for you and the Federal Reserve
and for us in the Congress.
In that context, we are seeing some dramatic changes in the
international economic situation, particularly as it relates to the
problems in the Far East. I am particularly interested in your reac-
tion to that situation and its impact on our economy.
Among other things, inflation is dramatically low, 1.7 percent
last year, and continues to go down. The economy remained strong
through 1994 and 1995 in spite of the interest rate increases that
occurred that year. The impact of the Asian crisis is just beginning
to express itself. Our trade deficit is up in the most recent report-
ing period by almost 25 percent, and that includes everything from
electronic products to agriculture. Agriculture is being particularly
hard hit in terms of our exports to the Far East.
I am very interested in what we are going to do to anticipate the
full effects of the Asian financial crisis on our economy. The full ef-
fects of it will not be evident until some time later this year, or per-
haps not even until next year. Because actions taken by the Fed-
eral Reserve have a lag time of about 18 months, it is important
for us to act now if we are going to do anything to offset the dis-
inflationary effects of the dramatically dropping prices in East
Asia, the growing trade deficit, and the strength of the dollar.
It is my hope and expectation that the Federal Reserve will take
these matters into account and deal with this issue before the
Asian crisis has its full impact. That, of course, would mean lower-
ing interest rates at the earliest opportunity. Real interest rates
now are very high and I think that this is having a depressing ef-
fect on the economy. I think the economy could be even stronger
if interest rates were lower. And if we fail to relax interest rates,
I think that during the next year, we are going to see some difficult
economic circumstances that we ought not to experience.
I am hoping that in anticipation of the full effects of the Asian
crisis, that the Federal Open Market Committee will examine this
issue very closely at its next meeting and take appropriate action.
[The prepared statement of Hon. Maurice D. Hinchey can be
found on page 40 in the appendix.}
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. Hinchey.
Mrs. Roukema.
Mrs. ROUKEMA. I thank the Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan, I welcome you here, and I want to leave
as much time as possible to get to you, so I will abbreviate my re-
marks and simply observe that I would like to reinforce some of the
observations and questions already raised by the Chairman and
the Ranking Member. And I would simply like to reinforce them
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again because they reflect my own concerns, and particularly with
respect to addressing the questions regarding the Balanced Budget
Act, the question of interest rates relative to lower taxes or tne
spending questions.
I think there has been a lot of premature talk from both sides
of the aisle about a spending binge on the one hand, or a tax cut-
ting binge on the other. I would hope that you could address how
either action would affect interest rates.
I also want to reinforce what has already been raised concerning
the Asian contagion, and that is in two regards. One, how do we
deal with the trade deficit question? I don't know whether or not
your assessment is that the IMF proposal successfully addresses
that or not, but I would hope that you would focus on the IMF pro-
posal. I believe that it is absolutely essential for this Congress to
pass IMF funding. Beyond that, I would like to know if there is
anything more that we should be doing in order to address the al-
ready developing problems relating to the growing trade deficit?
We welcome you and value your opinion on all these issues. Thank
you.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mrs. Roukema.
Mr. Bent sen.
Mr. BENTSEN. No, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman CASTLE. Mr. Cook.
Mr. COOK. In the interest of getting to the Chairman's testimony,
I will forego any opening comments.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you.
Mr. Manzullo.
Mr. Foley.
Mr. FOLEY. No, thank you.
Chairman CASTLE. We have two other Members of the full com-
mittee here, Mr. Sandlin and Mr. Watt. We welcome them. If we
get through with the questioning, we will try to give you an oppor-
tunity to participate as well at that time. I think all the Members
of the subcommittee who are here and want to speak have had the
opportunity.
So the time comes to turn to you, Mr. Chairman, for your distin-
guished comments. Mr. Greenspan.
STATEMENT OF HON. ALAN GREENSPAN, CHAIRMAN, BOARD
OF GOVERNORS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Mr. GREENSPAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I request
that my full testimony be included for the record, and I will excerpt
from that a rather extended statement.
Chairman CASTLE. Without objection.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Chairman, and Members of the subcommit-
tee, I very much welcome this opportunity to present the Federal
Reserve's Semiannual Report on Economic Conditions and the Con-
duct of Monetary Policy.
The American economy delivered another exemplary performance
in 1997. Over the four quarters of last year, real gross domestic
product expanded close to 4 percent, its fastest annual increase in
10 years. To produce that higher output, about three million Amer-
icans joined the Nation's payrolls, in the process contributing to a
reduction in the unemployment rate to 4% percent, its lowest sus-
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tained level since the late 1960's. Last year also saw strong growth
of real income of workers and corporations. This was not unrelated
to the economy's continued good performance on inflation.
Taken together, recent evidence supports the view that such low
inflation, as closely approaching price stability as we have known
in the United States in three decades, engenders many benefits.
When changes in the general price level are small and predictable,
households and firms can plan more securely for the future. The
perception of reduced risk encourages investment. Low inflation
also exerts a discipline on costs, fostering efforts to enhance pro-
ductivity. Productivity is, as you know, the ultimate source of ris-
ing standards of living, and we witnessed a notable pickup in this
measure in the past two years.
The dramatic improvements in computing power and communica-
tion and information technology appear to have been a major force
behind this beneficial trend. Those innovations, together with fierce
competitive pressures in our high-tech industries to make them
available to as many homes, offices, stores, and shop floors as pos-
sible, have produced double-digit annual reductions in prices of
capital goods embodying new technologies. Indeed, many products
considered to be at the cutting edge of technology as recently as 2
to 3 years ago have become so standardized ana inexpensive that
they have achieved near "commodity" status, a development that
has allowed businesses to accelerate their accumulation of more
and better capital.
With new high-tech tools, American businesses have shaved
transportation costs, managed their production and use of inven-
tories more efficiently, and broadened market opportunities. The
threat of rising costs in tight labor markets has imparted a sub-
stantial impetus to efforts to take advantage of possible efficiencies.
In my Humphrey-Hawkins testimony last July, I discussed the
likelihood that the sharp acceleration in capital investment in ad-
vanced technologies beginning in 1993 reflected synergies of new
ideas, embodied in increasingly inexpensive new equipment, that
have elevated expected returns and have broadened investment op-
portunities.
More recent evidence remains consistent with the view that this
capital spending has contributed to a noticeable pickup in produc-
tivity—and probably by more than can be explained by usual busi-
ness cycle forces. For one, the combination of continued low infla-
tion and stable to rising domestic profit margins implies quite sub-
dued growth in total consolidated unit business costs. With labor
costs constituting more than two-thirds of those costs and labor
compensation per hour accelerating, productivity must be growing
faster, and that step-up must be roughly in line with the increase
in compensation growth. Our more direct observations on output
per hour roughly tend to confirm that productivity has picked up
significantly in recent years, although how much the ongoing trend
of productivity has risen remains an open question.
The acceleration in productivity, however, has been exceeded by
the strengthening of demand for goods and services. As a con-
sequence, employers had to expand payrolls at a pace well in ex-
cess of the growth of the working age population that profess a de-
sire for a job, including new immigrants. As I pointed out last year
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in testimony before the Congress, that gap has been accommodated
by declines in both the officially unemployed and those not actively
seeking work but desirous of working. The number of people in
those two categories decreased at a rate of about one million per
year on average over the last 4 years. By December 1997, the sum
had declined to a seasonally adjusted lOVfe million, or 6 percent of
the working-age population, the lowest ratio since detailed informa-
tion on this series first became available in 1970. Anecdotal infor-
mation from surveys of our twelve Reserve banks attests to our
ever-tightening labor markets.
Rapidly rising demand for labor has had enormous beneficial ef-
fects on our work force. Previously, low or unskilled workers have
been drawn into the job market ana have obtained training and ex-
perience that will help them even as they later change jobs. Large
numbers of underemployed have been moved up the career ladder
to match their underlying skills, and many welfare recipients have
been added to payrolls as well, to the benefit of their long-term job
prospects.
The recent acceleration of wages is likely owed in part to the
ever-tightening labor market and in part to rising productivity
growth, which, through competition, induces firms to grant higher
wages. It is difficult at this time, however, to disentangle the rel-
ative contributions of these factors. What is clear is that unless de-
mand growth softens or productivity growth accelerates even more,
we will gradually run out of new workers who can be profitably
employed.
Should demand for new workers continue to exceed new supply,
we would expect wage gains increasingly to exceed productivity
growth, squeezing profit margins and eventually leading to a pick-
up in inflation. Were a substantial pickup in inflation to occur, it
could, by stunting economic growth, reverse much of the remark-
able labor market progress of recent years.
History teaches us that monetary policy has been its most effec-
tive when it has been preemptive. The lagging relationship be-
tween the Federal Reserve's policy instrument and spending, and,
even further removed, inflation implies that if policy actions are de-
layed until prices begin to pick up, they will be too late to fend off
at least some persistent price acceleration and attendant economic
instability. Preemptive policymaking is key to judging how wide-
spread are emerging inflationary forces, and when, ana to what de-
gree, those forces will be reflected in actual inflation.
Over most of the last year, the evident strains on resources were
sufficiently severe to steer the Federal Open Market Committee to-
ward being more inclined to tighten than to ease monetary policy.
Indeed, in March, when it became apparent that strains on re-
sources seemed to be intensifying, the Federal Open Market Com-
mittee imposed modest incremental restraint, raising its intended
Federal funds rate a quarter of a percentage point to 5V2 percent.
We did not increase the Federal funds rate again during the
summer and fall, despite further tightening of the labor market.
Even though the labor market heated up and labor compensation
rose, measured inflation fell, owing to the appreciation of the dol-
lar, weakness in international commodity prices, and faster produc-
tivity growth.
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Although the nominal Federal funds rate was maintained after
March, the apparent drop in inflation expectations over the balance
of 1997 induced some firming in the stance of monetary policy by
one important measure—the real Federal funds rate, or the nomi-
nal Federal funds rate less a proxy for inflation expectations. Some
analysts have dubbed the contribution of the reduction in inflation
expectations to raising the real Federal funds rate a "passive"
tightening, in that it increased the amount of monetary policy re-
straint in place without an explicit vote by the FOMC. While the
tightening may have been passive in that sense, it was by no
means inadvertent. Members of the FOMC took some comfort in
the upward trend of the real funds rate over the year and the rise
in the foreign exchange value of the dollar because such additional
restraint was viewed as appropriate given the strength of spending
and building strains on labor resources. They also recognized that
in virtually all other respects financial markets remained quite ac-
commodative, and, indeed, judging by the rise in equity prices,
were providing additional impetus to domestic spending.
Mr. Chairman, there can be no doubt that domestic demand re-
tained considerable momentum at the outset of this year. Produc-
tion and employment have been on a strong uptrend in recent
months. Confident households, enjoying gains in income and
wealth and benefiting from the reductions in intermediate- and
longer-term interest rates to date, should continue to increase their
spending. Firms should find financing available on relatively at-
tractive terms to fund profitable opportunities to enhance efficiency
by investing in new capital equipment. By itself, the strength in
spending would seem to presage intensifying pressures in labor
markets and on prices. Yet, the outlook for total spending for goods
and services produced in the United States is less assured of late
because of storm clouds massing over the Western Pacific and
heading our way.
This is not the place to examine in detail what triggered the ini-
tial problems in Asian financial markets and why the subsequent
deterioration has been so extreme. I covered that subject recently
before several committees of the Congress. Rather, I shall this
morning confine my discussion to the likely consequences of the
Asian crisis for demand and inflation in the United States.
With the crisis curtailing the financing available in foreign cur-
rencies, many Asian economies have had no choice but to cut back
their imports sharply. Disruptions to their financial systems and
economies more generally will further damp demands for our ex-
ports of goods and services. American exports should be held down
as well by the appreciation of the dollar, which will make the
prices of competing goods produced abroad more attractive, iust as
foreign-produced goods win be relatively more attractive to buyers
here at home. As a result, we can expect a worsening net export
Position to exert a discernible drag on total output in the United
tates. For a time, such restraint might be reinforced by a reduced
willingness of U.S. firms to accumulate inventories as they foresee
weaker demands ahead.
The forces of Asian restraint could well be providing another,
more direct offset to inflationary impulses arising domestically in
the United States. In the wake of weakness in Asian economies
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and of lagged effects of the appreciation of the dollar more gen-
erally, the dollar prices of our non-oil imports are likely to decline
further in the months ahead. These lower import prices are appar-
ently already making domestic producers hesitant to raise tneir
own prices for fear of losing market share, further contributing to
the restraint on overall prices. Lesser demands for raw materials
on the part of Asian economies as their activity slows should help
to keep world commodity prices denominated in dollars in check.
Import and commodity prices, however, will restrain U.S. inflation
only so long as they continue to fall, or to rise at a slower rate than
the overall pace of domestic goods prices.
The key question going forward is whether the restraint building
from the turmoil in Asia will be sufficient to check inflationary ten-
dencies that might otherwise result from the strength of domestic
spending and tightening labor markets. The depth of the adjust-
ment abroad will depend on the extent of weakness in the financial
sectors of Asian economies and the speed with which structural in-
efficiencies in the financial and nonfinancial sectors of those econo-
mies are corrected.
If, as we suspect, the restraint coming from Asia is sufficient to
bring the demand for American labor back into line with the
growth of the working-age population desirous of working, labor
markets will remain unusually tight, but any intensification of in-
flation should be delayed, very gradual, and readily reversible.
However, we cannot rule out two other, more worrisome possibili-
ties.
On the one hand, should the momentum of domestic spending
not be offset significantly by Asian or other developments, the
American economy would be on a track along which spending could
press too strongly against available resources to be consistent with
contained inflation. On the other hand, we also need to be alert to
the possibility that the forces from Asia might damp activity and
prices by more than is desirable by exerting a particularly forceful
drag on the volume of net exports and the prices of imports.
When confronted at the beginning of this month with these, for
the moment, finally balanced, though powerful forces, the members
of the Federal Open Market Committee decided that monetary pol-
icy should most appropriately be kept on hold. With the continu-
ation of a remarkable 7-year expansion at stake and so little prece-
dent to go by, the range of our intelligence gathering in the weeks
ahead must oe wide and especially inclusive of international devel-
opments.
Before closing, Mr. Chairman, I would also like to flag a few
areas of concern about the economy beyond those mentioned al-
ready in regarding Asian developments.
Without doubt, lenders have provided important support to
spending in the past few years by their willingness to transact at
historically small profit margins and in large volumes. Equity in-
vestors have contributed as well by apparently pricing in the expec-
tation of substantial earnings gains and requiring modest com-
pensation for the risk that those expectations could be mistaken.
Approaching the eighth year of the economic expansion, this is un-
derstandable in an economic environment that, contrary to histori-
cal experience, has become increasingly benign. Businesses have
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been meeting obligations readily and generating high profits, put-
ting them in outstanding financial health.
But we must be concerned about becoming too complacent about
evaluating the payment risks. All too often at this stage of the
business cycle, the loans that banks extend later make up a dis-
proportionate share of total nonperforming loans. In addition, quite
possibly, 12 or 18 months hence, some of the securities purchased
on the market currently could be looked upon with some regret by
investors.
As one of the Nation's bank supervisors, the Federal Reserve will
make every effort to encourage banks to apply sound underwriting
standards in their lending. Prudent lenders should consider a wide
range of economic situations in evaluating credit; to do otherwise
would risk contributing to potentially disruptive finance problems
down the road.
A second area of concern involves our Nation's continuing role in
the new high-tech international financial system. By joining with
pur major trading partners and international financial institutions
in helping to stabilize the economies of Asia and promoting- needed
structural changes, we are also encouraging the continued expan-
sion of world trade and global economic and financial stability on
which the ongoing increase of our own standards of living depend.
If we were to cede our role as world leader, or backslide into a pro-
tectionist policy, we would threaten the source of much of our own
sustained economic growth.
A third risk is complacency about inflation prospects. The com-
bination and interaction of significant increases in productivity-im-
proving technologies, sharp declines in budget deficits, and dis-
ciplined monetary policy has damped product price changes, bring-
ing them to near stability. While part of this result owes to good
policy, part is the product of the fortuitous emergence of new tech-
nologies and of some favorable price developments in imported
goods.
However, as history counsels, it is unwise to count on any string
of good fortune to continue indefinitely. At the same time, though,
it is also instructive to remember the words of an old sage that
"luck is the residue of design." He meant that to some degree we
can deliberately put ourselves in a position to experience good for-
tune and be better prepared when misfortune strikes. Some of
what we now see helping rein in inflation pressures is more likely
to occur in an environment of stable prices and price expectations
that thwarts producers from indiscriminately passing on higher
costs, puts a premium on productivity enhancement, and rewards
more effectively investment in physical and human capital.
Continuing to make progress toward this objective will make fu-
ture supply disruptions less likely and our Nation's economy less
vulnerable to those that occur. In this way, Mr. Chairman, we raise
the odds that the outstanding performance of our Nation's economy
in recent years can be sustained.
Thank you very much, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Hon. Alan Greenspan can be found
on page 45 in the appendix.]
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. We ap-
preciate your statement. I found it to be very upbeat in the register
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of statements that you have made before this subcommittee and
perhaps before the Congress. I even saw a silver lining in the
Asian crisis in terms of the dampening of inflationary aspects in
the United States. So, hopefully, all this will come to bear.
We will each take 5 minutes on questioning, and I will begin.
I would like to ask you a two-part question. It is going to be two
related parts. First, since we seem to agree that achieving a bal-
anced budget is a higher priority than cutting taxes or new spend-
ing, and the markets appear to accept this as a serious goal, if we
stay on course to balance, can the Federal Reserve lower interest
rates further?
And then second, the related part to that first question, in testi-
mony before the Congress over the last several years, at least while
I have chaired this subcommittee, I believe you said that a bal-
anced budget will result in about a 2 percent reduction in interest
rates. In your testimony today you indicated we have seen some of
these savings. How much remains to be realized?
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is a very good question, Mr. Chairman.
When I made the statement with respect to reaching a balanced
budget would bring long-term interest rates down approximately 2
percentage points or thereabouts, interest rates at that time were
quite significantly above where they are today, and the budget defi-
cit was in excess of $200 billion.
I do think that the evidence strongly suggests that a substantial
part—we don't know how much—of the very considerable decline in
long-term interest rates in recent years has been a function of the
decline in the budget deficit, because it has removed pressures of
Federal Government borrowing from the marketplace.
As I have said in other testimony, I do believe that were we to
now move to a unified budget surplus and start to repay the debt
to the public, that that would have further downward impact on
long-term interest rates. I don't know how much. And the reason
I don't know how much is that it is pretty clear that even though
we have now had a very substantial reduction in inflation expecta-
tions in this economy in recent years, there is still evidence that
there is an inflation premium of not insignificant dimension still
embodied in long-term interest rates, a residue of the big inflation-
ary pressures of the 1970's. Unless and until we can get that down
to where it was, say, in the 1950*8 and 1960's, the downside move
of long-term rates while there is clearly much more limited than
the declines that have occurred in recent years.
I would hesitate to put a specific forecast on it, but as I said in
testimony to other committees recently, if we have a Federal sur-
plus, we are very likely to get further downward pressures on long-
term rates, and as we have observed in recent years, it has been
that decline which perhaps more than anything else in our econ-
omy has been the factor which has been driving this really quite
extraordinary 7-year economic expansion. And further declines in
long-term rates as a consequence of further fiscal improvement is
something which is of great importance.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you.
The Dow Jones Industrial Average is now above where it was
when you expressed the opinion that it might be overvalued. Is
that still your view today?
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Mr. GREENSPAN. You are referring to my now rather infamous
two-word remark, which I will leave unrepeated in this context.
What I indicated back then—in December 1996—was that I was
quite concerned about how we would know, as I put it at the time,
when the markets exhibited "irrational exuberance," meaning when
it got beyond various different measures of evaluation.
What has occurred since, as I have in fact indicated in my testi-
mony, is that the market has been driven by very significantly im-
proved expectations of increase in earnings, in part a reflection of
a real improvement in underlying productivity which had not been
apparent back then. Nonetheless, even when looking at various dif-
ferent evaluation processes, there is no question, as I point out in
my prepared remarks, that the extent to which so-called equity
premiums are being embodied in the evaluation of stock prices are
on the low edge of historical experience.
But then again, an awful lot of things are at the lower edge. We
have all sorts of risk premiums lower and various different types
of margins lower, and the implication is that the market is saying
that there is something different about this particular economic en-
vironment. I am not inclined to go that far. I have been around
much too long to expect another new era. But there is no question
that there is something different about what is going on in this
economy.
As I pointed out earlier, we have not had, as I recall in any re-
cent measurable experience, 7 years of a business cycle expansion
in which not only did the underlying forces of destabilization not
occur, but things are improving. And that really is an extraor-
dinary element in this recovery.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Frank.
Mr. FRANK. I agree, Mr. Greenspan, it is not only an extraor-
dinary element in the recovery, but this state of unexpected good
news is something I sometimes feel economists may never recover
from. I have to say their dismay at the inaccuracy of their negative
predictions sometimes seems the dominant emotion we get here.
Let me ask you, on page 5 of your prepared statement, you talk
about "...rising demand for labor has had enormous beneficial ef-
fects ... Previously, low or unskilled workers have been drawn into
the job market...large numbers of underemployed have been
moved up the career ladder... welfare recipients have been added
to payrolls."
Now, that obviously happened while we were raising the mini-
mum wage. Can we infer from this that the most recent increase
of the minimum wage had no significant, if any, negative effects on
the employability of people in those categories? Because I would as-
sume, if anybody in the economy is in the minimum wage category,
it is low-skilled workers, welfare recipients, and the large numbers
of underemployed.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No. I would say, first of all, the minimum wage
has, from what we can judge, filtered through into higher nominal
wages in various different segments of the economy. You cannot
find, as best I can judge at this stage, any significant reduction in
employment as a consequence, because what we are observing, as
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I indicated earlier, is an overall demand for labor, which at this
moment, exceeds the supply.
Mr. FRANK. And the fact that we were raising the minimum
wage, therefore, had no negative effect that we could see.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No, I would not say that. I would say it has not.
Mr. FRANK. I know you do not want to say that, Mr. Greenspan,
but what is the evidence?
Mr. GREENSPAN. The question really is a much broader issue. If
you are asking me broadly does history tell us
Mr. FRANK. No, I did not ask you specifically about history, be-
cause I am asking you about what happened last time. I am asking
about this past minimum wage increase. Because the economy
changes. Look, your whole statement is a discussion of why the les-
sons of history nave in many ways no longer been directly relevant.
Mr. GREENSPAN. The way you phrased the question, you made it
as a more general statement.
Mr. FRANK. I am talking about the most recent minimum wage
increase.
Mr. GREENSPAN. The most recent minimum wage increase has
not, as yet, shown through.
Mr. FRANK. I think the "as yet" is a testimony to the continuing
power of the economic theology, because we have just been through
this.
My next question: In 1993, when taxes were increased as part of
the budget package and they were increased more on higher in-
come people, you said at the time you thought that would have a
negative effect on growth. Has that had a negative effect as yet, or
are we still in the as yet" phase on that one?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would say it has had a negative effect. There
are other effects which have overridden that. If you ask me in gen-
eral
Mr. FRANK. No, Mr. Greenspan, I would never ask you anything
in general in a 5-minute question period. I am asking you specifi-
cally about your prediction that raising taxes—or your comment
that "...having raised taxes in 1993 would have a negative effect
on growth." And I am looking at a statement which talks about
how we could barely live with the amount of growth we have had.
We have had more growth than we expected. You are worried that
we may have too much growth, although fortunately we have not.
So I am wondering about the 1993 tax effect.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, first of all, I did not say that the Presi-
dent's 1993 budget proposal would have a contractionary effect on
the economy.
Mr. FRANK. I asked you specifically, and I will get you the tran-
script and send it to you. In the past, I asked you if you thought
the fact that taxes were increased was going to have a negative ef-
fect, and you said it was.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, I generally believe that over the longer
run, if you raise marginal tax rates, you will get a lower extension
of long-term growth than you would have had otherwise.
Mr. FRANK. I often, when I do not have any specific evidence,
talk about general trends over the long-run, too. I do think we have
two arguments here, because Mr. Sanders talked about equity, and
I think this is important. There have been two efforts in recent
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times to deal with the equity question, the minimum wage increase
and an effort to make the tax incidence fairer. In both cases, we
had very negative consequences predicted, which I do not think
have been borne out and which certainly do not appear. If they
were borne out, they were overborne, clearly from your statement,
by other things.
The last point I want to make I will make briefly, and you can
respond. Right here on page 10 and 11 you say there were two sort
of equal dangers as you raise them. On the one hand, should mo-
mentum of domestic spending not be offset significantly, we can get
into inflation. On the other hand, we also need to be alerted to the
possibility that they might dampen activity by more than is desir-
able. So it is one or the other.
My problem is, and I go back to my opening statement, on page
6 you talk about preemption, but you have got a one-way preemp-
tion here. You have two dangers. There is a danger that Asia will
not offset growth enough and it will be inflationary, or that Asia
will do too much and it will be inflationary. But you are only going
to preempt one of those dangers.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I was not aware that I said that.
Mr. FRANK. Said what?
Mr. GREENSPAN. That I want to preempt one and not the other.
Mr. FRANK. Page 6, your discussion of preemption, "History
teaches us that monetary policy has been most effective when it
has been preemptive."
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is correct.
Mr. FRANK. And the whole discussion of preemption is about pre-
empting inflation.
Mr, GREENSPAN. No, I was talking about the extent of inflation.
Mr. FRANK. But you do not talk about preempting the negative.
It is just your mindset. When you think preemption, you think
about cutting off inflation. You never think about—apparently, I
think this is a fact when the people in the Federal Reserve talk
about preemption—you are never preempting something negative.
And I urge you to look at your discussion on page 6 and page 7.
Preemption occurs only in the context of cutting off inflation, not
in the context of offsetting too much.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Frank, I would suggest in our previous con-
versations on this that I have made statements on both sides of
that issue; namely, that preemption works both ways.
Mr. FRANK. I agree when I press. But I am continually disturbed
by what seems to be the mindset, and I understand you are rep-
resenting the institution there as well, that preemption still tends
to be a one-way street and there is not enough concern about pre-
empting the negative of too little growth.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No, I would disagree with that. I would say that
our fundamental goal is to maintain maximum sustainable growth,
which means effectively that you want to try to fend off tendencies
of monetary policy instability on one side and on the other.
In previous discussions which we have had on this, in fact, in the
last 6 months this issue has come up and we discussed both sides
of that. The problem that is relevant right here is that, with these
very finely balanced sets of forces on both sides of this issue, we
may not be fully successful in preemptive policy. In other words,
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preemptive policy requires that one has the capability of capturing
a change in direction significantly far in advance so that actions
can be taken to fend it off.
I think the real concern we have today is that what we have are
two basic forces—both rather powerful, but both 180 degrees apart.
And what we hope to be able to do is to capture the trend in either
direction sufficiently in advance to focus policy in a manner which
most effectively increases the probability that we can maintain this
7-year long economic expansion with its benefits.
Mr. FRANK. I like that better than your prepared statement.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. Frank.
I would like to at this time go to the Chairman and acting Rank-
ing Members of the subcommittee for their questions. Then we will
go in regular order through the subcommittee.
Chairman Leach.
Mr. LEACH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Just looking at your statement, I want to focus on one paragraph
for a second. You note that our own standard of living depends on
us ".. .joining our trading partners and international institutions in
helping stabilize the economies of Asia." You also note that we
would "... threaten the source of much of our own sustained eco-
nomic growth if we were to cede our role as a world leader or back-
slide into protectionism." I take it that means you strongly endorse
the IMF approach that the Administration has proposed to Con-
gress?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I do, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. LEACH. Second, you have in your past testimony been a little
bit inebriated with the exuberance of the skepticism of the market.
But in your statement today, you say that 12 or 18 months hence
some of the securities purchased in the market could be looked
upon with some regret by investors. So what you are suggesting is
that in the next 18 months some stocks may go down, not nec-
essarily that the market as a whole may decline; is that correct?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I am basically saying that at this stage, when
you look at all the relative value relationships, which get to the
questions of equity premiums in stocks, the rate of return that is
required for equity investments is lower than it usually is. It is not
outside of any credible range, but it is in the lower end. Similarly,
yield spreads on various types of private bond issues are relatively
low.
And, if you take a look across the spectrum of commercial bank
lending, spreads are low. In other words, the notion of benevolence
which nas been continuously spreading during this 7-year growth
in economic activity, much to the contrary of what history tells us,
is creating a state in which one must presume that, if history re-
turns, we will find these spreads will start to open up.
And I am mainly concerned, frankly, in this particular para-
graph, about the issue of bank lending. Banks never make bad
loans on purpose. Nobody does. But what we do find, in retrospect,
is that a higher proportion of loans which turn out to be bad are
made at times when yield spreads are low and risk premiums are
perceived to be exceptionally low. There are very few bad loans
that are made when the economy is not doing well. It is only in
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periods, such as today, that those tendencies are higher than nor-
mal.
Mr. LEACH. I appreciate that
One final question. In terms of the subject of preemption, we dis-
cussed monetary policy here, and now I want to get your advice on
fiscal policy. Is it good preemption at this time to increase by three
to five times the inflation rate the Federal spending, or is it greater
preemption to try to keep a little greater discipline in Federal
spending given what might be new forces on the economy?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Chairman, when we look at the budget pro-
jections we should have some contingency plans. Those which are
demographically determined are the ones which we can have some
reasonable assurance of, and what we do know is that our retire-
ment demographics are changing in a really quite dramatic way as
we move into the latter part of the next decade and into the second
decade of the 21st Century, and the pressures on spending are
going to be really quite significant.
And it is important for us, as I indicated elsewhere, to recognize
that it is far easier to pass legislation today that focuses on a pe-
riod 10 years from today than it is to wait for 5 years or 6 years
and then find that the politics become unbelievably difficult.
I think it is crucially important that if we are going to make sig-
nificant changes in various different elements of what I would call
retirement and demographic spending that we end up with the ne-
cessity of communicating to the people who are the recipients suffi-
ciently well in advance what they can expect from Government so
that they can plan their lives accordingly, I think we owe it to that
generation.
Mr. LEACH. Well, I appreciate that. Mr. Chairman, that was not
exactly the answer to the question I asked, but it was a better an-
swer than it was a question. So thank you very much.
Mr. FRANK. We will give you unanimous consent to redo the
question in the record if you want.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Chairman Leach.
Mr. LaFalce.
Mr. LAFALCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan, everyone is concerned about the declining
values of various currencies vis-a-vis the dollar. And I alluded in
my opening comments to the probability that these countries might
like to see the United States lower their interest rates and that
would perhaps help them stabilize their dollars, increase the value
of their currencies. It would minimize the flood of imports coining
into the United States. We probably would be in a better position
to do that than ever before because of the fact that we are going
to get a flood of imports now minimizing inflation risks.
I am wondering what other countries are saying to you about
this and to what extent you are factoring this into the judgmental
equation?
Mr. GREENSPAN. As I have mentioned many times in the past,
there are innumerable things which converge and determine what
monetary policy is. And even as we think our way through various
implications with respect to international financial forces, it is ulti-
mately the long-term benefits of the American people which are at
root, the determinants, of our policy. So to the extent that we rec-
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ognize that the international financial system is much to our ad-
vantage—because it has facilitated trade and there is just no ques-
tion that the expansion of trade has been a major factor in rising
standards of living around the world, and in the United States es-
pecially—we have from our general purview a very considerable in-
terest on what is going on with respect to our trading partners.
I have not heard any real discussions about the effect of Amer-
ican rates on other exchange rates because there have been so
many other profound forces involved. Mr. LaFalce, you raised the
Canadian issue in your opening remarks. The weakness
Mr. LAFALCE. The Canadians raised their interest rates recently,
didn't they, as a means of coping with the declining value of their
currency?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes. And, in fact, they have succeeded. The Ca-
nadian dollar is up about 3 percent from where it was at the bot-
tom. But the primary cause of the Canadian problem, as best I can
judge, was the Asian deterioration. Because the Asian deterioration
contributed to a major weakness in international commodity prices
and the Canadian economy.
Mr. LAFALCE. If you are looking at it from the period of the last
several months, yes. If you are looking at it from the period of the
last several years, no.
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is true. I am saying the short-term recent
Canadian experience has been essentially a reflection of the weak-
ness in commodities which the Canadian economy is so dependent
on. And that, as you point out, has had a significant effect on num-
bers of American competitors along the border. For example, we
compete across the Canadian border in virtually the same types of
materials.
Mr. LAFALCE. I am very sensitive to this bilateral relationship
because we have more trade with the country of Canada than we
do with the entire European Community. We have more trade with
the province of Ontario than we do with the second largest trading
company we have, Japan. We trade more with Ontario than we do
with Japan. And so, the relative value of our two currencies is ex-
tremely important. And whether they are raising their interest
rates, that is going to have consequences on their economy and on
ours. And I was just wondering if maybe we should not be thinking
of lowering our interest rates.
Let me point to one last question, Dr. Greenspan. We tend to
focus in on large macro figures to be sure. But to what extent does
the Federal Reserve Board have figures with disparities that exist
within our economy, disparities not only with respect to wages—
and I think we probably do have some fairly decent data on that—
but also disparity with respect to wealth?
And you nave spoken considerably about the stock market re-
cently. I am wondering to what extent this rise in the wealth of
those individuals who are participating within the stock market
may well be bringing about disparities within the United States
economy, and I am wondering what policy implications exist now
or in the future on account of that, and I am wondering to what
extent the Federal Reserve is studying this and thinking about it?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, we do, as you know, periodically survey
households and others to get a general sense of the distribution of
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wealth. It is not the direct purpose of a lot of these evaluations, but
it turns out that we have a fairly good insight as to what is going
on. And, as you know, we do have aggregate data on balance sheets
of all aspects of the American economy and we can see this extraor-
dinary change as it occurs as a consequence of the huge increase
of equity values in our system.
First of all, the one thing that is very apparent from the data
that we have is the extent to which equity ownership, both direct
and indirect, has risen very substantially in this economy. The ex-
tent of mutual fund ownership, 401Ks and just plain equity pur-
chases, has really been very large. And the proportion of house-
holds which own stocks directly and indirectly, as you know, has
gone up a very significant amount in the last 6 or 7 years, so that
there is a substantial amount of participation really by a very large
part of the society. And hence, the rewards have been fairly wide-
spread.
Nonetheless, there is no question because of the inherent dis-
tribution of wealth vis-a-vis incomes, that as equity values have
risen substantially relative to the values of homes, which has his-
torically been the major place of where middle income wealth has
been, we have had a spreading of the wealth effect in this economy.
How significant it is is not easy to tell.
Mr. LAFALCE. When you say, Ma spreading of the wealth effect,"
you mean a growing disparity?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Growing disparity. Dispersion is increasing. The
disparities have increased. However, the disparity is not that one
gains and the other loses; it is that one is gaining more than oth-
ers.
Mr. LAFALCE. At least for those participating within it. There are
still sizable segments of the populous that are not participating.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, as I have indicated before this subcommit-
tee before, and it is an important issue, there are noneconomic
questions which we do have to be terribly concerned about with re-
spect to an economy in which you have very great disparities of
wealth. And we are certainly nowhere near where we were in gen-
erations past. But I do feel uncomfortable when I see data which
suggests increasing disparities, because I know it creates tensions
in societies which are not healthful.
Mr. LAFALCE. Dr. Greenspan, I do not have the time to pursue
this now. My time has expired. I would like to pursue this with you
subsequent to this hearing in greater detail. And I would also love
to see the Federal Reserve Board sponsor some symposium or con-
ference regarding the issue of the growing wealth disparity in the
United States and its social public policy implications. Because I
think in the future they are going to be profound.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. LaFalce.
Mr. Lucas.
Mr. LUCAS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan, could we step back for just a moment and
visit about the comments that you made about the potential impact
of the financial situation in Asia and the Western Pacific countries
would have both positive potential on the demand for labor and
other things in the United States, but also along the lines of the
comments about the Canadian wheat growers, what the potential
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impact could be on those segments in our economy that are very
export-driven into the region, agriculture being close to my particu-
lar heart.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, the first thing that we have seen with re-
spect to the Asian problem is not so much a huge acceleration of
exports from those countries into the United States. What we are
seeing is somewhat surprising: namely, there is a very large adjust-
ment, but it is occurring as a consequence of sharp reductions in
imports. And as a consequence of the inability to effectively import,
it nas curbed exports out of Asia even though, with their depre-
ciated currencies, one would think that their competitive advantage
had been materially increased.
So that what we are seeing are data from Southeast Asia, East
Asia generally, which suggest a fairly substantial swing in trade
balances, current account balances, but very largely from declining
imports, which means it is going to be impacting lower exports
from the United States. We do not as yet see significant impacts.
We do see, for example, that a number of agricultural areas, in
wheat and apples and numbers of other agricultural commodities,
especially in the West, have been severely impacted. We do not as
yet see a very substantial impact throughout the export-producing
areas of American manufacturing.
What we do see, as I indicated in my remarks, is that the effects
are more materially at this stage in price, not in volume. In other
words, American exporters are finding that they are having price
problems more than volume problems, which in part is a con-
sequence of the Asian experience.
Now, I do not know yet, and I do not think anyone has any way
of really figuring out exactly how this is all going to evolve. The
trauma has been so great there that unless we can have a fully ef-
fective insight into how this impacts among the countries of East
Asia and Japan, it is not going to be possible for us to get a really
food fix on what the impact is back here. That is the reason whv
say that we do not yet have a really useful sense of what will
happen.
Mr. LUCAS. But it is reasonably safe to say that, in addition to
Canada, there are places like Australia and New Zealand that com-
pete with us in those markets and that, with the conditions you
have just described, it will make it probably more competitive for
all of us trying to move pricewise, move our products into that re-
gion and, yes, that will play put one way or the other?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes. Obviously, in the wheat market, for exam-
ple, we basically compete with the Canadians and the Australians.
And both being commodity-based economies, have had their ex-
change rates fall, vis-a-vis the American dollar, which, since we are
dealing with a homogeneous commodity like wheat, gives them a
competitive advantage over American shippers.
Mr. LUCAS. Change shoes for just a moment. The comment made
earlier, I believe, by the Chairman in regard to the savings and
cost of interest rates because of the balanced budget, is it not also
reasonable to assume that now that we are in the beginning of, I
guess, year four of a Congress that is attempting very strongly to
restrain the growth in the Federal spending, when I came in in
1994, we were borrowing a couple-hundred-billion dollars a year to
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fund the Federal deficit. If it was possible to have this kind of ex-
pansion and possible to be in the same budget situation we were
in in previous years, wouldn't that produce a huge demand out
there for capital to do what the economy has been doing and at the
same time do the Federal spending things that were done in the
past? Wouldn't that have led to industries that certainly would not
nave gone down?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Are you saving if the deficit would start back
up it would impact industries? Oh, most certainly.
Mr. LUCAS. Because you cannot fund all those capital demands
both in the private and public sector without seeing the cost of cap-
ital go up.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Right.
Mr. LUCAS. So, as one Member, let me say I do enjoy the prosper-
ity that we are in.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. Lucas.
Mr. Hinchey.
Mr. HINCHEY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Greenspan, thank you very much. This has been a very in-
teresting session. I appreciate these semiannual meetings very
much. But I continue to be impressed with the ability of the Fed
to concentrate almost exclusively on one aspect of its responsibil-
ity—for example, inflation—to the detriment of other aspects of the
economy.
It seems to me that one of the things that you ought to be con-
cerned about is the need to increase demand. There is an over-
supply of virtually every manufactured item around the world. As
you just pointed out in your discussion of commodities, we are see-
ing commodity prices drop dramatically as a result of oversupplies
in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada because of the collapse of
the market for those agricultural commodities in East Asia. That
is having a significant effect on our agriculture commodity prices
here in the United States. Oil prices are falling dramatically, in
part due to weather conditions, but also due to a decline in de-
mand.
You expressed the belief in your testimony that steps being taken
by East Asian countries seem adequate to deal with their problems.
As we observe those steps, we can be comfortable in the belief that
what they are doing will ameliorate whatever negative effects their
economic troubles might otherwise have on our economy. Others
would disagree with that.
For example, steps being taken by Japan are regarded as wholly
inadequate to increase their domestic demand. Our own Secretary
of the Treasury among others, has expressed that view. Without an
increase in domestic demand in Japan, producers in East Asia are
going to increasingly look at the American economy as the market
of last resort. European countries, certainly, are not presently in
any condition to absorb the excess production that is coming out of
East Asia and elsewhere.
I wonder what we might do in order to deal with the demand
side of the equation. We nave concentrated so heavily on the supply
side, both domestically and in terms of international development
around the world. But we have not done enough to increase de-
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mand. We have not done enough to make sure that people have the
resources to participate fully in the economy. And we see the ef-
fects here in our own country.
A number of Members have pointed out the fact that we are see-
ing increasing disparities of wealth and income in spite of the fact
that there have been some reversals during the Clinton Adminis-
tration. Workers are only just beginning to experience some bene-
fits of the growing economy. Nevertheless, we are not nearly where
we ought to be.
So what really is your position with regard to the financial crisis
in East Asia? What are its expected effects on the American econ-
omy? What can we do to increase demand? And why do we still
have real interest rates that are high by historical standards? And
I use that phrase "high by historical standards" because that is the
phrase that was used at the meeting of the Federal Open Market
Committee last August when members admitted that real interest
rates are, in fact, high by historical standards.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. Hinchey, let me start with the last
question and work back. Statistically, it is a fact that real interest
rates are higher now than they have been on the average of the
post-World War II period. They are not high by standards of the
last 15, 20 years.
Mr. HINCHEY. During that period, Mr. Greenspan, we have had
excessively high interest rates. I am talking about high by histori-
cal standards, not within that narrow timeframe.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No. I was about to say why it is relevant. We
had a different type of financial system when we had Regulation
Q, when in effect there were limits on to what extent interest rates
could rise for deposits. And that created a different response in
short-term interest rates to economic activity. There are those who
argue as a consequence that using the data prior to the last 20
years is to average a short-term interest rate effect over two dif-
ferent types of economies. But leave that aside. Because it really
doesn't matter.
The crucial question of whether or not real interest rates are bit-
ing or not is to look at what happens to interest-sensitive areas of
demand within the economy, and what we see today is that despite
the fact of where real interest rates are, the interest-sensitive areas
of the economy—namely housing, motor vehicles, certain consumer
elements of spending—are all doing exceptionally well. And it is
very hard to find a case in which real interest rates are signifi-
cantly retarding demand in the United States at the moment.
The one area where we are arguing that the demand is likely to
run into some trouble is foreign accounts. Namely, we perceive and
we are in fact projecting that there will be an easing off of demand
as it works its way through the system as a consequence of events
in southeast Asia. But it is not because of the fact that we believe
real interest rates are high and, therefore, suppressing the econ-
omy. I just think there is no evidence of that.
Mr. HINCHEY. No. But the fact is that if you have that kind of
effect taking place in East Asia, and you have cheap products being
dumped on tne American market—which is beginning to happen
and which we can expect will happen increasingly—and if interest
rates are high by historical standards, that is going to complicate
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the economic situation for the American economy and particularly
for American workers.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. Hinchey, I would say that we would
respond one way or the other to whatever is going on. As I indi-
cated in my prepared remarks, we are, in effect, looking at two
countervailing forces and it is not clear how the balance is coming
out.
What I am saying is that the policy that will be implemented by
the FOMC, as it always is, will be responsive to events as they
emerge. But I do not think it is appropriate.
Mr. HINCHEY. Wei), I am used to hearing you say that it is nec-
essary to anticipate events, not wait until they emerge, because
there is an 18-month or so lag time.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Actually, 18 months is more related to inflation.
We have shorter lags in certain other aspects. But look, it is quite
conceivable to me that even though we would like to be preemptive,
we may not be able to be preemptive largely because there are cer-
tain types of events in world economies which are very difficult to
anticipate.
What I certainly would think would be a mistake would be if we
take a preemptive move in either direction which turned out to be
180 degrees wrong. That would worsen the situation rather than
make it better. So we may find ourselves being less preemptive
than we would like to be. I would say the optimum policy is to be
as preemptive as we possibly can, but we may not always be able
to implement optimum policy.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. Hinchey.
Mr. Metcalf.
Mr. METCALF. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Washington State is the State most dependent on trade with
Asia. You stated today support of Secretary Rubin and replenish-
ment of the IMF. Can you specify potential problems that might af-
fect our markets in the short term or the long term from failures
of Asian economies if the IMF is not replenished?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, as I said in earlier testimony, Z believe
that if we were to do nothing at this stage with respect to IMF
funding, the likelihood is that we will get through reasonably well
and the probability is definitely significantly better than 50/50 that
that is the way that it would evolve.
The reason why I find myself in strong support of Secretary
Rubin and his particular requests is that the low probability that
we may be wrong on that is a probability which has very large po-
tential consequences.
I would much prefer that we give the authority to the IMF, to
effectively give them a letter of credit, which may not have to be
used and, indeed, probably will not have to be used, than not have
those resources available in terms of crisis when they would be
needed. In the low probability that they would be needed, I do not
believe that the Congress would have adequate time to move
through authorizations which would be sufficiently useful.
Mr. METCALF. Thank you. This is on a totally different subject,
sort of off the wall. But as the stock market reaches dizzying
heights, does that not represent in a sense, and just in a sense, an
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increase in the money supply, and is the Fed concerned specifically
about that?
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is an interesting question, because what
we're dealing with is distinctions between money and credit in cer-
tain respects or claims; and the issue of asset value changes, which
clearly is not the same thing as an increase in the money supply,
is nonetheless interrelated.
What we try to do, with hopefully some success, is to be able to
understand the interrelationships between money on the one hand,
asset value changes on the other, and how both impact on the real
economy. I wish we knew more about a lot of these things. They
continuously change and we continuously get proxies for what we
think real money is and find out that this is not a useful proxy.
The one thing I will say is that all of these elements are essen-
tially monetary phenomena and how money is produced in this
economy has profound effects not only on the United States, but on
the American dollar and as a consequence of the whole trading sys-
tem.
Mr. METCALF. Last quick question.
The Fed for a long time was very careful to try to regulate money
supply and it seems to me that that is not the case now; that
maybe they have given up or it is impossible or whatever. Just a
quick comment on that.
Mr. GREENSPAN. We truly have problems with respect to using
M2 specifically in a way we used it in the past as a reasonably
good indicator of where the economy was going or where spending
was likely to go because the relationship between the nominal
value of the gross domestic product and M2 was reasonably stable
and forecastaole. That has changed. But nonetheless, the central
bank's fundamental purpose is to maintain a stable financial sys-
tem.
Unless we recognize that the value of the currency is very crucial
to what occurs in the economy, we can find ourselves as central
bankers creating either too much or too little in the way of money
supply. And even though we may not at this particular stage feel
very comfortable in using the specific values of M2 to make judg-
ments about how that is going to impact on the economy, that does
not mean we are wholly indifferent to what is happening to money
supply or bank credit or all of the other variables in the system of
which we have so many difficulties.
Mr. METCALF. Just a quick last question.
Apparently the Fed is creating cash, cash money, Federal Re-
serve notes, at an increase of about $3 billion a month. I read an
article, it may not be right, but about $3 billion a month. And that
seems to me surprising. Is that because of so many more cash ma-
chines?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Creating what? I missed a word that was used.
Mr. METCALF. In the creating of more cash. The dollar bills, the
Federal Reserve notes. It seemed to me that I read in an article
that said about $3 billion a month increase.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, that is about right,
Mr. METCALF. And what is the reason for that? Is that because
of the increasing number of cash machines? And then I can under-
stand it. If it isn't that, then I do not understand.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Part of the problem, remember, is that a very
substantial part of the currency that we issue is held abroad, and
when there are crises abroad, really quite remarkable things that
the American dollar—currency, cash—has got a terrific demand
and it is very hard to know in general where the demand is coming
from.
We do, after the fact, know what has been shipped to various
countries and the like. But I am sure we do have a very substantial
increase in the ability to create, or I should say distribute currency
through ATMs domestically. But I would doubt whether that is a
big element because so much of our cash demand, currency de-
mand, is foreign.
Mr. METCALF. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I will write you
a letter. I'd like to get a list of how much we ship to various coun-
tries and I will write you a letter on that. Thank you very much
for your testimony.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr, Metcalf.
Mr. Bentsen.
Mr. BENTSEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Chairman Green-
span. Reading your testimony and reading the report of the Board,
it would appear that for the most part, things are pretty good and
in reading the wire story of your testimony this morning, it indi-
cates that nowhere in there did you trip the wire that caused the
market to be concerned that maybe the Fed is going to tighten.
And if you look at the semiannual report that you have provided
us, everything in here seems to be coming up quite good from the
standpoint of inflation. Labor costs still are not out of control, in-
terest rates are down, interest cost to businesses are down. Obvi-
ously, we know that the Government expenditures are coming
down below the rate of inflation. The income to businesses, the cor-
porate sector income, is good. At the same time, we are starting to
see real wages rise for American workers.
And in your testimony you comment that the Asian storm clouds
in effect are perhaps going to provide us with the regulator that
we need in order to keep inflation under wraps. And even I see in
the back that your previous concerns about price earning ratios in
the equity markets after 3 years, a rational exuberance has appar-
ently become mainstream and now and maybe that will continue
on. I agree with your comments that this is all good and it may
fet bad. But I guess, from what you are telling us, nobody really
nows for certain.
I do have a couple of questions for you. And the first is, you talk
a lot about productivity growth; and when you testified six months
ago, and I think in the prior testimony to that, you indicated that
you or the Fed were beginning to believe that we were seeing a
jump in productivity growth.
Now, we have the statistics, and it is clear that we have seen a
dramatic rise in productivity growth over the last two years, which
is quite beneficial not only to workers today, but probably to work-
ers in the future. Do you believe that trend will continue?
And second of all, from reading your testimony, it would appear
that the only bottleneck that is occurring, because in your report
you also indicate that there is sufficient capacity in the manufac-
turing sector more so than in previous expansions, but the only
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bottleneck that would appear is the availability of skilled labor.
And would it now be time that when we have been talking about
the need for increasing capital formation that we also Took at
human capital potential and the fact that maybe looking beyond
capital gains tax treatment policy it is time to start looking at edu-
cation policy and further enhancing that?
And I would also ask if you could give some correlation. I re-
cently looked at some statistics that came from the Council of Eco-
nomic Advisors that indicated if you look at the past three expan-
sions, including the one we are currently enjoying, that at the top
of the expansion, and I do not know whether we are at the top of
the expansion or not at this point in time, we saw inflation go up.
Now, obviously in the late 1970*8 period we did have the second
oil price hike that exacerbated the situation. But if you look at
rates of 1987, 1988, 1989 starting to go up into the 6 percent range
and yet now we see a period of rates coming down 1995 to 1996.
So is this a different trend than what we have seen in previous ex-
pansions since the Second World War or in the 20th Century?
And the last question I would ask, and I hope you testify before
the Budget Committee. We held one hearing in the budget this
year and maybe that is all we are going to have, but I hope you
do testify. We have had some interesting discussions with the head
of the CBO regarding debt held by the public and total debt held
owed the Government. But I would be interested in your com-
ments.
Now, that we are in a period of at least annual budget surpluses
or operating surpluses, what, in your opinion, is, if at all, the ap-
propriate level of debt-to-GDP?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Congressman, first of all, let me just say that
I fully subscribe to your notion that the issue of human capital is
becoming increasingly evident from the types of bottlenecks that
are emerging. And I wouldn't only put it to skilled labor. I would
say it is skills all across the board. There are really pressures vir-
tually everywhere, and we have seen a very fairly dramatic in-
crease in on-the-job training, a very considerable increase in num-
ber of people going back to college or starting college in their mid-
to late twenties to pick up the skills that they perceive to be re-
quired to maintain themselves in work throughout their working
careers. So that you are beginning to see a substantial move of the
educational resources going to very specific types of skills which
are required in this increasingly high-tech economy. That should be
encouraged, and it is clearly something which market forces them-
selves are really beginning to have a significant impact on.
It is hard at this stage to know precisely to what extent the evi-
dent acceleration in productivity is a major or a modest change in
the long-term underlying trend. We will not know that for a num-
ber of years. But in my judgment, and not everyone shares my view
on this, there has been a marked change in the long-term trend.
I do not think it is a very large shift, because that is nard to engi-
neer in this type of economy, but I do think it is a meaningful one,
and I do think it is going to have an effect on our growth rates in
the future.
Mr. BENTSEN. Do you think it is a sustainable trend?
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Part of it is, yes. Clearly if we go into a degree
of economic weakness in any period ahead, what historically hap-
pens is that fixed costs all of a sudden become a big problem, and
productivity slips. But what we are talking about is the longer-
term growth, and what productivity is at successive peaks in the
business cycle. The evidence here is that the cyclically-adjusted
productivity trend has moved up.
With respect to the debt-to-GDP, there are numbers of ratios
which people use. Both numbers are too large to be useful to take
a ratio one to the other and get some really useful conclusions. So
I would say that, obviously, tfte extent to which that implies inter-
est payments—and the interest payments must be coming out of
the income that is implicit in the GDP—there obviously are rela-
tionships. But I would hesitate to give a specific number.
There is difficulty in any particular ratio of one to the other. I
think it is too aggregative a set of numbers.
Mr. BENTSEN" With the Chairman's indulgence, though, I guess
the question, and we will have to debate this in the future, is, is
the appropriate number better than zero?
Mr. GREENSPAN. You mean the aggregate level of debt?
Mr. BENTSEN. I guess the question is should there be any debt
at all, or, in your opinion, there should be zero debt?
Mr. GREENSPAN. You are talking about Federal debt?
Mr. BENTSEN. Yes.
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is an interesting academic discussion, but
I do not think it is something that is likely to be relevant relatively
soon.
Mr. BENTSEN. I agree with that as well.
Mr. GREENSPAN. The evidence does suggest, however, that, as
the Federal debt-to-GDP ratio falls, interest rates tend to also move
in that direction. But I am not sure what the cause-and-effect rela-
tionships necessarily are.
But going to the other extreme, there is no question that at some
point countries get themselves into levels of debt-to-GDP which are
marginally explosive. In other words, you can get to a point where
you nave a progressive debt cycle, where the debt goes up, the in-
terest payments go up, which means that the deficit goes up be-
cause interest payments become very large, which means the debt
goes up, and you can have an unstable acceleration of debt. And
indeed we have seen this on innumerable occasions in a number of
emerging economies which have run into a debt barrier.
But we, the United States, are nowhere near there at the mo-
ment. And if you are asking me would it be better to get our debt
down than up at this point, I would say the answer is yes, because
that would be far more effective for long-term economic growth
than anything I can think of.
Mr. BENTSEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman CASTLE. Dr. Paul.
Dr. PAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have two brief points to
make, then I have a couple of questions.
First, your comment about the deficit is very important in keep-
ing interest rates high. It seems to me that the level of Govern-
ment spending has to be even more important, because if you have
a $2 trillion budget, and you tax that money out of the system, that
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is very detrimental, just as detrimental as if you borrowed out of
the economy. So I think the level of spending is probably more im-
portant.
And as a follow-up to the question from the gentleman from
Washington on the currency, we certainly do export a lot of our
currencies. More than 60 percent ends up in foreign hands. And it
serves a great benefit to us because it is like a free loan. It is not
in our own country, it does not bid up prices, So we get to export
our inflation. At the same time, they are willing to hold our debt;
central banks are holding $600 billion worth of our debt. So again,
we get to export our inflation, and the detriment is the con-
sequence of what we are seeing in Southeast Asia.
But the real problem, though, is not the benefits that we receive
temporarily, but the problem is when those dollars come home, like
in 1979 and 19SO, and then we have to deal with it because it is
out of your hands, this money has been created. So I think we
should not ignore that.
But my first question has to do with Mexico. It is bragged that
we had this wonderful bailout of Mexico three years ago, and yet
Mexico still has some of its same problems. They have tremendous
bank loans occurring right now. The peso has weakened. Last
month it went down 5 percent. Since the conditions are essentially
the same, my question to you is when do you anticipate the next
currency crisis in the Mexican peso?
And then another question that I would like to get in as well has
to do with a follow-up with the gentleman from Massachusetts
dealing with the inequity in the distribution of income. And in your
statement you come across almost hostile or fearful that wages
might go up. And I understand why you might be concerned about
that, because you may eventually see the consequence of monetary
inflation, and it will be reflected in higher wages. But where has
the concern been about the escalation of value of stocks? People are
expecting them to go up 30 percent a year. They are benefiting, but
labor comes along and they want to get a little benefit. They want
to raise their salaries 5 or 10 percent. Unlike the other side, I
think the worst thing to do is interfere in the voluntary contract
and mandate an increase in wages and give them minimum wage
rates. That is not the answer.
But to understand the problem I think is very important. This
is a natural consequence. They want to share as well, and this is
a natural consequence of monetary inflation is that there is an
equal distribution of income.
I would like you to address that and tell me if there is any merit
to this argument and why vou seem to have much greater concern
about somebody making a few bucks more per hour versus the lack
of concern of a stock market that is soaring at 30 percent increases
per year.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Let me say that when I believe that there are
trends within the financial system or in the economy generally
which look to me and to my colleagues to be unsustainable and po-
tentially destructive of the economic growth, we get concerned.
I am not aware of the fact that if I see things which I perceive
to be running out of line, that I have not expressed myself. At least
some people nave asserted that I have expressed myself more often
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than I should. And I have commented on innumerable occasions, as
I have, in fact, done today, that there are certain values in the sys-
tem which by historical standards, are going to be difficult to sus-
tain. And I am concerned about that, because it potentially is an
issue which relates to the long-term values within the economy.
I have no concern whatever about the issue of wages going up.
On the contrary, the more the better. It is only when they are real
wages, whether they are wages which are tied to productivity or re-
lated to productivity gains. But wages which are moving up more
than the rate of inflation, for example, I think are highly undesir-
able, and indeed to the extent that we do not get real wage in-
creases, we do not get increases in standards of living. So I am
strongly in favor of any increase in real wages and not strongly in
favor at all of wages (hat go up and are wiped out by inflation.
Dr. PAUL. But the real wage is down compared to 1971. You have
a little flip here or so, but since 1971 it is down.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Part of that issue, Congressman, is a statistical
problem. I do not believe the real wage is truly down since 1971.
Dr. PAUL. But we cannot convince our workers of that. At least
in my district they are not convinced by some statistic.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Let me put it this way: Productivity after the
early 1970's flattened out fairly dramatically, and that slowed real
wage increases very dramatically as well. And to the extent that
the sense in which earlier generations experienced significant in-
creases in standards of living during the 1950's and 1960*8 and the
early post-World War II period, of course productivity was advanc-
ing rapidly. That came to a dramatic end in the early 1970's and
persisted until very recently. And if people were concerned about
that, they should be, and they should have been, and we should
have been, as I think we were.
Dr. PAUL. Do you have a comment on when the next Mexico cri-
sis is going to occur?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes. I am not concerned about a crisis in Mexico
at this particular stage. I think they are doing reasonably well. The
peso at this particular stage is floating appropriately. I do not see
any immediate crisis at the moment. And while I do not deny that,
as in any country, things can go askew, they have come out of the
1995 crisis frankly, somewhat better than I expected they would.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Dr. Paul.
Mrs. Roukema.
Mrs. ROUKEMA. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, did I hear correctly your response to Mr. Metcalf
concerning his export-related State of Washington State? Of course,
New Jersey is in a very similar situation. And of course we heard
your reference to the agricultural needs with respect to Mr. Lucas,
all related to IMF and the Asian contagion.
I appreciate your response to Mr. Leach in strong support for the
IMF letter of credit, as you put it. I would like to know, because
I am very concerned that the Congress might not feel the urgency
that I think we should be feeling, your opinion regarding the tim-
ing of congressional action and its relationship to forestalling, if
possible, further economic disadvantage with respect to trade defi-
cits. I am particularly interested in your comments regarding the
effect on our export markets.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. As Secretary Rubin said, it may have been be-
fore this subcommittee in fact, the amount of free funds available
in the IMF after we adjust for the fact that members of the IMF
have automatic claims coming from their quota, when you get the
net number, it is a relatively small number, meaning that what
has been committed to date there are funds for, but if a substantial
new problem arises, there may not be. And I think that would be
unfortunate. So it is that particular contingency we are endeavor-
ing to cover.
Mrs. ROUKEMA. That is the letter of credit you were referencing?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes. Remember that if it is not used, for exam-
ple, if our quota, or everybody's quota goes up 45 percent, which
was indicated in the request of the Secretary, if that happens and
there are no crises or no particular problems that are emerging,
then it has no impact, in the same sense a letter of credit which
is not drawn has no impact. But even if it is drawn in part, it is
a highly col lateral! zed loan: it is not an expenditure. You know, we
are not buying something, we are making a loan with fairly signifi-
cant collateral, and over the past 50 years we have always gotten
paid back, and there is no reason to expect it to be otherwise.
Indeed, in the late 1970's, we were one of the borrowers. So, I
mean, it is not as though the United States is always lending and
everyone else is always borrowing. There have been occasions
where that situation has been reversed, and we needed the assist-
ance.
Mrs. ROUKEMA. I am sorry, I didn't mean to interrupt you.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Go ahead.
Mrs. ROUKEMA. Your thoughts regarding the timing of Congres-
sional action on IMF funding?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would say the sooner the better. Obviously, I
am saying at the moment I do not see any immediate requirement.
That is the problem in the sense that it is not going to be
anticipatable, and we are not going to be able at one point to say,
"The IMF needs funds to stem a particular crisis, a crisis which
would rebound negatively on the United States, but we do not have
resources to move, and I would find that most undesirable.
Mrs. ROUKEMA. "Well, I thank the Chairman. I appreciate his
contribution. I think there are too many people that are
demagoguing the issue, making this sound as though we are bail-
ing out big banks or bailing out foreigners, and that is not the case.
This is our own economy, and we benefit significantly from export-
ing to foreign countries.
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is correct
Mrs. ROUKEMA. I thank you for that observation.
Now, we may not have time for this, or you may choose to defer
this question, but in talking about the budget and balancing the
budget and the so-called surpluses, I indicated in my opening state-
ment that I was hopeful that we were not going to go on either a
spending binge or a tax-cutting binge. You addressed very ade-
quately the spending issues and the paying back the debt issues.
Would you like to make any comment about cutting taxes? And if
so, what types of tax cuts would you believe to be most favorable?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I have said before this subcommittee for
10 years or more that I am strongly supportive of keeping marginal
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tax rates low and, hopefully, the capital gains tax at zero. I still
support that as a general proposition and under all conditions,
largely because I think that in the lone run that would create the
highest level of incentives for the overall system.
I would not, however, at this particular stage be moving aggres-
sively to dispense or disperse the pending—I use the word 'pend-
ing"—unified budget surplus, because it is not clear that we have
got one. In the last 12 months, actually ending in January, there
was a very small budget surplus, but we have not yet seen any-
thing which resembles something which we feel secure with.
Until we believe we have got a chronic surplus, and until we ad-
dress the fact that we have got a very large pending outlay sched-
uled for both Social Security and Medicare as we move into the pe-
riod 2008 and beyond, and until we address the implications of all
of that, it is important for us to think through, before we take any
actions, exactly where we want our fiscal stance to be 10 years, 15
years out
I would very much hope that we could contain expenditures and
cut taxes, because I have always argued that the only way that you
are going to fundamentally keep deficits down or surpluses up is
by restraining expenditures. And I trust that this surplus that
seems to be emerging has not softened our order to contain outlays,
which I think has been one of the most important elements in fis-
cal policy that this Congress has been involved with in recent
years.
Mrs. ROUKEMA. I thank you. You have confirmed yourself as a
traditional fiscal conservative, and I appreciate that Thank you so
much.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mrs. Roukema.
Mr. Cook.
Mr. COOK. I certainly want to thank you, Chairman Greenspan,
for your testimony today.
Following up on the question from the gentlelady from New Jer-
sey, some have estimated that the Federal Government could oper-
ate at about a $50 to $100 billion surplus in fiscal year 1999. Let's
just assume for a minute that that is true. Members of Congress,
for the first time in a generation, would be faced with the challenge
of what to do with that surplus.
In your view, which of the following would yield the greatest eco-
nomic benefit in terms of growth, in terms of investment and incen-
tive and even price stability: a tax cut involving the marginal rates
to exactly offset that surplus, or using that $50 to $100 billion to
pay down the $5.5 trillion national debt?
Mr. GREENSPAN. It is a difficult call. In other words, I am de-
lighted that if those are the two choices that we have, it is one of
those choices which I think the policymakers would like to choose
between, because both are very positive toward the economy. I do
not think we know the answer to that question. Both do work to-
ward economic growth. The third possibility, raising outlays, does
not
And at this particular point, I would be more inclined to allow
the unified budget surplus to accumulate at least for a while be-
cause there is no urgency to dissipate it. In other words, I know
of no economic downside of allowing the surplus to run for a while.
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Once you perceive that you have a structural surplus, you could al-
ways cut marginal taxes and capital gains taxes and the like, and
I would under those conditions. But I do not think we ought to be
moving until we are sure we have got the surplus in hand. It is
one thing to forecast; it is another thing to achieve it.
Mr. COOK. Sure. But assuming that we do, and if we did use that
money for a tax cut, it would still be true, would it not, that our
national debt as a percentage of GDP would probably continue to
shrink even if we were not paying that down?
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is true.
Mr. COOK. One of your objectives.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Sure. Because, obviously, if the budget were in
balance, meaning the total debt to the public were not undergoing
change, but the GDP nominally was rising, then obviously with a
numerator which does not change and with a denominator which
is rising, the ratio does fall. And that is something that we should
endeavor to accelerate in part by picking up part, at least, of the
surplus rather than dissipating it for any reason before we actually
see it.
Mr. COOK. And without engaging in new spending programs, I
guess there is another alternative use for that forum, you Know, a
budget surplus, and that would be in dedicating it to the Social Se-
curity Trust Fund or doing what many of my Salt Lake City con-
stituents have called our office and asked us to do: take Social Se-
curity off budget, protect it totally as a trust fund. What is your
opinion of that approach or that alternative?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I have always been supportive of the issue
of privatizing a significant part, if not all, of the Social Security
system. The issue of the bookkeeping of whether in the current sys-
tem we include it off or on budget is useful for analytical purposes,
but from the point of view of the economy, we have found that the
unified budget is die one which seems to be most closely tied to
economic effects. And in that context, while certainly taking Social
Security off budget certainly gives a much better insight into the
degree of full funding that is going on in the Social Security sys-
tem, it has no impact on the unified budget and, hence, no impact
on borrowing from the public, which is the crucial element wnich
affects economic activity.
Mr. COOK. Could I just follow up on that and ask if, based on
what you just said, you would probably not agree with the Presi-
dent in terms of utilizing the surplus, every last dime of it, for So-
cial Security Trust Fund purposes?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, actually
Mr. COOK. I know it is two different things, but I almost sense
that you do not share that opinion.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Leaving aside the issue of at what point you do
it, but merely allowing the Social Security Trust Fund to pick up
the surplus, since it is a bookkeeping entry, it does not have any
effect. In other words, it effectively pays down the unified debt.
And to that extent, there are values to be there.
In other words, it is a question of how you interpret what, in
fact, he is doing. There are those who say there is a lot of spending
in his budget, and then only after the fact is he doing that. That
is an issue which the Congress has to address. But if you are mere-
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ly asking the sole question of putting the unified budget surplus
into the Social Security Trust Fund, that is an intragovernmental
transfer which has no effect on the unified budget, and, con-
sequently, if the unified budget is running a surplus, that the debt
win be paid down, whatever you call it, you are doing with respect
to that intragovernmental transfer.
Mr. COOK. Thank you.
Chairman CASTLE. Thank you, Mr. Cook.
I'd like to thank you, Chairman Greenspan, for being here today.
I find it a little hard to believe that we are actually having a seri-
ous discussion of what to do with the Federal budget surplus. I
wonder if, in your tenure of the Federal Reserve, if you thought
that discussion would take place and you are seeing it today?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Never.
Chairman CASTLE. We do appreciate your being here and your
attention to the questions we asked. We Know that, like a lot of us
right now. you are suffering from a cold. We hope you recover from
that quickly. There may be questions individual Members may
wish to submit in writing, and I hope that you and the people
working with you could help us with that, if indeed that occurs, in
getting us some answers to that.
With that, again, we very, very much appreciate your taking the
time, and your staff taking the time, to be here as well. And we
have listened to your comments, and hopefully the economy will
continue to prosper.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman CASTLE. This hearing stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:20 p.m., the nearing was adjourned.]
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
A P P E N D IX
February 24, 1998
(37)
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House Committee on Banking and Financial Services
Subcommittee on Domestic and International Monetary policy
Humphrey-Hawkins Hearing with testimony from Alan Greenspan,
10:00 a.m., February 24, 1998
Room 2128 Rayburn House Office Building
Chairman Michael N. Castle's Opening Remarks:
The Subcommittee will come to order.
The Subcommittee meets today, to receive the semi-annual report of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System on the conduct of monetary policy and the state
of the economy, as mandated in the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978.
Chairman Greenspan, welcome back to the House Committee on Banking and
Financial Services, Subcommittee on Domestic and International Monetary Policy. I
understand that you are trying to shake a cold, so 1 hope that we do not overstrain your
voice with our questions.
By either good fortune, good governance or a combination of the two, the country
appears to be headed for a balanced budget in a period of near stable prices and
continuing prosperity. Since we would surely be blaming the Fed if the economy was on
the skids, we should accord you the credit you undoubtedly deserve for a well
orchestrated monetary policy.
Mr. Chairman, I am increasingly persuaded that responsible spending by
Congress and the Administration go hand in hand with successful monetary policy. I do
not doubt that just as a cascade of bad news feeds upon itself, continuing indications that
price stability is being achieved tends to reinforce your efforts and help to convince the
market that inflationary fears are without merit. More to the point, inflationary
expectations have been so suppressed that we have begun to hear the "D" word used by
certain pundits who posit Deflation as a real risk. Am I safe in assuming that you do not
share these fears.
The current Asian economic crises illustrate the dangers of superheated
economies hitting the wall. I would be interested in how you view the prospects for
additional growth at the 4% rate of the last quarters of 1997. The contrasting impact of
lower earnings for U.S. firms with heavy investment in the affected regions of Asia and
the potential for even lower priced imports to keep downward pressure on inflation must
make it difficult to call the economy from quarter to quarter. Other echoes of the
problems in the Far East are our continuing inflows of foreign capital at a rate of 2% of
gross domestic product. The troubled Japanese economy remains a major cause for
concern, but it is hard to believe that their government will permit that economy to tank.
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In other words, we look to you to see what, if anything, we should be worrying about at
this stage of the current period of extended economic growth.
Are we in a New Economy that can sustain continued growth without re-igniting
inflation? Should the Federal Reserve worry less about inflation and focus more on
allowing more growth to create additional jobs for Americans? Those are questions that
will surely be raised even if they are addressed in your testimony,
I believe that this Congress acted responsibly in seeking a balanced budget; and
that responsible fiscal policy must go hand in hand with monetary policy to support long-
term economic growth. The marketplace first had to believe that the Federal
Government was serious about balancing the budget before it could incorporate the
possibility of arriving at this outcome as a factor in future planning.
The high relative value of the dollar seems to reflect both the leading position of
our economy with regard to Europe and the Far East, and the flight capital that has
arrived from areas suffering economic insecurity. As integration of the various world
economies continues in the direction of a unitary world marketplace, the leverage exerted
by the Federal Reserve grows accordingly. There are few obvious negative signals that
might predict a turn of the cycle to a downward phase. What we all want to know is, how
long can we continue with price stability and full employment?
As the economy continues to run ahead of what would be indicated by traditional
models, we would welcome any insight you could impart about adjustments being
incorporated into your model.
As always, we are delighted to have you with us and look forward to a lively
discussion.
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Maurice Hinchey
26th CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. NEW YORK
2431 Rayburo House Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515 202/225-6335
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Kiersten Stewart
February 24, 1998
HINCHEY AGAIN CALLS ON FED CHAIRMAN GREENSPAN
TO LOWER INTEREST RATES
WASHINGTON — Citing the stable tnd, in some cases, dropping, consumer
prices released today, U.S. Rep. Maurice Hinchey (D-NY) today once again
urged Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan to lower interest rates.
"We nave the lowest budget deficit in two decides, five years of steady growth,
record low levels of unemployment, and no sign of inflation," Hinchey said
during the House Banking Committee bearing. "The fundamentals of our
economy are sound. Yet American workers are only now beginning to see any
benefit from this growth. We need to pursue policies that help raise wages, so
that more Americans can share in the benefits of this strong economy. To
accomplish that and prevent deflation, we need to lower interest rates."
Hincbey saw first-hand the disinflation and deflation sweeping across East
Asian economies, during his recent trip with the Banking Committee to Hong
Kong. China, Korea and Japan.
During his questioning of Greenspan, he pointed to the early indications that
these phenomena may be reaching the United States as seen in our increasing
trade deficit. Recent figures released by the Commerce Department show that
due to rapidly declining prices in the Far East, our trade deficit is significantly
higher than expected.
"We've known that the Asian financial crisis was going to affect our economy
yet we've done nothing to brace for the impact," Hinchey said. "We now are
seeing our trade deficit increase. Mr. Chairman, you yourself have said it often
takes a year to 18 months for monetary policy to have an effect. Therefore, I
believe it is incumbent upon you to act now and lower interest rates."
The Fed Chairman was speaking before the committee as part of his twice-
yearly mandate to report to the Congress on the state of the economy.
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COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND FINANCIAL SERVICES
Opening Statement
of
REP. JOHN J. LaFALCE
Humphrey-Hawkins Hearing
February 24, 1998
Mr. Chairman, we have been witnessing some fascinating developments in the U.S.
economy. We continue to marvel at the robustness of economic growth-an outstanding 4.3
percent annual rate in the fourth quarter of 1997. Forecasters continue to caution about
slowdowns-and perhaps January's retail figures hint of a possible slowdown-but we have not
yet been confronted with an economy that is losing much steam.
Inflation is barely moving. The 1997 annual rate of 2 percent-the lowest since 1965-
is certainly encouraging. Productivity growth continues to rise-a 2 percent annual in the
fourth quarter of 1997-scoring productivity growth at 1.7 percent for all of 1997.
However, there are two areas of the economy that concern me. First, the U.S. trade
deficit continutes to climb. The deficit in merchandise trade alone rose to $198.9 billion in
1997. We recorded a surplus in services trade of $85 billion. That brought our overall trade
deficit for 1997 to $114 bllllon-tbe highest hi a decade.
The Asian financial crisis will undoubtedly make this worse. For example, in
November-December 1997, U.S. exports to Korea dropped 26 percent. I believe this falloff in
exports is just beginning.
It is important to point out, however, that the two Asian trading partners with whom we
have the largest-and growing-trade deficit are not among the Asian countries with which the
IMF has been involved. The U.S. trade deficits with Japan and China have reached
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unacceptably high levels of $55.7 bflUon and $49.7 blltton, respectively. Deficits of this
magnitude must be stopped.
My second concern is the outlook for U.S. labor. So fas, U.S. labor has fared well
when measured by macroeconotnic indicators. Unemployment remains at 4.7 percent.
Wage rates have risen slightly, and newly created jobs were more than 100,000 greater in
January than economists predicted.
The disquieting trend, however, is news of a resurgence in downsizing. According to
a 1997 fourth-quarter survey, job-cut announcements were up 33 percent over the year earlier.
The Asian economic situation will inevitably put greater competitive pressures on U.S.
companies in the coming months and mat could lead to further layoffs and downsizing. Price
competition from lowered import prices-although keeping a lid on inflation-prevents U.S.
firms from raising prices to meet costs. This could lead to U.S. workers losing jobs, and we
must be prepared for this possible outcome.
Mr. Chairman, these concerns about me outlook for the U.S. trade deficit and more
downsizing by U.S. firms and the impact on workers ire important reasons for me U.S. to
support IMF funding. We must do everything possible to get the Asian nations on their
economic feet as quickly as possible. It is in the U.S. economic interest to do so.
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Statement of Congressman Max Sandlin
House Committee on Banking and Finance
Subcommittee on Domestic and International Monetary Policy
February 24, 1998
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to attend this hearing even though I have not yet
received subcommittee assignments. I am still new to the Banking Committee, so this is my
first Humphrey-Hawkins Hearing with the Committee, and I am honored to be here.
I would like to welcome you, Chairman Greenspan, to the Committee for your semi-annual
report. I share the respect that so many of my colleagues have expressed for you and the work
you have done for the past ten years as chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank.
Mr. Chairman, I represent 19 largely rural counties in East Texas. The strength of our local
economy depends more on the hard work and ingenuity of East Texans running a farm or a small
business than it depends on the fate of a diverse, industrial economy such as that enjoyed in
urban areas. Dairy, timber, and energy all play a prominent role in the behavior of our local
economy, and the economic fate of a high proportion of the population in East Texas depends on
these industries.
Factors that expand growth in Dallas could have a contractionary effect in East Texas, and vice
versa. Even when the unemployment rate of Texas falls below 5%, counties in East Texas often
still have unemployment rates in the double digits. We enjoy the fruits of an expanding economy
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at a different degree and different rate than urban America.
I hope that in your statement you can address not just next year's projected price level, income,
and unemployment for the urban centers, but for rural areas as well. Just as not every income
group in America responds similarly to growth, rural and urban areas will react differently to
technological advancements, credit expansion, and the financial crisis in Asia. In your analysis
of the state of our nation's economy, Mr. Chairman, remember the quarter of our nation's
population who live in rural communities and small cities. Tell us what the dairy producer,
timber harvester, small business, and working family in rural America can expect, as well.
Thank you.
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For release on delivery
10 A.M. E.S.T.
February 24, 1998
Statement of
Alan Greenspan
Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Subcommittee on Domestic and International Monetary Policy
Committee on Banking and Financial Services
U.S. House of Representatives
February 24, 1998
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Introduction
Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee, I welcome this opportunity to
present the Federal Reserve's semiannual report on economic conditions and the
conduct of monetary policy,
The U.S. Economy in 1997
The U.S. economy delivered another exemplary performance in 1997. Over
the four quarters of last year, real GDP expanded close to 4 percent, its fastest
annual increase in ten years. To produce that higher output, about 3 million
Americans joined the nation's payrolls, in the process contributing to a reduction in
the unemployment rate to 4-3/4 percent, its lowest sustained level since the late
1960s. And our factories were working more intensively too: Industrial production
increased 5-3/4 percent last year, exceeding robust additions to capacity.
Those gains were shared widely. The hourly wage and salary structure rose
about 4 percent, fueling impressive increases in personal incomes. Unlike some prior
episodes when faster wage rate increases mainly reflected attempts to make up for
more rapidly rising prices of goods and services, the fatter paychecks that workers
brought home represented real increments to purchasing power. Measured consumer
price inflation came in at 1-3/4 percent over the twelve months of 1997, down about
1 -1/2 percentage points from the pace of the prior year. While swings in the prices
of food and fuel contributed to this decline, both narrower price indexes excluding
those items and broader ones including all goods and services produced in the
United States also paint a portrait of continued progress toward price stability.
Businesses, for the most part, were able to pay these higher real wages while still
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increasing their earnings. Although aggregate data on profits for all of 1997 are not
yet available, corporate profit margins most likely remained in an elevated range not
seen consistently since the 1960s. These healthy gains in earnings and the
expectations of more to come provided important support to the equity market, with
most major stock price indexes gaining more than 20 percent over the year.
The strong growth of the real income of workers and corporations is not
unrelated to the economy's continued good performance on inflation. Taken
together, recent evidence supports the view that such low inflation, as closely
approaching price stability as we have known in the United States in three decades,
engenders many benefits. When changes in the general price level are small and
predictable, households and firms can plan more securely for the future. The
perception of reduced risk encourages investment. Low inflation also exerts a
discipline on costs, fostering efforts to enhance productivity. Productivity is the
ultimate source of rising standards of living, and we witnessed a notable pickup in
this measure in the past two years.
The robust economy has facilitated the efforts of the Congress and the
Administration to restore balance in the unified federal budget. As I have indicated
to the Congress on numerous occasions, moving beyond this point and putting the
budget in significant surplus would be the surest and most direct way of increasing
national saving. In turn, higher national saving, by promoting lower real long-term
interest rates, helps spur spending to outfit American firms and their workers with
the modem equipment they need to compete successfully on world markets. We
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have seen a partial down payment of the benefits of better budget balance already:
It seems reasonable to assume that the decline in longer-term Treasury yields last
year owed, in part, to reduced competition-current and prospective-from the federal
government for scarce private saving. However, additional effort remains to be
exerted to address the effects on federal entitlement spending of the looming shift
within the next decade in the nation's retirement demographics.
As I noted earlier, our nation has been experiencing a higher growth rate of
productivity-output per hour worked--in recent years. The dramatic improvements
in computing power and communication and information technology appear to have
been a major force behind this beneficial trend. Those innovations, together with
fierce competitive pressures in our high-tech industries to make them available to as
many homes, offices, stores, and shop floors as possible, have produced double-digit
annual reductions in prices of capital goods embodying new technologies. Indeed,
many products considered to be at the cutting edge of technology as recently as two
to three years ago have become so standardized and inexpensive that they have
achieved near "commodity" status, a development that has allowed businesses to
accelerate their accumulation of more and better capital.
Critical to this process has been the rapidly increasing efficiency of our
financial markets-itself a product of the new technologies and of significant market
deregulation over the years. Capital now flows with relatively little friction to
projects embodying new ideas. Silicon Valley is a tribute both to American
ingenuity and to the financial system's ever-increasing ability to supply venture
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capital to the entrepreneurs who are such a dynamic force in our economy.
With new high-tech tools, American businesses have shaved transportation
costs, managed their production and use of inventories more efficiently, and
broadened market opportunities. The threat of rising costs in tight tabor markets
has imparted a substantial impetus to efforts to take advantage of possible
efficiencies. In my Humphrey-Hawkins testimony last July, I discussed the
likelihood that the sharp acceleration in capital investment in advanced technologies
beginning in 1993 reflected synergies of new ideas, embodied in increasingly
inexpensive new equipment, that have elevated expected returns and have broadened
investment opportunities.
More recent evidence remains consistent with the view that this capital
spending has contributed to a noticeable pickup in productivity--and probably by
more than can be explained by usual business cycle forces. For one, the combination
of continued low inflation and stable to rising domestic profit margins implies quite
subdued growth in total consolidated unit business costs. With labor costs
constituting more than two-thirds of those costs and labor compensation per hour
accelerating, productivity must be growing faster, and that stepup must be roughly
in line with the increase in compensation growth. For another, our more direct
observations on output per hour roughly tend to confirm that productivity has
picked up significantly in recent years, although how much the ongoing trend of
productivity has risen remains an open question.
The acceleration in productivity, however, has been exceeded by the
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strengthening of demand for goods and services. As a consequence, employers had
to expand payrolls at a pace well in excess of the growth of the working age
population that profess a desire for a job, including new immigrants. As I pointed
out last year in testimony before the Congress, that gap has been accommodated by
declines in both the officially unemployed and those not actively seeking work but
desirous of working. The number of people in those two categories decreased at a
rate of about one million per year on average over the last four years. By December
1997, the sum had declined to a seasonally adjusted 10-1/2 million, or 6 percent of
the working age population, the lowest ratio since detailed information on this series
first became available in 1970. Anecdotal information from surveys of our twelve
Reserve Banks attests to our ever tightening labor markets.
Rapidly rising demand for labor has had enormous beneficial effects on our
work force. Previously low- or unskilled workers have been drawn into the job
market and have obtained training and experience that will help them even if they
later change jobs. Large numbers of underemployed have been moved up the career
ladder to match their underlying skills, and many welfare recipients have been added
to payrolls as well, to the benefit of their long-term job prospects.
The recent acceleration of wages likely has owed in part to the ever-tightening
labor market and in part to rising productivity growth, which, through competition,
induces firms to grant higher wages. It is difficult at this time, however, to
disentangle the relative contributions of these factors. What is clear is that, unless
demand growth softens or productivity growth accelerates even more, we will
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gradually run out of new workers who can be profitably employed. It is not possible
to tell how many more of the 6 percent of the working-age population who want to
work but do not have jobs can be added to payrolls. A significant number are so-
called frictionally unemployed, as they have left one job but not yet chosen to accept
another. Still others have chosen to work in only a limited geographic area where
their skills may not be needed.
Should demand for new workers continue to exceed new supply, we would
expect wage gains increasingly to exceed productivity growth, squeezing profit
margins and eventually leading to a pickup in inflation. Were a substantial pickup
in inflation to occur, it could, by stunting economic growth, reverse much of the
remarkable labor market progress of recent years. I will be discussing our assessment
of these and other possibilities and their bearing on the outlook for 1998 shortly.
Monetary Policy in 1997
History teaches us that monetary policy has been its most effective when it
has been preemptive. The lagging relationship between the Federal Reserve's policy
instrument and spending, and, even further removed, inflation, implies that if policy
actions are delayed until prices begin to pick up, they will be too late to fend off at
least some persistent price acceleration and attendant economic instabilities.
Preemptive policymaking is keyed to judging how widespread are emerging
inflationary forces, and when, and to what degree, those forces will be reflected in
actual inflation. For most of last year, the evident strains on resources were
sufficiently severe to steer the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) toward
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being more inclined to tighten than to ease monetary policy. Indeed, in March,
when it became apparent that strains on resources seemed to be intensifying, the
FOMC imposed modest incremental restraint, raising its intended federal funds rate
1/4 percentage point, to 5-1/2 percent.
We did not increase the federal funds rate again during the summer and fall,
despite further tightening of the labor market. Even though the labor market heated
up and labor compensation rose, measured inflation fell, owing to the appreciation
of the dollar, weakness in international commodity prices, and faster productivity
growth. Those restraining forces were more evident in goods-price inflation, which
in the CPI slowed substantially to only about 1/2 percent in 1997, than on service-
price inflation, which moderated much Iess--to around 3 percent. Providers of
services appeared to be more pressed by mounting strains in labor markets. Hourly
wages and salaries in service-producing sectors rose 4-1/2 percent last year, up
considerably from the prior year and almost 1-1/2 percentage points faster than in
goods-producing sectors. However, a significant portion of that differential, but by
no means all, traced to commissions in the financial and real estate services sector
related to one-off increases in transactions prices and in volumes of activity, rather
than to increases in the underlying wage structure.
Although the nominal federal funds rate was maintained after March, the
apparent drop in inflation expectations over the balance of 1997 induced some
firming in the stance of monetary policy by one important measure-the real federal
funds rate, or the nominal federal funds rate less a proxy for inflation expectations.
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Some analysts have dubbed the contribution of the reduction in inflation
expectations to raising the real federal funds rate a "passive" tightening, in that it
increased the amount of monetary policy restraint in place without an explicit vote
by the FOMC. While the tightening may have been passive in that sense, it was by
no means inadvertent. Members of the FOMC took some comfort in the upward
trend of the real federal funds rale over the year and the rise in the foreign exchange
value of the dollar because such additional restraint was viewed as appropriate given
the strength of spending and building strains on labor resources. They also
recognized that in virtually all other respects financial markets remained quite
accommodative and, indeed, judging by the rise in equity prices, were providing
additional impetus to domestic spending.
The Outlook for 1998
There can be no doubt that domestic demand retained considerable
momentum at the outset of this year. Production and employment have been on a
strong uptrend in recent months. Confident households, enjoying gains in income
and wealth and benefitting from the reductions in intermediate' and longer-term
interest rates to date, should continue to increase their spending, firms should find
financing available on relatively attractive terms to fund profitable opportunities to
enhance efficiency by investing in new capital equipment. By itself, this strength in
spending would seem to presage intensifying pressures in labor markets and on
prices. Yet, the outlook for total spending on goods and services produced in the
•
United States is less assured of late because of storm clouds massing over the
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Western Pacific and heading our way.
This is not the place to examine in detail what triggered the initial problems
in Asian financial markets and why the subsequent deterioration has been so
extreme. I covered that subject recently before several committees of the Congress,
Rather, I shall confine my discussion this morning to the likely consequences of the
Asian crisis for demand and inflation in the United States,
With the crisis curtailing the financing available in foreign currencies, many
Asian economies have had no choice but to cut back their imports sharply.
Disruptions to their financial systems and economies more generally will further
damp demands for our exports of goods and services. American exports should be
held down as well by the appreciation of the dollar, which will make the prices of
competing goods produced abroad more attractive, just as foreign-produced goods
will be relatively more attractive to buyers here at home. As a result, we can expect
a worsening net export position to exert a discernible drag on total output in the
United Slates. For a time, such restraint might be reinforced by a reduced
willingness of U.S. firms to accumulate inventories as they foresee weaker demand
ahead.
The forces of Asian restraint could well be providing another, more direct
offset to inflationary impulses arising domestically in the United States. In the wake
of weakness in Asian economies and of lagged effects of the appreciation of the
dollar more generally, the dollar prices of our non-oil imports are likely to decline
further in the months ahead. These lower import prices are apparently already
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making domestic producers hesitant to raise their own prices for fear of losing
market share, further contributing to the restraint on overall prices. Lesser demands
for raw materials on the part of Asian economies as their activity stows should help
to keep world commodity prices denominated in dollars in check. Import and
commodity prices, however, will restrain U.S. inflation only as long as they continue
to fall, or to rise at a slower rate than the pace, of overall domestic goods prices.
The key question going forward is whether the restraint building from the
turmoil in Asia will be sufficient to check inflationary tendencies that might
otherwise result from the strength of domestic spending and tightening labor
markets- The depth of the adjustment abroad will depend on the extent of weakness
in the financial sectors of Asian economies and the speed with which structural
inefficiencies in the financial and nonfinancial sectors of those economies are
corrected. If, as we suspect, the restraint coming from Asia is sufficient to bring the
demand for American labor back into line with the growth of the working-age
population desirous of working, labor markets will remain unusually tight, but any
intensification of inflation should be delayed, very gradual, and readily reversible.
However, we cannot rule out two other, more worrisome possibilities. On the one
hand, should the momentum to domestic spending not be offset significantly by
Asian or other developments, the U.S. economy would be on a track along which
spending could press too strongly against available resources to be consistent with
contained inflation. On the other, we also need to be alert to the possibility that the
forces from Asia might damp activity and prices by more than is desirable by
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exerting a particularly forceful drag on the volume of net exports and the prices of
imports.
When confronted at the beginning of this month with these, for the moment,
Finely balanced, though powerful forces, the members of the Federal Open Market
Committee decided that monetary policy should most appropriately be kept on hold.
With the continuation of a remarkable seven-year expansion at stake and so little
precedent to go by, the range of our intelligence gathering in the weeks ahead must
be wide and especially inclusive of international developments.
The Forecasts of the Governors of the Federal Reserve Board and the
Presidents of the Federal Reserve Banks
In these circumstances, the forecasts of the governors of the Federal Reserve
Board and presidents of the Federal Reserve Banks for the performance of the U.S
economy over this year are more tentative than usual. Based on information
available through the first week of February, monetary policymakers were generally
of the view that moderate economic growth is likely in store. The growth rate of
real GDP is most commonly seen as between 2 and 2-3/4 percent over the four
quarters of 1998. Given the strong performance of real GDP, these projections
envisage the unemployment rate remaining in the low range of the past half year.
Inflation, as measured by the four-quarter percent change in the consumer price
index, is expected to be 1-3/4 to 2-1/4 percent in 1998-near the low rate recorded in
1997. This outlook embodies the expectation that the effects of continuing
tightness in labor markets will be largely offset by technical adjustments shaving a
couple tenths from the published CPI, healthy productivity growth, flat or declining
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import prices, and little pressure in commodity markets. But the policymakers'
forecasts also reflect their determination to hold the line on inflation.
The Ranges for the Debt and Monetary Aggregates
The FOMC affirmed the provisional ranges for the monetary aggregates in
1998 that it had selected last July, which, once again, encompass the growth rates
associated with conditions of approximate price stability, provided that these
aggregates act in accord with their pre-1990s historical relationships with nominal
income and interest rates. These ranges aie identical to those that had prevailed for
1997-1 to 5 percent for M2 and 2 to 6 percent for M3. The FOMC also reaffirmed
its range of 3 to 7 percent for the debt of the domestic nonfinancial sectors for this
year. I should caution, though, that the expectations of the governors and Reserve
Bank presidents for the expansion of nominal GDP in 1998 suggest that growth of
M2 in the upper half of its benchmark range is a distinct possibility this year. Given
the continuing strength of bank credit, M3 might even be above its range as
depositories use liabilities in this aggregate to fund loan growth and securities
acquisitions. Nonfinancial debt should come in around the middle portion of its
range.
In the first part of the 1990s, money growth diverged from historical
relationships with income and interest rates, in part as savers diversified into bond
and stock mutual funds, which had become more readily available and whose returns
were considerably more attractive than those on deposits. This anomalous behavior
of velocity severely set back most analysts' confidence in the usefulness of M2 as an
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indicator of economic developments. In recent years, there have been tentative signs
that the historical relationship linking the velocity of M2--measured as the ratio of
nominal GDP to the money stock-to the cost of holding M2 assets was reasserting
itself. However, a persistent residual upward drift in velocity over the past few years
and its apparent cessation very recently underscores our ongoing uncertainty about
the stability of this relationship. The FOMC will continue to observe the evolution
of the monetary and credit aggregates carefully, integrating information about these
variables with a wide variety of other information in determining its policy stance.
Uncertainty about the Outlook
With the current situation reflecting a balance of strong countervailing forces,
events in the months ahead are not likely to unfold smoothly. In that regard, I
would like to flag a few areas of concern about the economy beyond those
mentioned already regarding Asian developments.
Without doubt, lenders have provided important support to spending in the
past few years by their willingness to transact at historically small margins and in
large volumes. Equity investors have contributed as well by apparently pricing in
the expectation of substantial earnings gains and requiring modest compensation for
the risk that those expectations could be mistaken. Approaching the eighth year of
the economic expansion, this is understandable in an economic environment that,
contrary to historical experience, has become increasingly benign. Businesses have
been meeting obligations readily and generating high profits, putting them in
outstanding financial health.
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But we must be concerned about becoming too complacent about evaluating
repayment risks. All too often at this stage of the business cycle, the loans that
banks extend later make up a disproportionate share of total nonperforming loans.
In addition, quite possibly, twelve or eighteen months hence, some of the securities
purchased on the market could be looked upon with some regret by investors. As
one of the nation's bank supervisors, the Federal Reserve will make every effort to
encourage banks to apply sound underwriting standards in their lending. Prudent
lenders should consider a wide range of economic situations in evaluating credit; to
do otherwise would risk contributing to potentially disruptive financial problems
down the road.
A second area of concern involves our nation's continuing role in the new
high-tech international financial system. By joining with our major trading partners
and international financial institutions in helping to stabilize the economies of Asia
and promoting needed structural changes, we are also encouraging the continued
expansion of world trade and global economic and financial stability on which the
ongoing increase of our own standards of living depends. If we were to cede our role
as a world leader, or backslide into protectionist policies, we would threaten the
source of much of our own sustained economic growth.
A third risk is complacency about inflation prospects. The combination and
interaction of significant increases in productivity-improving technologies, sharp
declines in budget deficits, and disciplined monetary policy has damped product
price changes, bringing them to near stability. While pan of this result owes to
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good policy, part is the product of the fortuitous emergence of new technologies and
of some favorable price developments in imported goods. However, as history
counsels, it is unwise to count on any string of good fortune to continue indefinitely.
At the same time, though, it is also instructive to remember the words of an old sage
that "luck is the residue of design." He meant that to some degree we can
deliberately put ourselves in position to experience good fortune and be better
prepared when misfortune strikes. For example, the 1970s were marked by two
major oil-price shocks and a significant depreciation in the exchange value of the
dollar. But those misfortunes were, in part, the result of allowing imbalances to
build over the decade as policymakers lost hold of the anchor provided by price
stability. Some of what we now see helping rein in inflation pressures is more likely
to occur in an environment of stable prices and price expectations that thwarts
producers from indiscriminately passing on higher costs, puts a premium on
productivity enhancement, and rewards more effectively investment in physical and
human capital.
Simply put, while the pursuit of price stability does not rule out misfortune, it
lowers its probability. If firms are convinced that the general price level will remain
stable, they will reserve increases in their sales prices of goods and services as a last
resort, for fear that such increases could mean loss of market share. Similarly, if
households are convinced of price stability, they will not see variations in relative
prices as reasons to change their long-run inflation expectations. Thus, continuing
to make progress toward this legislated objective will make future supply shocks less
likely and our nation's economy less vulnerable to those that occur.
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For use at 10:00 a.m., E.S.T.
Tuesday
February 24,1998
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Monetary Policy Report to the Congress
Pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978
February 24, 1998
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Letter of Transmittal
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Washington, D.C., February 24, 1998
THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE
THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
The Board of Governors is pleased to submit its Monetaiy Policy Report to trie Congress, poreuam to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978.
Sincerely,
Alan Greenspan, Chairman
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Table of Contents
Page
Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook 1
Section 2: Economic and Financial Developments in 1997 and Early 1998
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Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook
The U.S. economy turned in another excellent ing up in December 1996, effectively anticipating
performance in 1997. Growth was strong, ihe unem- Federal Reserve action. When the FOMC firmed pol-
ployment rate declined to its lowesc level in nearly a icy slightly at its March meeting by raising the
quarter-century, and inflation slowed further. Impres- intended federal funds rate from 51A percent to
sive gains were also made in other important respects: 5Vi percent, the market response was small.
The federal budget moved toward balance much more
The economy slowed a bit during the second and
quickly than almost anyone had anticipated; capita)
third quarters, and inflation moderated further. In
investment, a critical ingredient for long-run growth,
addition, the progress being made by the federal
rose sharply further; and labor productivity, the ulti-
government in reducing me size of the deficit was
mate key to rising living standards, displayed notable
becoming more apparent. As a consequence, by the
vigor.
end of September, longer-term interest rales fell
Among the influences that have brought about this 3A perceniage point from their peaks in mid-April,
favorable performance are the sound fiscal and mone- leaving them about Vi percentage point below their
tary policies that have been pursued in recent years. levels at the end of 1996. The decline in interest rales
Budgetary restraint at the federal level has raised along with continued reports of brisk growth in
national saving, easing the competition for funds in corporate profits sparked increases in broad indexes
our capital markets and thereby encouraging greater of equity prices of 20 percent to 35 percent between
private investment. Monetary policy, for its part, has April and September.
sought to foster an environment of subdued inflation
Even with a more moderate pace of growth, labor
and sustainable growth. The experience of recent
markets continued to tighten, generating concern
years has provided additional evidence that the less
among the FOMC members over this period that
households and businesses need to cope with a ris-
rising costs might trigger a rise in inflation. Con-
ing price level, or worry about the sharp fluctua-
sequently, at its meetings from May through Novem-
tions in employment and production thai usually
ber, the Committee adopted directives for the conduci
accompany inflationary instability, the more long-
of policy that assigned greater likelihood to the pos-
term investment, innovation, and enterprise are
sibility of a tightening of policy than to the possibil-
enhanced.
ity of an easing of policy. Even though the Commit-
The circumstances that prevailed through most of tee kept the nominal federal funds rate unchanged,
1997 required that the Federal Reserve remain espe- it saw the rise in the real funds rate resulting from
cially attentive to the risk of a pickup in inflation. declining inflation expectations, together with the
Labor markets were already tight when (he year increase in the exchange value of the dollar, as
began, and nominal wages had started to rise faster providing some measure of additional restraint
than previously. Persistent strength in demand over against the possible emergence of greater inflation
the year led to economic growth in excess of the pressures.
expansion of the economy's potential, intensifying
In the latter part of the year, developments in other
the pressures on labor supplies. In earlier business
parts of Ote world began to alter the perceived risks
expansions, such developments had usually produced
attending the U.S. economic outlook. Foreign
an adverse turn in the inflation trend that, more often
economies generally had seemed to be on a
than not, was accompanied by a worsening of eco-
strengthening growth path when the Federal Reserve
nomic performance 011 a variety of fronts, culminat-
presented ils midyear monetary policy report TO the
ing in recession.
Congress last July. But over the remainder of the
Robust growth of spending early in the year summer and during the autumn, severe financial
heightened concerns among members of the Federal strains surfaced in a number of advanced develop-
Open Market Committee' (FOMC) mat growing ing countries in Asia, weakening somewhat the
strains on productive resources might louch off a outlook for growth abroad and thus the prospects
faster rate of cosi and price rise that could eventu- for U.S. exports. Although the circumstances in
ally undermine the expansion. Financial market individual countries varied, the problems ihey
panicipants seemed to share these concerns: encountered generally resulted in severe downward
Intermediate- and long-term interest rates began mov- pressures on the foreign exchange values of their cur-
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Selected Interest Rates
Note, Dotted vxfcal fows indicate days on which ttw Federal FOMC held scheduled meetings. Last observations are tor Fabru-
Open Market Committee (FOMC) announced a monetary policy ary 20,1996.
action. The dale* on the horizontal axis are those on which th«
rencies; in many cases, steep depreciations occurred about 16 percent from its level at the end of 1996.
despite substantial upward movement of interest The dollar has also appreciated, on balance, against
rates. Asset values in Asia, notably equity and real an index of currencies of the G-10 (Group of Ten)
estate prices, also declined appreciably in some industrial countries; this G-10 trade-weighted index
instances, leading to losses by financial institutions of dollar exchange rates is up about 13 percent in
that had either invested in those assets or lent against nominal terms since the end of 1996.
them; nonfinaocial firms began to encounter problems
servicing their obligations. In many instances the The difficulties in Asia contributed to additional
debts of nonfinancial and financial firms were declines of V-t to V4 percentage point in the yields on
denominated in dollars and unhedged. Concerted intermediate- and long-term Treasury securities in the
international efforts to bring economic and financial United States between mid-autumn and the end of
stability to the region are under way, and some the year. These decreases were due in part to an
progress has been made, but it is evident that international flight to the safe haven of dollar assets,
in several of the affected economies the process of but they also reflected expectations mat these difficul-
adjustment will be painful. Meanwhile, economic ties would exert a moderating influence on the growth
activity in Japan stagnated, in pan because of the of aggregate demand and inflation in the United
developments elsewhere in East Asia, and the weak- Slates. Equity prices were quite volatile but showed
nesses in the Japanese financial system became more tittle trend in the fourth quarter. In light of me ongo-
apparent ing difficulties in Asia and die possible effects on the
United States, the FOMC not only left interest rates
The steep depreciations o( many Asian currencies unchanged in December, but shifted its instructions to
contributed to a substantial further appreciation of the the Manager of the System Open Market Account
U.S. dollar. Measured against a broad set of cur- to symmetry between ease and tightening in the near
rencies that includes those of me advanced develop- term.
ing countries of Asia, the exchange value of the dol-
lar, adjusted for relative consumer prices, has moved Some spillover from the problems in Asia has
up about 8 percent since October and has increased recently begun to appear in reports on business activ-
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
66
ity in the United Stales. Customers in the advanced dollar imposed additional restraint on inflation, as
developing countries reportedly have canceled some prices of imported goods fell appreciably. Cir-
of the orders they had previously placed with U.S. cumstances as favorable as those of 1997 are not
firms, and companies more generally are expressing likely to persist, although several elements in the
concerns about the possibilities of both reduced sales recent mix could help maintain, for some time, a
to Asia and more intense price competition here as more favorable economic performance than histori-
the result of the sharp changes in exchange rates. cal relationships would suggest
Nonetheless, the available statistics suggest on bal-
In assessing the situation, the members of the
ance that overall growth of output and employment
Board of Governors and the Reserve Bank presidents,
has remained brisk in the early pan of 1998.
all of whom participate in the deliberations of the
Confronted with the marked cross-currents FOMC, think that the most likely outcome for 1998
described above—involving both upside and will be one of moderate growth, low unemploy-
downside risks to the growth of output and prospects ment, and low inflation. Most of them have placed
for inflation—the FOMC earlier this month once iheir point estimates of the rise in real GDP from the
again chose to hold its federal funds rale objective fourth quarter of 1997 to the fourth quarter of 1998 in
unchanged. In credit markets, interest rates have the range of 2 percent to 2H percent. The civilian
fallen further this year as the effects of the Asian unemployment rate in the fourth quarter of 1998 is
turmoil seemed even more likely to restrain any expected to be at about its recent level For the most
tendencies toward unsustainable growth and greater part, the forecasts have the total CP1 for all urban
inflation in the United States. With interest rates consumers rising between 13A percent and
lower and the negative effects of die Asian problems 2Vi percent this year. These predictions do not dif-
seen by market participants as mostly limited to fer appreciably from those recently pat forth by the
particular sectors, broad indexes of equity prices have Administration.
risen appreciably, many to new highs.
Although developments in Asia over the past few
months have not yet affected aggregate U.S. eco-
Economic Projections for 1998 nomic performance in a measurable way, these influ-
ences will likely become more visible in coming
The outlook for 1998 is clouded with a greater-
months. Growth of U.S. exports is expected to be
tban-usual degree of uncertainty. Pan of that
restrained by weaknesses in Asian economies and by
uncertainty is a reflection of the financial and eco-
the lagged effects ot the appreciation of the dollar
nomic stresses that have developed in Asia, Che full
since 1995. Moreover, with the rise in the dollar's
consequences of which are difficult to judge. But
value making imports less expensive, some U.S. busi-
there are some other significant question marks as
nesses and consumers will likely switch from domes-
well, many of them growing out of the surprising
tic to foreign sources for some of their purchases. But
performance of the U.S. economy in 1997: Growth
the timing and magnitude of these developments are
was considerably stronger and inflation considerably
hard to predict.
lower than Federal Reserve officials and most private
analysts had anticipated. In contrast to the slower growth that seems to be in
prospect for exports, domestic spending seems likely
Some of the key forces <haf gave rise lo this favor-
to maintain considerable strength in coming quarters.
able performance can be readily identified. An ongo-
Households as a group are quite upbeat in their
ing capita) spending boom, encouraged in part by
assessments of their personal finances—as might be
declining prices of high-technology equipment.
expected in conjunction with expanding job oppor-
provided stimulus to aggregate demand and ar the
tunities, rising incomes, and huge gains in wealth.
same time created the additional capacity to help
Recently, many households have taken advantage of
meet thai demand. A further jump in labor productiv-
tower long-teni) interest rates by refinancing their
ity thai was fueled partly by the buildup of capital
home mortgages, and this will provide a little addi-
helped firms overcome the production and pricing
tional wherewithal for spending. Moreover, the
challenges posed by tight labor markets. A surpris-
decline in mortgage rates is also bolstering housing
ingly robust stock market bolstered me finances of
construction.
households and enabled them to spend more freely.
Falling world oi) prices reduced the prices of Business outlays for fixed investment seem likely
petroleum products and helped hold down the prices to advance at a relatively brisk pace in tbe coining
of other energy-intensive goods. Finally, a rising year, although gains as large as those of the past
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Economic Protections for 1998
Percent
Federal Reserve governors
and Reserve Bank presidents
Central
Indicator Range tendency Administration
Change, fourth quarter
to fourffi quarter^
Nominal GDP 3'A to 5 3% to 4% 4.0
Real GDP2 1% to 3 2 to 2% 2-0
Consumer price index3 1 Vz to 2V* IV* to 21/* 2.2
/, fourth quarter
CtvHian unemployment rate 416 to 5 about 4V* 5.0
1. Change fromauaraga tar fauflhqoarWr ut 1997 to sw- 2. Chart-weighted.
age for tout* quarter of 1998. 3. AH urban consumers.
couple of years may be difficult to match. Outlays for more rapid growth in productivity is consistent with
computers, which have dominated the investment the high level of capital investment in recent years,
surge of ihe past few years, should climb substantially but the extent to which the trend in productivity
father as businesses press ahead with new invest- has picked up is still uncertain. Furthermore, if
ment in the latest technologies, encouraged in part by momentum in nominal wages continues to build, the
ongoing price declines. With labor markets tight, pay increases will eventually squeeze profit margins
firms continue to see capital investment as the key and place upward pressures on prices, even with
in efforts to increase efficiency and maintain exceptional productivity gains. The strains in labor
competitiveness. Internally generated funds remain markets therefore constitute an ongoing inflationary
adequate to cover the bulk of businesses' invest- risk thai will have to be monitored closely.
ment outlays, and those firms boning to the debt and
equity markets are most often finding financing In die near term, however, there are several fac-
generously available on good terms. Inventory growth tors that should lessen the ride of a step-up in infla-
will likely put less pressure on business cash flow this tion. Manufacturing capacity remains ample, and
year, after adding to stocks at a substantial clip in bottlenecks are not hampering production. The recent
1997, businesses seem likely to scale back such appreciation of the dollar should damp inflation both
investment somewhat, especially as they perceive a because of biting import prices and because the
moderation in sales increases. added competition from imports may induce domes-
tic producers to hold down prices. Oil pikes have
The Federal Reserve policymakers' forecasts of the weakened considerably since the latter part of 1997
average unemployment rate in the fourth quarts of in response to abundant supplies, the softening of
1998 are mostly around 4% percent. The persistence demand in Asia, and a mild winter. Ample supplies
fee another year of this degree of tightness in the and the prospect of softer global demand have been
labor market means that firms will likely continue to depressing the prices of many other commodities,
face difficulties in finding workers and that hiring and both in agriculture and in industry. Perhaps most
retaining workers could become more costly. Indeed, important, as me low level of inflation that has
there are indications that wage inflation picked up prevailed in recent years gets built into wage agree-
further at ihe end of last year. Improvements in labor ments, other contracts, and individuals' inflation
productivity have become more sizable in the past expectations, it will provide an inenial force helping
couple of years, and if such gains can be extended, sustain the favorable price performance for a time.
wage increases of the magnitude of those of 1997
need not translate Into greater price inflation. The Although many of the factors currently placing
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Ranges for Growth of Monetary and Debt Aggregates
Percent
1996 1997 1996
M2 1 to 5 1 to 5 1 10 5
M3 2106 2106 2106
Debt 3 to 7 3107 3107
Note. Change from average far fourth quartar oi preced-
ing year to average for fourth quarter o) fear incfcated.
restraint on inflation are not necessarily long lasting, constant, except for the effects of the changing
the Committee judged that their effect in 1998 would opportunity cost of M2—the spread between yields
about offset the pressures from tight labor markets. that savers could earn holding short-term market
Consequently, the Board members and Reserve Bant instruments and those that they could earn holding
presidents anticipate that die rate of price inflation M2. In the early 1990s, M2 velocity departed from
will change little this year. Again in 1998, the FOMC this pattern, rising substantially and atypicaHy, Even
will be monitoring a variety of price measures in after the unusual shift of the early 1990s died out, M2
addition to the CPI for indications of changes in infla- velocity continued to drift somewhat higher from
tion and will be assessing movements in the CPI in 1994 into 1997. That drift probably reflected some
the context of ongoing technical improvements by the continued, albeit more moderate, redirection of sav-
Bureau of Labor Statistics that are likely to damp the ings into bond and equity markets, especially through
reported 1998 rise in that index. the purchase of mutual funds. However, last year
the drift abated. There was little change, on bal-
ance, in the opportunity cost of holding M2, and M2
Money and Debt Ranges for 1998
velocity also was about unchanged, as M2 grew
In establishing the ranges for growth of broad 5W percent, nearly the same as nominal GDP.
measures of money over 1998, the Committee Nevertheless, the upward drift could resume in the
recognized dw considerable uncertainty that still years ahead as financial innovations or perceptions of
crisis about Die behavior of the velocities of these attractive returns lead households to further shift their
aggregates. The velocity of M3 (the ratio of nominal savings away from M2 balances. Or velocity might be
GDP to the monetary aggregate) in particular has pushed downward if volatility or setbacks in bond
proved difficult to predict. Last year, die growth of and stock markets were to lead investors to seek the
this aggregate relative to spending was affected by the safety of M2 assets, which have stable principal.
rapid increase in depository credit and by the way
In light of the uncertainties about the behavior of
in which that increase was funded, as well as by the
velocities, the Committee followed its prxtice of
changing cash management practices of cor-
recent years and established the ranges for 1998 not
porations, which have been using the services of
as expectations for actual money growth, but rather
instiiution-oflly money funds in M3. These factors
as benchmarks for M2 and M3 behavior that would
boosted M3 growth last year to 8'A percent.
be consistent with sustained price stability, assum-
3 percentage points faster than nominal GDP—an
ing velocity change in line with pre-1990 historical
unusually large decline in M3 velocity. Going
experience. Thus, the ranges for fourth-quarter to
forward, it seems likely that M3 growth will continue
fourth-quarter growth are unchanged from those in
to be buoyed by robust credit growth at depositories
J997:1 percent to 5 percent for M2, and 2 percent to
and continuing shifts in cash management. Thus, its
6 percent for M3. Given the central tendency of the
velocity is likely to decline further, though the
Committee's forecast for growth of nominal GDP of
amount of decline is difficult to predict
3% percent to 4Vi percent, M2 is likely to be in the
The relationship of M2 to spending in recent years range, perhaps in the upper half, if short-term inter-
has come back mote into line with historical pat- est rates do not change much and velocity continues
terns in which the velocity of M2 tended to be fairly recent patterns. For M3, however, a continuation of
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
69
recent velocity behavior could imply growth around debt has tended to be reasonably in line with die
(he upper raid of, if not above, Ihe price-stability growth of nominal GDP.
range.
Although the ranges for money and debt are not set
Debt of the nonfinancial sectors grew 43A percent as targets for monetary policy in 1998, the behavior
in 1997, near the middle of the range of "b percent TO of these variables, interpreted carefully, can at limes
7 percent established by the Committee last Febru- provide useful infatuation about the economy and
ary. As with uie monetary aggregates, the Commit- me workings of the financial markets. The Commit-
tee has toft the range for debt unchanged for 1998- tee will commoe w monitor the movements of money
The range it has chosen encompasses die likely and debt—along with a wide variety of Other finan-
growth of debt given Committee members' forecasts cial and economic indicators—to inform its policy
of nominal GDP. Except for the 1980s, the grown of deliberations.
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Section 2: Economic and Financial Developments
in 1997 and Early 1998
The past year has been an exceptionally good The Household Sector
one for the U.S. economy. Initial estimates indicate
Consumption Spending, income, and Sav'
that real GDP increased nearly 4 percent over the
four quarters of 1997. Household and business Ing. Bolstered by increases in income and wealth,
personal consumption expenditures rose substantially
expenditures continued 10 rise rapidly, owing in pan
during 1997-—about 3% percent, according to the
to supportive financial conditions, including a strong
initial estimate. Expenditures strengthened for a wide
stock market, ample availability of credit, and, from
variety of durable goods. Real outlays on home
April onward, declining intermediate- and long-term
computers continued to soar, rising even faster than
interest rates. In the aggregate, private domestic
spending on consumption and investment rose nearly they did over the previous few years. Strength also
5 percent on an inflation-adjusted basis. The strength was reported in purchases of furniture and home
appliances—products that tend to do well when home
of spending, along with a further sizable appre-
sales are strong. Consumer expenditures on motor
ciation of the foreign exchange value of the US. dol-
vehicles rose moderately, on net, more than revers'
lar, brought a surge of i/nports, the largest in many
ing the small declines of the previous two years. Real
years. Export growth, while lagging that of imports,
expenditures on services increased more than
also was substantial despite the appreciation of the
4 percent in 1997, the largest gain of recent years,
dollar and the emergence after midyear of severe
Personal service categories such as recreation, trans-
financial difficulties in several foreign economies,
portation, and education recorded large increases.
particularly among the advanced developing countries
Consumers also boosted their outlays for business
in Asia.
services, including outlays related to financial
Meanwhile, inflation slowed from the already transactions.
reduced rates of the previous few years. Although
wages and total hourly compensation accelerated in a
tight labor market, the inflationary impulse from that
Change in Real income and Consumption
source was more than offset by other factors, includ-
ing rising competition from imports, the price Percent, annual rate
restraint from increased manufacturing capacity, and
|J Disposable personal income
a sizable gain in labor productivity.
H Personal consumption expenditures
Crtange in Real GDP
Percent, annual rate
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
Real disposable personal income—after-lax income
adjusted for inflation—is estimated to have increased
about 3Vt percent during 1997, a gain thai was
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 tS97 exceeded on only one occasion in the previous
Note, hi Ws chart and ttr wbaequanl ctani tat show he decade. Income was boosed this past year by siz-
eompomtnts of real GDP, change* are measured to tie final able gains in wages and salaries and by another year
quaiW <rf BIB period insleatwi, from fte firaf quarter ol tie previ-
ous pariodL of large increases in dividends.
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Measured in terms of annual averages, the personal new single-family houses were up about 5Vi percent
saving rate fell further in 1997, according to current from the number sold in the preceding year, and sates
estimates. The 1997 average of 3.8 percent was about of existing homes moved up about 3 percent. House
!£ percentage point below the 1996 average and prices moved up more quickly than prices in gen-
roughly a full percentage point below the 1995 aver- eral. Responding to the strong demand, starts of new
age. It also was ihe lowest annual reading in several single-family units remained at a high level, only a
decades. Various surveys of households show touch below that of 1996; (he annual totals for single-
consumers to have become increasingly optimistic family units have now exceeded 1 million units for
about prospects for the economy, and this rising six. consecutive years, putting the corcent expansion in
degree of optimism may have led them to spend more single-family housing construction nearly on a par
freely from current income. Support for additional whh thai of the 1980s in arms of longevity and
spending came from die further rise in the stock strength. In January of this year, starts of and permits
market, as the capital gains accruing to households for single-family units were bom quite strong.
increased the chances of their meeting longer-run net
Starts of multifamily units increased in 1997 for
worth objectives even as they consumed a larger
the fourth year in a row and were about double the
proportion of current income.
record low of 1993. The increased construction of
Residential Investment Preliminary data indi- these units was supported by a finning of rents,
cate that real residential investment increased nearly abundant supplies of credit, and a reduction in
6 percent during 1997. Real outlays fix the construc- vacancy rates in some maikets. The national vacancy
tion of new single-family structures rose moderately, ate came down only slightly, however, and it has
and outlays for the construction of multifamily units reversed only a portion of the sharp run-up that took
continued to recover from the extreme lows (hat place in the 1980s. This January, starts of raulti-
were reached earfier in the decade. Real outlays for fiunily units fen back to about the 1997 average after
home improvements and brokers' commissions, cate- having surged ID an exceptionally high level in the
gories that have a combined weight of more than fiXMlh quarter.
35 percent in ratal residential investment, moved up
The home-ownership rale—the number of house-
substantially from me final quarter of 1996 to the
holds mat own their dwellings divided by the total
final quarter of 1997. Spending on mobile homes, a
number of housenoUs—moved up further in 1997, to
small pan of the total, also advanced.
tfcout 65V* percent, a hisvrical high. The me had
falen in the 1980s but has risen almost 2 percent-
Change in Real Residential Investment age points in this decade.
HouMfmW Finance. Household net worn
appears to have grown roughly S3V5 trillion during
1997, ending at in highest multiple relative to dispos-
aUe personal income on record. Most of Ms increase
20 in net worth was the result of upwad revaluations
of household assets rather than additional saving,
m particular, capital gains on corporate equities
accounted for about three-fourths of the increase in
net worm. Flows of household assets into mutual
funds, pensions, nd other vehicles for holding equi-
ties indirectly were exceeded by outflows from
directly held equities.
Household borrowing not backed by real estate,
including credit cari balances, «*o loans, tnd other
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1906 1997 coBsumer credit, increased 4W percent in 1997. These
obngations grew at double-digit rates in 1994 and
The indicators of single-family housing activity 1995 bat have slowed fairly steadily since men.
were almost uniformly strong during the year. Sales Mortgage borrowing, by contrast, has experienced
of bouses surged, driven by declines in mortgage relatively muted swings in growth during the cur-
interest rates and the increasingly favorable eco- rent expansion. Home mortgages are estimated to
nomic circumstances of households. Annual sales of have grown 7 percent last year, only a to stowei than
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Household Nsf Worth card debt. Between 1994 and 1996 personal bankrupt-
Percent ol disposable petsonal income cies grew at more than a 20 percent annual rate,
to some extern because of households' rising debt
Four-quarter moving average burden; a change in the federal bankruptcy law and a
540 secular trend toward associating less social stigma
with bankruptcy also may have contributed. Over the
520 same period, delinquency and charge-off rates on
consumer loans increased significantly.
500
Last year, however, because the growth of house-
480 hold debt only slightly outpaced that of income while
interest rales drifted lower, the household debt-
460 service burden did not change. Reflecting, in part,
the stability of the aggregate household debt burden,
440 delinquency rates on many segments of consumer
credit plaieaued. although charge-off rates generally
420 continued to rise somewhat. Personal bankruptcies
1981 1997
advanced again last year but showed some signs of
leveling off in the third quarter-
in 1996. Within this category of credit, however,
home equity loans have advanced sharply, reflect-
ing in part the use of these loans in refinancing and Delinquency Rales on Household Loans
consolidating credit card and other consumer
obligations.
An element in the slowing of consumer credit
growth may have been assessments by some house- 03'
holds that they were reaching the limits of their
capacity for carrying debt and by some lenders thai
they needed to tighten selectively their standards for
granting new loans. In the mid-1990s, the percent-
age of household income required to meet debc
obligations rose to the upper end of its historical
range, in large part because of a sharp rise in credit
Household Debl-Service Burden
Percsnl Q| disposable pereonal income 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997
Note. Data on eredrt-caid delirxpienciss are fcpm the CaB
Report; data on mortgage deinquancies are from the Mortgage
Bankers Association.
Some of the apparent leveling out of household
debt-repayment problems may also nave resulted
from efforts by lenders to stem the growth of losses
on consumer loans. For die past two years, a large
percentage of the respondents to the Federal
Reserve's quarterly Senior Loan Officer Opinion
Survey on Bank Lending Practices have reported
tightened standards on consumer loans. But the
L-LJ-I—J_ 1 I J_ '_.' _L percentages reporting tightening have fallen a bit in
19S2 1987 1992 1997
die last few surveys, suggesting that many banks
an N d a p B rin . c D ip e a b l t p a SW ym VJ e P n B t s i s o n th e a o n s s u u m m w of a e n s d tim ho a u te s d sh o re W qu -e ite e d oo i r n t m er o e r s t- t feel that they have now altered their standards
sufficiently.
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Although banks pulled back a bit from consumer Change in Real Business Fixed Investment
lending, most households had little trouble obtaining Pweent. annual rate
credit in 1997. Bank restraint has most commonly
token the form of imposing lower credit limits or
raising finance charges on outstanding balances;
credit card solicitations continued at a record pace.
Furthermore, many respondents to the Federal
Reserve's January 1998 survey of loan officers said
their banks had eased terms and sctndaids on home
equity loans, providing consumers easier access to an
alternative source of finance.
Mortgage rates fell lasl mon* to levels lhai led
many households to apply for loan refinancing. When
households refinance, they may choose among
options that have differing implications for cash flow,
household balance sheets, and spending. Some house-
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
holds may deckfe to reduce their monthly payments,
keeping the size of their mortgages unchanged.
Others may keep their monthly payments unchanged, ness was apparent in the expenditure data for many
either speeding up their repayments or increasing other types of structures. Nonetheless, a tone of
their mortgages and taking out cash in the process, underlying firmness was apparent in other indicators
perhaps to augment current expenditures. In any case, of market conditions. Vacancy rates declined, for
the wave of refinancings is likely having only a small example, and rents seemed to be racking up. In some
effect on the overall economy because the current dif- areas of the country, more builders have been put-
ference between the average rate on outstanding ting up new office buildings on "spec"—that is,
mortgages and the rale on new ones is not very large. undertaking new construction before occupants have
been lined up. The new projects are apparently being
The Business Sector spurred to some degree by the ready availability of
financing.
Investment Expenditure. Adjusted for infla-
tion, businesses' outlays for fixed investment rose Business inventory investment picked up consider-
about 8 percent during 1997 after gaining about ably in 1997. According to the initial estimate, die
12 percent during 1996. Spending continued to be level of inventories held by nonfarm businesses rose
spurred by rapid growth of the economy, favorable about 5 percent in real terms over the course of
financial conditions, attractive purchase prices for the year after increasing roughly 2 percent in 19%.
new etyiipnwnt, and optimism about ihe future. Busi-
ness outlays for equipment, which account for more
than three-fourths of total business fined investment, Change in Real Nonfarm Business Inventories
moved up about 12 percent this past year, making it Percent, annual rate
the fourth year of the last five in which the annual
gains have exceeded 10 percent. As in previous years
of the expansion, real investment rose fastest for
computers, ihe power of which continued to advance
rapidly at the same time their prices continued to
decline. Spending also moved up briskly for many
other types of equipment, including communications
equipment, commercial aircraft, industrial machinery,
and construction machinery.
Real outlays for nonresidential construction, the
remaining portion of business fixed investment,
declined somewhat in 1997 after moving up in each
of the four previous years. Construction of office
buildings continued to increase in 1997, but sluggish- 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
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Accumulation was especially rapid in the com- Despite the rapid growth in profits, the financing
mercial aircraft industry, in which production has gap for nonfinancial corporations—capital expen-
been ramped up in response to a huge backlog of ditures less internal cash flow—widened, reflecting
orders for new jets. With the rate of inventory growth the strong expansion of spending on capital equip-
outpacing the growth of final sales last year, OK ment and inventories. Furthermore, on net, firms
stock-to-sales ratio in the nonfarm sector licked up continued to retire a large volume of equity, adding
slightly, after a small decline in the preceding year. further to borrowing needs, as substantial gross issu-
Although inventory accumulation does not seem ance was swamped by stock repurchases and merger-
likely to persist at the pace of 1997, businesses in related retirements. Given these financing require-
general do not appear to be uncomfortable with the ments, the growth of nonfinancial corporate debt
levels of stocks that they have been carrying. picked up to more than a 7 percent rate last year.
Corporate Proms and Business Finance.
The economic profits of U.S. corporations (book Net Interest Payments of Nonfinancial
profits after inventory valuation and capital consump- Corporations Relative to Casti Flow
tion adjustments) increased at more than a 14 percent Percent
annual rate over the first three quarters of 1997, and
profits of nonfinancial corporations from their domes-
tic operations grew at a 13 VI percent annuaj rate. In 22
the third quarter, nonfinancial corporate profits
amounted to nearly 14 percent of that sector's nom-
inal output, up from 7% percent in 1982 and me high-
est share since 1969. The elevated profit share reflects
both the high level of cash flow before incerest costs,
which also stands at a multiyear peak relative to
output, and the reductions in interest costs that
have taken place in the 1990s. Fourth-quarter profit
announcements indicate that year-over-year growth in
earnings was fairly strong; few corporations reported
mat they had experienced much fallout yet from the
events in Asia, but many warned that profits in the 1976 1981 1991
first half of 1998 will be significantly affected.
With the debt of nonfinancial corporations advanc-
ing briskly, the ratio of their interest payments to cash
flow was about unchanged last year, after several
Before-Tax Profit Share of GDP
years of decline thai had left it at quite a low level
Consequently, measures of debt-repayment difficul-
Nontinancial corporations ties also were very favorable last year. The default
rate on corporate bonds remained extremely low, and
the number of upgrades of debt about equaled the
number of downgrades. Similarly, only smalt per-
12 centages of business loans at banks were delinquent
or charged off. The rate of business bankruptcies
increased a bit but was still fairly low.
Businesses continued to find credit amply sup-
plied at advantageous terms last year. The spread
between yields on investment-grade bonds and yields
on Treasury securities of similar maturities remained
narrow, varying only a little during the year. The
1LJL-1t_L i U i I i i I i i ) i i J J i spreads on below-investment-grade bonds fell over
1977 1982 1987 1992 1937 the year, touching new lows before widening a bit in
Note. Profits from the domestic operations at nonfinancial the fall and early this year; the widening occurred in
c a a d i j p u o s r tm ab e o n n ts s , , w dh it r h id i w nv e b n y to r t y ie v al g u r a o t s io s n d a o n m d e s c t a ic p ita pr l o c d o u n c s t u m of p ti i o h n e large pan because these securities benefited less from
noafinanctaf corporate sector. the flight to U.S. assets in response to events in Asia
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Spreads Between Yields on The Government Sector
Private and Treasury Securities
Federal Expenditures, Receipts, and
Percentage poinG Finance. Nominal outlays in the unified budget
increased about 2Vi percent in fiscal year 1997 after
moving up 3 percent in fiscal 1996. Fiscal 1997 was
&e sixth consecutive year mat the growth of spend-
ing was less than the growth of nominal GDP- Dur-
ing that period, spending as a percentage of nominal
GDP fell from about 2214 percent to just over
High-yield bonds 20 percent The set of factors thai have combined to
bring about this result includes implementation of fis-
cal policies aimed at reducing the deficit, which has
helped stow the growth of discretionary spending and
spending on some social and health services
programs, and the strength of Ac economy, which has
J I—I I I I I—I—1—I I—I L reduced outlays for income support
19S7 1989 1991 1993 1995 1897 In nominal Kims, small to moderate increases were
Now. The apmd on Mpn-ywld bonds comparts flw yMd on recorded in most major expenditure categories in
Merrill Lynch Motor U Index of high-yield bondt witi that on *
aven-yaef Tnesury note; tti* tptead on to»»tHi«Tifl-grab»borni» fiscal 1997. Net interest outlays, which have been
compares he ywfcf on Uaottf't Indue of A-nded Investmant- accounting for about 15 percent of total unified
J(ade bonds With that on a Un-year Traasury nota.
outlays in recent years, rose only a small amount in
1997, as did nominal outlays for defense and those
for income security. Expenditures on Medicaid rose
than did Treasury securities. Banks also appealed
moderately for a second year after having grown very
eager to tend to businesses. Large percentages of the
rapidly for many years; spending in this category has
respondents to the Federal Reserve's surveys, citing
been restrained of late by the strong economy, the
stiff competition as the reason, said they had eased
low rate of inflation in the medical area, and policy
terms—particularly spreads—on business loans last
changes in the Medicaid program. Pblky shifts and
year. Much smaller percentages repotted having eased
the strong economy also cut into outlays for food
standards on these loans. The high ratios of stock
stamps, which fell about 10 percent in fiscal 1997. By
prices to earnings suggest that equity finance was also
contrast, spending on Medicare continued to rise at
quite cheap last year. Nevertheless, the market for
about three times the rate of total federal outlays.
initial public offerings of equity was coder than in
Growth of outlays for social security also exceeded
1996—new issues were priced below the expected
the rate of rise of total expenditures.
range more often than above it, and first-day trading
returns were smaller on average. Real federal outlays for consumption and gross
investment, the part of federal spending that is
The pickup in business borrowing was widespread
counted in GDP, were unchanged, on net, from the
across funding sources. Outstanding commercial
last quarter of 1996 to the final quarter of 1997. Real
paper, which had declined a bit in 1996, posted
outlays for defense, which accoimt for about two-
strong growth in 1997, as did bank business loans.
thirds of the spending for consumption and invest-
Gross issuance of bonds was extremely high,
ment, declined stighny. offsetting a small increase in
particularly bonds with ratings below investment
nondefense outlays. Because of much larger declines
grade. Such tower-rated bonds made up nearly half
in most other recent years, the level of real defense
of all issuance, a new record. Although sates of
outlays at the end of 1997 was down about
new investment-grade bonds slowed a bit in the fall,
22 percent from its level at the end of the 1980s; total
corporations were apparently waiting out the mar-
real outlays for consumption and investment dropped
ket volatility at that time, and issuance picked back
about 14 percent over that period.
up in January. Banks, real estate investment trusts,
and commercial-mortgage-backed securities were the Federal receipts rose faster than nominal GDP for
most significant sources of funds for income a fifth consecutive year in fiscal 1997; receipts
properties—-residential apartments and commercial were 1934 percent of GDP last year, up from
buildings—the financing of which expanded further 17% percent in fiscal 1992. The ratio tends to rise
last year. during business expansions, mainly because of cycli-
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
76
Change in Real Federal Expenditures 9'A percent in the preceding fiscal year. The total rise
on Consumption and Investment in receipts in fiscal 1997, coupled with the subdued
Percent, annual rate rate of increase in nominal outlays, resulted in a
budget deficit of $22 billion, down from S1Q7 bil-
lion in the preceding fiscal year.
With the budget moving close to balance, federal
borrowing slowed sharply last year. The Treasury
responded (o the smaller-ihan-expected borrowing
need by reducing sales of bills in order to keep its
auctions of coupon securities predictable and of
sufficient volume to maintain the liquidity of the
secondary markets. The result was an unusually
large net redemption of bills, which at times pushed
yields on short-term tails down relative to yields
cm other Treasury securities and short-term private
obligations.
10
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 Last year saw the first issuance by the Treasury
of inflation-indexed securities. The Treasury sold
indexed ten-year notes in January and April of last
cal increases in the share of profits in nominal GDP.
year and again this January, and sold five-year notes
In the past couple of years, the ratio also has been
in July and October; it also announced it would sell
boosted by die las increases included in die Omnibus indexed thirty-year bonds this April Investor inter-
Reconciliation Act of 1993, by a rising income share
est in the securities at those auctions was substantial,
of high-income taxpayers, and by receipts from stffg-
with the ratios of received bids to accepted bids
ing capital gains realizations, which raise the numera- resembling those for nominal securities. As expected,
tor of the ratio but not the denominator because
most of the securities were quickly acquired by final
capital gains realizations arc not pan of GDP. In fis-
investors, and the trading volume as a share of the
cal 1997, combined receipts from individual income outstanding amount has been much smaller than for
taxes and social insurance taxes, which account for
nominal securities.
about 80 percent of total receipts, moved op about
9¥z percent, even more ihan in fiscal 19%. Receipts
from the taxes on corporate profits were up about Saving and Investment
6 percent in fiscal 1997 after increasing about Percentage of nominal GNP
Federal Receipts and Expenditures
Gross domestic investment
Percentage ol nominal GDP
20
Total expenditures
Gross saving
I J ill II L 12
1981 1985 19B9 1993 1997
NoK. Gioss saving consist* of saving of households, busi-
nesses, and eovmunont*. Qrots domestic InveSmenl is the sum
o( gross private domesfc Investment and government ftwesv
I L I I I t I 1 t I I I I nwnt The gap between grass caving and grog* domesfic invest-
ment is equal to the *um of nM foreign hvestnen! end (he
1981 1985 1989 1993 1997 ifacrepancy between gross national income and gross national
Nate. Data <Xi ree«pts *nd wcpentltunts or* from the unfed pncfcicL The narrowing of tne gag to recent pan it mora than
budget and are let IM fees) yaw ended in September accounted foe by a change In IM amount of the tfawB
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An important macroeeonoinie implication of flie recent data on nominal wages and hourly compen-
reduced federal deficit is that the federal govern- sation. According to the employment cost indexes,
ment has ceased to be a negative influence on the hourly compensation of the workers employed by
level of national saving. The improvement in the fed- sBte and local governments increased 2V4 percent in
eral government's saving position in recent years has 1997, a little less than in 1996 and the smallest annual
mote than accounted for a rise in the total gross sav- increase in the seventeen-year history of the series.
ing of households, businesses, and governments, from The increase in the average hourly wage of state and
about 14 V4 percent of gross national product earlier local employees amounted to about IVt percent in
in the decade, when federal government saving was 1997, roughly the same as the gain in 1996. The aver-
at a cyclical low and highly negative, to more than age hourly cost of the benefit packages provided to
17 percent in the first three quarters of 1997. This rise state and local employees rose only IVt percent, a
in domestic saving, along with increased borrowing percentage point less than the increase in 1996.
from abroad, has financed the rise in domestic invest-
With costs contained and receipts continuing to rise
ment in this expansion. Still higher rates of saving
with the growth of the economy, financial pressures
and investment were the norm a couple of decades
that were evident among state and local govern-
ago, when the personal saving rate was a good bit
ments earlier in the expansion have diminished. The
above its level in recent years.
increased breathing room in the budgets of recent
State and Local Governments. The real years is apparent in the consolidated current account
outlays of state and local governments for consump- of these governments: Surpluses in that account,
tion and investment moved up about 2 percent over excluding those that are earmarked for social
the four quarters of 1997, similar to the average since insurance funds, had dipped to a low of about
the stan of the 1990s. Investment expenditures, which UA percent of nominal receipts in 1991, but they have
have grown about 11A percent per annum this decade, been largo' than 3 percent of receipts in each of the
rose at only half that pace in 1997, according to the past three years.
initial estimate. However, real consumption expen-
State and local debt expanded about 534 percent
ditures increased 2V* percent last year, a touch above
last year after changing little in 1996 and declining
the average for the decade. Compensation of gov-
in the two preceding years. In those earlier years,
ernment employees, which accounts for about
municipal debt outstanding had been held down
three-fifths of real consumption and investment
by the retirement of bonds that were "advance
expenditures, rose about 1% percent in 1997 and has
refunded" in the early 1990s. In such operations,
increased at an annual rate of only about
funds that had earlier been raised and set aside were
IVi percent since the end of the 1980s.
used to refund debt as it became callable. By the end
The efforts of slate and local governments to hold of 1996, however, the stock of such debt had appar-
down their labor expenses are also reflected in the ently been largely worked down.
Change in Real Stale and Local Expenditures
External Sector
on Consumption and Investment
Percent, annual rate Trade and the Curort Account. The nominal
trade deficit for goods and services was S114 billion
in 1997, little changed from the Sill billion deficit
in 1996. For the first three quarters of the year, the
current account deficit reached $160 billion at an
annual rate, somewhat wider than the 1996 deficit of
$148 billion. This deterioration of the current account
largely reflects continued declines in net investment
income, which for the first time recorded deficits in
each of the first three quarters of the year.
The quantity of imports of goods and services
expanded strongly during 1997—about 13 percent
according to preliminary estimates—as the very rapid
growth experienced during the first half of UK year
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 moderated slightly during the second half. Tte expan-
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(J.S. Current Account growth continued through much of the year, but the
Biim of aalian, annual ran onset of crises in several Asian economies late in
1997 led to abrupt slowdowns in economic activity.
Growth of exports to Latin American countries and to
0 Canada was particularly strong. Exports to Western
Europe also increased ai a healthy pace.
50 Capita Flows. In the first three quarters of 1997,
large increases were reported in both foreign owner-
100 ship of assets in the United States and U.S. owner-
ship of assets abroad, reflecting the continued trend
150 toward the globalization of both financial markets and
the markets for goods. Little evidence of the gather-
ing financial storm in Asia was apparent in the data
200
on VS. capital flows through the end of Septem-
ber. Foreign official assets in the United States rose
I _ _[ I L 250
$46* billion in the first three quarters of 1997. The
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
increases were concentrated in the holdings of certain
industrial countries and members of OPEC. Although
skm was fueled by continued vigorous growth of (7.5, substantial, these increases were below the pace for
GDP. Additional declines in non-oil imped prices— the first dm* quarters of 19%.
related in large part to the appreciation of the dollar—
contributed as well. Of OK major trade categories, In contrast, increases in assets held by other
increases in imports were sharpest for capital goods foreigners in die first three quarters of 1997 surpassed
and consumer goods. those recorded in 1996. In particular, net purchases
of US. Treasury securities by private foreigners rose
Export growth was also strong in 1997, particularly to S130 billion, net purchases of U.S. corporate and
during the first half of the year. The quantity other bonds reached $96 billion, and net purchases
of exports of goods and services rose nearly of V.S. stocks were a record $55 billion. In addi-
11 percent, after a rise of 9Yt percent the preceding tion, foreign direct investment in the United States
year. Despite farther appreciation of the dollar, also posted a new high of $78 billion, as the strong
exports accelerated in response to the strength of eco- pace of acquisitions of U.S. companies by foreign-
nomic activity abroad. Output growth in most of our ers continued.
industrial-country trading partners firmed in 1997
from the moderate rates observed in 1996. Among U.S. direct investment abroad in the first three
our developing-country trading partners, robust quarters of 1997 also exceeded the 1996 pace, with a
record net outflow of $88 bUh'on. U.S. net purchases
of foreign securities in the first three quarters of 1997
Change in Real Imports and Exports were $74 billion, a Ettle below die pace for 1996.
of Goods and Services However, net purchases of stocks in Japan and bonds
PocGMit. Q4 to CM in Latin America were up substantially. Banks in the
United States reported a large increase in net claims
Imports
on foreigners in the fiat quarter but only a modest
Exports increase in the next two quarters combined.
The Labor Market
Employment, Productivity, and Labor
Supply. More than 3 million jobs were added to
nonfam payrolls in 1997—a gain of nearly
2% percent, measured from December 10 December.
Patterns of hiring mirrored the broadly based gains
in output and spending. Manufacturing, construc-
tion, trade, transportation, finance, and services all
1991 1992 1993 1994 1996 1986 1997 exhibited appreciable strength. In manufacturing, the
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Change in Payroll Employment Civilian Unemployment Rate
Thouswute of jobs, monthly average
Total nonfarm
200
1996 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
Mote. Th» bra* In dM* at Jwuvy IBM mate fa nVoduc-
ton of • ndaignetl survey; chria from flat point on ire not
1997 rise in the job count followed two years of little *tc«y oxnptttbto wtth th» <Ma o) Mrifcr (Wriods.
change. Elsewhere, the gains in 1997 came on top
of substantial increases in otter recent years. Espe-
cially rapid increases were posted this past year in per hour in the nonfarm business sector lo have been
some of the services industries, including computer about IVt percent, and the increase in 1997 was larger
services, management services, education, and still—about 2V* percent, according to the first round
recreation. Employment at suppliers of personnel, a of estimates. Although the average rate of productiv-
category that includes the agencies that supply help ity increase since the end of the 1980s still is only a
on a temporary basis, also increased appreciably in fittle above 1 percent per year, the data for the past
1991, but the gains in this category felt consider- two years provide hopeful indications that sustained
ably short of those seen in previous years of the high levels of investment in new technologies may
expansion. Help-supply firms reported that short- finally be translating into a stronger trend.
ages of workers were limiting the pace of their The civilian unemployment rate fell more than
expansion. ¥2 percentage point from the fourth quarter of 1996
Labor productivity has risen r^ridty over the past to the fourth quarter of 1997, to an average of just
two years. Revised data show the 1996 gain in output under 4V* percent. The rate held steady at this level in
January of (his yew. For most of the past year, the rate
has been running somewhat below the minimum that
Change in Output per Hour was reached in the expansion of the 1980s. A variety
Percent. CM to Q4 of survey data indicate that firms have had increased
difficulty filling jobs.
After moving up a step in 1996. the labor fence
parttcipMkjn rate continued to edge higher in 1997.
Without the increment to labor supply from increased
participation over these two years, the unemploy-
ment rate would have fallen to an even lower level
ll
Changes in the welfare system perhaps contributed to
some extent to the small rise in participation in 1997,
although this effect is difficult to disentangle from the
normal tendency of pamripMion to rise when the
labor market is tight Even though one-third of the
adult population remained outside the labor force in
1997, the vast majority of those individuals likely
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 were in pursuits that tended to preclude men- work-
Note. NOnfm buskwu MCtor. force participation, such as retirement, schooling.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
80
or housework- The percentage of the wotting age high levels of mortgage refinancing and trading
population interested in work but not actively seek- activity. By contrast, hourly wages in the goods-
ing it moved down further in 1997, to 2Vi percent in producing industries slowed a couple of tenths of a
the fourth quarter, a record low in the history of die percentage point in 1997; the annual gains in these
series, which began in 1970. industries have been around 3 percent, on average, in
each of the past six years.
Wages and Hourly Compensation. Accord-
ing to the employment cost indexes, hourly Although the costs of die fringe benefits mat com-
compensation in private industry increased panies provide to their employees also picked up in
3.4 percent from December of 1996 to December of 1997, die yearly increase of 23 percent was not large
1997. This rise exceeded that of the previous year by by historical standards. As in other recent years,
0.3 percentage point and was 0.8 percentage point benefit costs in 1997 were restrained by a variety
greater than the increase of 1995. Although the pat- of influences. Most notably, the price of health care
terns of change in hourly pay have varied quite a bit continued to rise at a subdued psce, and the ongo-
by industry and occupation over the past two years, ing strength of me economy limited the need for pay-
the overall step-up seems to have been prompted, ments by firms to state unemployment trust funds.
in large part, by the tightening of labor markets. Even though some firms reported seeing renewed
The implementation of a higher minimum wage also sharp increases in health care costs during the year,
seems to have been a factor in some industries and the employment cost data suggest that most firms still
occupations, although its impact is difficult to assess were keeping those costs under fairly tight control.
precisely.
With nominal hourly compensation in almost all
industries moving ahead at a faster pace than infla-
Change in Employment Cost Index tion, workers' pay generally increased in real terms,
Percent, Dec. to D«c. and the real gains were substantial in many occupa-
tions. Indeed, the employment cost index does not
Hourly compensation capture some of the forms of compensation that
employers have been using to attract and retain
workers—stock options and signing bonuses, for
example.
Prices
Indications of a slowing of inflation in 1997 were
widespread in the various measures of aggregate price
change. The consumer price index, which had picked
Change in Consumer Prices
Perosnt, G* to Q4
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
Note. Private Musty *ic*jding farm «nd household workan.
The wage and salary component of hourly
compensation rose faster in 1997 than in any previ-
ous year of the expansion. Annual increases in the
employment cost index for wages and salaries in
private industry amounted to 2.8 percent in both 1994
and 1995, but the increases of 1996 and 1997 were
3.4 percent and 3.9 percent respectively. Wages and
salaries in the service-producing industries acceler-
ated nearly a full percentage point in 1997, pushed
up, especially, by sharp pay increases in the finance,
insurance, and real estate sector, in which commis- 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
sions and bonuses have recently been boosted by Note. Cwnunw pric* i"*<t ori d urban eonsumwt.
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Change in Consumer Prices Excluding during the year was about yt percentage point less
Food and Energy than the increase during 1996. Only small portions of
Percent, Q4 to Q4 the slowdowns between 1996 and 1997 in the total
CPI and in the CPI excluding food and energy were
the result of technical changes implemented by the
Bureau of Labor Statistics.1
Other measures of aggregate price change also
decelerated in 1997. The chain-type price index for
gross domestic purchases—the broadest measure of
prices paid by U.S. households, businesses, and
governments—increased about 1W percent during
1997 after moving up 2V* percent in 19%. The chain-
type price index for gross domestic product, a
measure of price change for the goods and services
produced in this country (rather than the goods and
services purchased), increased 1% percent in (he
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1396 1997 latest year after rising 2V4 percent rise in 19%. The
Note. Consumer price index for d urban conewners. sleeper slowing of the price index for aggregate
purchases relative to dial for aggregate production
was largely a reflection of die prices of imports,
up to more than a 3 percent rate of rise over the which tell faster in 1997 than in 19%. Falling
four quarters of 1996, increased slightly less than computer prices were an important influence on many
2 percent over the four quartos of 1997 as energy of these measures of aggregate price change—more
prices turned down and increases in food prices
slowed Tne CM excluding food and energy—a
widely used gauge of the underlying trend of
1. Over me patt three yean, (he Sanaa of Labor Sfatiitici hu
inflation—rose only 2Vt percent in 1997 after inundated a number cf tcdmoil dungs in to procedon* for
increases of 3 percent in 1995 and 2W percent in compiling the CT1, widi the mn of obtaining a mac manic
19%. The CPI for commodities other than food and meuan of price change. Typically. Bit dungei have only a tmaD
dfed on me rank) fix any panfcnUr yur, bol their comolacvB
energy rose about W percent over the four quarters of effMtt an ranewhal luger and an tendinf to bold down Ibe
1997 after moving up slightly more than 1 percent in npoited incnaM) of recent yean (dative to whit would hive been
1996. Price increases for non-energy services, which repotted with no dougec in proeedoiet, Aput from Ihe pnccdnnl
change*, the reported Me cf roe from 1998 fawttd win »Uo be
have a much larger weight than commodities in the dfeded by an updating of the CJ1 mufcet buket, an action (hat ove
core CPI, also slowed a little in 1997; a 3 percent rise BLS nooertakei appraimalely if/try tea yean.
Alternative Measures of Prica Change
Percent
Price measure 1996 1997
Fixed weight
Consumer price index 32 1.9
Excluding food and energy 2.6 2.2
Cfta/n type
Personal consumption expenditures 2.7 1.5
Excluding food and energy 2.3 1.6
Gross domestic purchases 2.3 1.4
Gross domestic product 2.3 1.8
NOM. Change* ar* bated on quarto* average* and em manured to (ha fourth quarter of tie year
hdkattd from tw fourth quarter of me previous year.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
82
so than on die CPI, which gave small weight to posted at retail for most other food categories last
compulm through 1997 but has started weighting year.
them more heavily this year.
The CPI for energy has traced out an even bigger
In real terms, imports of goods and services swing man the price of food over the past two
account for approximately 15 percent of the iota! years—a jump of 7Vi percent over the four quarters
purchases of households, businesses, and govern- of 1996 was followed by a decline of about
ments located in the United Slates. But that figure 1 percent over Die four quarters of 1997. As is usu-
probably understates the degree of restraint that fall- ally the case in this sector, the key to these develop-
ing import prices have imposed on domestic infla- ments was the price of crude oil, which in 1997 more
tion, because the lower prices for imports also make than reversed the run-up of the preceding year. Prices
domestic producers of competing products less likely of oil have been held down in recent months by
to raise prices. Prices have also been restrained by ample world supplies, the economic problems in
large additions to manufacturing capacity in this Asia, and a mild winter.
country, amounting to more than 5 percent in each of Survey data on inflation expectations mostly
the past three years; this capacity growth helped to showed moderate reductions during 1997 in
stave off the bottlenecks that so often have developed respondents' views of the future rate of price
in the more advanced stages of other postwar busi- increase, and some of the survey data for early 1998
ness expansions. A gain in manufacturing produc- have shown a more noticeable downward shift in
tion of more than 6 percent this past year was inflation expectations. A lowering of inflation
accompanied by only a moderate increase in the fac- expectations has long been viewed as an essential
tory operating rate, which, at year-end, remained well ingredient in the pursuit of price stability, and the
below (he highs reached in other recent expansions recent date are a sign that progress is stilj being made
and the peak for this expansion, which was recorded in that regard.
about three years ago.
Reflecting the ample domestic supply and the Credit, Money, Interest Rates,
effects of competition from goods produced abroad, and Equity Prices
the producer price index for finished goods declined
Credit and Defjosltory Intermediation. The
about V* percent from the fourth quarter of 19%
to the fourth quarter of 1997; excluding food and debt of the domestic; iwn&iancial sectors grew at a
43/4 percent rate last year, somewhat below the
energy, it rose only fractionally. Prices of domesti-
cally produced materials (other than food and energy) midpoint of the range established by the FOMC and
also rose only slightly, on net. The prices of raw less man in 1996. when it grew 5V* percent. The
deceleration was accounted for entirely by the
industrial commodities, many of which are traded
in international markets, declined over the year; the
weakness of prices in these markets was especially
Debt: Annual Range and Actual Level
pronounced in late 1997, when the crises in Asia were
worsening. Industrial commodity prices fell further in Trillions of dollars
the first couple of weeks of 1998, but they since have Domestic nonfinancial sectors
changed little, on balance. The producer price index 15.4
fell sharply in January of this year; the index exclud-
ing food and energy declined slightly. 15.2
After moving up more than 4 percent in 1996, the
15.0
consumer price index for food increased only
1% percent in 1997. Impetus for the large increase of
14.8
1996 had come from a surge in the price of grain,
which peaked around the middle of that year; since
14.6
then, grain prices have dropped back considerably.
An echo of the up-and-down price pattern for grains
14.4
appeared at retail in the form of sharp price increases
for meats, poultry, and dairy products in 1996 fol-
14.2
lowed by small to moderate declines for most of those O N D J F M A M J J A S O N DJ
products in 1997. Moderate price increases were 1996 1997 1998
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
federal component, which, because of the reduced ings of securities—which had run off in 1995 and had
budget deficit, rose less than 1 percent last year, after been flat in 1996—expanded at a brisk pace last year;
having risen 3% percent in 1996. Nonfederal debt securities account for one-fourth of total banfc credit
grew 6 percent, a bit more than in 1996, as the pickup Loans, which make up the remainder of bank credit,
in business borrowing more than offset the decelera- also advanced a bit more quickly last year than in
tion of household debt 1996, though more slowly than in 1995.
Depository institutions increased Iheir share of The increase in bank loans occurred despite a net
credit flows in 1997, with credit on their books decline in consumer loans on banks' books resulting
expanding 5% percent, up appreciably from growth in both from sharply slower growth in loans originated
1996. UK growth of bank credit, adjusted to remove by banks and from continued securitizanon of those
the effects of mark-to-market accounting rules, accel- loans. Real escae loans at banks, by contrast, posted
erated to an 8V4 percent pace, the largest rise in ten solid growth last year. Hits category of credit bene-
years; and banks' share of domestic nonfinancial debt fited from a pickup in home mortgages, the rapid
outstanding climbed to its highest level since 1988. growth in home equity loans, which were substitut-
Bank credit accelerated in pan because banks' hold- ing in part for consumer loans, an acceleration in
Growth of Money and Debt
Percent
Domestic
Period M1 M2 M3 nonflnantial
debt
Annual
1987 6.3 42 5.8 9.9
1988 4.3 5.7 6.3 8.9
1989 0.5 5.2 4.0 7.8
1990 4.2 4.1 1.8 6.8
1991 7.9 3.1 1.2 45
1992 14.4 1.8 0.6 4.7
1993 10.6 1.3 1.1 5.1
1994 2.5 0.6 1.7 5.1
1995 -1.6 3.9 6.1 5.4
1996 -4.5 4.6 6.9 52
1997 -1.2 5.6 8.7 4.7
Qutrteny
(annual ate)*
1997 01 -1.4 5.1 8.0 4.3
02 -4.5 4.4 7.7 4.7
03 0.3 5.4 8.1 4.1
Q4 0.8 6.6 9.8 52
Note. Ml comas of currency, reveler* chicks, demand credt marhM debt of the U.S. government. MM and local
dbposte, and other checkable deposte. M2 conmti of Ml government*, househoUa and nonprofit organizations,
plus savings deposte (indudng money market deport nonRnencnl buMneeees, and faHiti-
account*), smaM-denoniination time deposits, and balances m 1. From avenge for faurti quarter of precedng year to
ratal money market fort*. MS coneitta of M2 pta buoje- •venga tor toucti ojuener of y«er ndkattd.
denomlnelion time depaeik, balances in inttiMkmaf money 2. From average for pracedhg quarter n average for
marlwl funds, RPMttttiesfovermght and torn), andEurocW- quarter ndfcattd.
tan (overnight and term). Debt comfeb of the oubtandhg
20
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84
commercial real estate lending, and the inquisition of credit, M3 shot up last year, expanding 8V* per-
thrift institutions by banks. Commercial and indus- cent; this growth was well above the 2 percent to
trial loans expanded considerably last year, reflect- 6 percent annual range, which was intended to sug-
ing both the general rise in the demand by busi- gest the rate of growth over the long run consistent
nesses for finds and an increase in banks' share of with price stability. M3 was augmented by a shift
the nonmortgage business credit market as they in sources of funding—mostly at U.S. branches and
competed vigorously for business loans by easing agencies of foreign banks-^rom borrowings from
terms. related offices abroad, which are not included in M3,
to large time deposits issued in the United States,
The rapid growth of banks' assets was facilitated
which are. Also contributing to the strength in M3
by their continued high profitability and abundance
was rapid growth in insomnon-only money funds,
of capital; at die end of roe third quarter, nearly
which reflected gains by these funds in the pro-
99 percent of bank assets were at well-capitalized
vision of corporate cash management services.
institutions. Problems with the repayment per-
Corporations that manage their own cash often keep
formance of consumer toans—which, while not
(heir funds in snort-term assets that are not included
deteriorating further, remained elevated by historical
inM3.
standards—hurt some banks; however, overall loan
delinquency and charge-off rales stayed quite low,
and measures of banks' profitability persisted at the M2: Annual Range and Actual Level
elevated levels they have occupied for several years. Trillions of deters
Profits at a few large bank holding companies were
reduced in the fourth quarter by trading losses result-
ing from the events in Asia. Nonetheless, the profits
of the industry as a whole remained robust.
The profits and capita) levels of thrift institutions,
like those of bants, were high last year, and the thrifts 4.0
also were aggressive lenders. The outstanding amount
of credit extended by thrifts grew at about a
3.9
VA percent pace last year, but this sluggishness
reflected entirely the acquisitions of thrifts by com-
merciat banks; among thrifts not acquired during the
year, asset growth was similar to dial of banks.
The Monetary Aggregates, Boosted in part by 37
the need to fund substantial growth in depository O N D J F M A M J J A S O N DJ
1996 199? 1991
M3: Annual Range and Actual Level
Although growth of M2 did not match that of M3,
it increased at a brisk 5W percent rate last year. As
the Committee had anticipated, the aggregate was
S.5 somewhat above the upper bound of its I percent to
5 percent annual range, which also had been chosen
S.4 to be consistent with expected M2 growth under
5.3 conditions of price stability. Because short-term inter-
est rates responded only slightly to System tighten-
5.2 ing in March, the opportunity cost of holding M2—
the interest earnings forgone by owning M2 assets
5.1
rather than money market instruments such as
5.0 Treasury bills—was about unchanged over the year.
As M2 grew at about the same rate as nominal GOP,
4.9 velocity was also essentially unchanged. Hie ops and
downs of M2 growth last year mirrored those of
4.8
O N D J F M A M J J A S O N DJ the growth in nominal output M2 expanded much
1996 1997 1998 more slowly in the second quarter than in the first.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
85
consistent with the cooling of nominal GDP growth between the velocity and opportunity cost of M2 in
and almost unchanged opportunity costs. In the the future.
second half of the year, M2 growth picked up, again
pacing the growth of nominal GDP. In the fell. M2 Ml fell 1'A percent last year. As has been true for
may also have been boosted a little by the volatility in the last four years, the growth of this aggregate was
equity markets, which may have led some house- depressed by the adoption by banks of retail sweep
holds to seek the relative safety of M2 assets. programs, whereby balances in transactions accounts.
which are subject to reserve requirements, are
For several decades before 1990, M2 velocity "swept" into savings accounts, which are not. Sweep
responded positively to changes in its opportunity programs benefit depositories by reducing their
costs and otherwise showed little net movement over required reserves, which earn no interest At the same
time. This pattern was disturbed in the early 1990s in time, they do not restrict depositors' access to their
part by households' apparent decision to shift funds funds for transactions purposes, because the funds are
out of lower-yielding M2 deposits into higher- swept back into transactions accounts when needed.
yielding stock and bond mutual funds, which raised The initiation of programs mat sweep funds out of
M2 velocity even as opportunity costs were declin- NOW accounts—until last year the most common
ing. The movements in the velocity of M2 from 1994 form of retail sweep programs—appears to be slow-
into 1997 appear 10 have again been explained by ing, but sweeps of household demand deposits have
changes in opportunity costs, along with some picked up. leaving the estimated total amount by
residual upward drift. This drift suggests that some which sweep account balances increased last year
households may still have been in the process of similar to that in 1996. Adjusted for the initial reduc-
shifting their portfolios toward non-M2 assets. There tion in transactions accounts resulting from the
was no uptrend in velocity over the second half of last introduction of new sweep programs, Ml expanded
year, perhaps because of the declining yields on 6'/4 percent, a little above its sweep-adjusted growth
intermediate- and long-term debt and the greater in 1996.
volatility and lower average returns posted by stock
mutual funds. However, given the aberrant behavior The drop in transactions accounts caused required
of velocity during the 1990s in general, consid- reserves to fall TA percent last year. Despite this
erable uncertainty remains about the relationship decline, the monetary base grew 6 percent, boosted
M2 Velocity and the Opportunity Cost of Holding M2
Ratio scale Percentage points, ratio scale
2.0 -
1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997
Note. M2 opportunity cost is a two-quarter moving avenge of the three-month Treasury bil rale
less tifi weighBd-sverage rate paid on M2 components.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
86
by a hefty advance in currency. Currency again bene- Selected Treasury Rales
fited from foreign demand, as overseas shipments
continued at the elevated levels seen in recent years.
Moreover, domestic demand for currency expanded Thirty-ywr
sharply in response to me strong domestic spending. 7.0
The Federal Reserve has been concerned that as the
steady decline in required reserves of recent years 6.5
is extended, the federal funds rate may become
significantly more volatile. Required reserves are 6.0
fairly predictable and must be maintained on only a
two-week average basis. As a result, the unavoid- 5.5
able daily mismatches between reserves made avail-
able through open market operations and desired
reserves typically have been fairly small, and their
effect on the federal funds rate has been muted. How-
ever, banks also hold reserve balances at the Federal JFMAMJ JASONDJ FMAMJJASONDJFM
Reserve to avoid overdrafts after making payments 1996 1997 1998
for themselves and their customers. This component Hate. Las! obttnatons are far February 20.1998.
of the demand for reserves is difficult to predict,
varies considerably from day to day, and must be between the end of 1996 and the end of 1997, the
fully satisfied each day. As required reserves nave yields on (en-year and thirty-year Treasury bonds
declined, the demand for balances at the Federal fell about 70 basis points. Early this year, with the
Reserve has become increasingly dominated by these economic troubles in Asia continuing, the desire of
more changeable daily payment-related needs. investors for less risky assets, along with further
Nonetheless, federal funds volatility did not increase reductions in the perceived risk of strong growth and
noticeably last year. In pan this was because the higher inflation, pushed yields on intermediate- and
Federal Reserve intervened more frequently than in long-term Treasury securities down an additional
the past with open market operations of overnight 25 to 50 basis points, matching their levels of the late
maturity in order to better match die supply of and 1960s and the early 1970s, when the buildup of infla-
demand for reserves each day. In addition, banks tion expectations was in its early stages.
made greater use of the discount window, increas-
ing the supply of reserves when the market was Survey measures of expectations for longer-
excessively tighL Significant further declines in horizon inflation generally did move lower last year,
reserve balances, however, do risk increased federal but by less than the drop in nominal yields. As a
funds rate volatility, potentially complicating the
money market operations of the Federal Reserve and Selected Treasury Rates
of the private sector. One possible solution to this
problem is to pay banks interest on their required
Quarterly
reserve balances, reducing their incentive to avoid
holding such balances.
Interest Rates and Equity Prices, interest
rates on intermediate- and long-term Treasury securi-
ties moved lower, on balance, last year. Yields rose Thirty-year
Treasury
early in the year as market participants became
concerned that strength in demand would further
tighten resource utilization margins and increase
inflation unless the Federal Reserve took counter-
vailing action. Over the late spring and summer,
however, as growth moderated some and inflation
remained subdued, these concerns abated signifi-
cantly, and longer-term interest rates declined. Further 1965 1985 1995
reductions came in the latter part of the year as
Note. TTw twenty-year Treasury bond rate is shown until tie
economic problems mounted in Asia On balance. Int Issuance of IN* flirty-yew Treasury bond In February 1977.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
87
result, estimates of the real longer-Kim interest rale Equity Valuation and Long-Term Interest Rate
calculated by subtracting these measures of expected Percent
inflation from nominal yields indicate a slight decline
in teal rates over the year. In contrast, yields on S4P 500 aamings-pnce ratio
the inflation-indexed ten-year Treasury note rose
about a quarter percentage point between mid-
March (when market participants seem to have
Ten-year real
become more comfortable with the new security) and interest rate
the end of the year. The market for die indexed
securities is sufficiently small that their yields can
fluctuate temporarily as a result of moderate shifts
in supply or demand. Indeed, much of the rise in
the indexed yield came late in the year, when, in an
uncertain global economic environment, investors'
heightened desire for liquidity may have made
nominal securities relatively more attractive.
1979 1985 1997
With real interest rates remaining low and Not* The Mmtoa»-price Mo to based on A* l/B/E/S Inter-
corporate profits growing strongly, equities had national, Inc., conwraua Mtnuta of earnings owr the coming
another good year in 1997, and major stock indexes M TM f M tt U t m N o n n t o h t s o . T t h a e n n * tl • (u t * e T ru W s M ! r» J t * i n te W tw ta n y w t l a d p o ec n t t A n * to M ni i- y Ir e o a n r
rose 20 percent to 30 percent Although stocks began t» PhlaitolpM* Federal Retwve Survey of Professional
the year well, they fell with the upturn in interest fFnollrBa cnal ItMIIr sI.
rates in February. As interest rates subsequently
declined and earning reports remained quite upbeat,
the markets again advanced, with most broad indexes interest rates fell further and investors apparently
of stock prices leaching new highs in the spring. came to see the earnings consequences of Asian
Advances were much more modest, on balance, over difficulties as limited.
the second half of the year. Valuations seemed
Despite the strong performance of earnings and the
already to have incorporated very robust earnings
slower rise of stock prices since last summer, valua-
growth, and in October, deepening difficulties in Asia
tions seem to reflect a combination of expectations of
evidently led investors to lower then: expectations
quite rapid future earnings growth and a historically
for the earnings of some U.S. firms, particularly
small risk premium on equities. The gap between the
high-technology firms and money center banks.
market's forward-looking earnings-price ratio and the
More rapid price advances have resumed of late, as
real interest rate, measured by the ten-year Treasury
rate less a survey measure of inflation expectations,
was at the smallest sustained level last year in the
Major Slock Price Indexes
eighteen-year period for which these data are avail-
Indwt (DMwntMT 31. 1996 - 100) aide. Declines in this gap generally imply either that
expected real earnings growth has increased or that
140 the risk premiom over me real rate investors use when
valuing those earnings has fallen, or both. Survey
130 estimates of stock analysts' expectations of long-
120 term nominal earangs growth are, in fact, the high-
est observed in me fifteen years for which these data
110 are available. Because inflation has trended down
over the past fifteen years, me implicit forecast of the
100
growth in real earnings departs even further from past
90 forecasts. However, even with this forecast of real
earnings growth, the current level of equity valua-
80 tion suggests that investors arc also requiring a lower
risk premium on equities than has generally been the
JFMAMJJASONDJFMAMJJASONDJFM case in the past, a hypothesis supported by the low
1996 1997 1996 risk premiums evident in corporate bond yields last
Note. Lad atworvationt •» for Febuary 20. IMS. year.
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88
International Developments mark and other continental European currencies. In
response to varying indicators of the strength of the
The foreign exchange value of the dollar rose dur-
Japanese expansion, the dollar rose against die yen
ing 1997 in terms of the currencies of most of the
early in the year but then moved back down through
United Stales' trading partners. From die end of
midyear.
December 1996 through the end of December 1997,
the dollar on average gained 13 percent in nominal The crises in Asian financial markets dominated
terms against the currencies of the other G-10 developments during the second half of the year and
countries when those currencies are weighted by resulted in substantial appreciation of the dollar in
multilateral trade shares. In terms of a broader index terms of the currencies of Korea and several countries
of currencies that includes those of most industrial in Southeast Asia. The dollar also appreciated against
countries and several developing countries, the dol- the yen in response to evidence of financial sector
lar on balance nose nearly 14 percent in real terms fragility in Japan and faltering Japanese economic
during 1997.1 The trading desk of the New York activity, which were likely to be exacerbated by the
Federal Reserve Bank did not intervene in foreign negative impact of the Asian situation on Japan. Dur-
exchange markets during 1997. ing the first weeks of 1998. the dollar has changed
little, on average, in terms of the currencies of most
other industrial countries, but it has moved down in
Weighted Average G-10 Exchange Value terms of the yen.
ot the U.S. Dollar
Pronounced asset-price fluctuations in Southeast
Index, Man* 1973- 100 Asia began in early July when the Thai baht dropped
Nominal sharply immediately following the decision by
authorities to no longer defend the bahc's peg. Down-
ward pressure soon emerged on the currencies and
equity prices of other southeast Asian countries,
in particular Indonesia and Malaysia, Weakening
balance sheet positions of nonfinancial firms and
financial institutions, rising debt-service burdens, and
financial market stresses that resulted in part from
policies of pegging local currencies to the appreciat-
ing dollar prompted closer scrutiny of Asian
economies. As foreign creditors came to realize the
extent to which these Asian financial systems were
undercapitalized and inadequately supervised, they
80
1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 became less willing to continue to lend, making it
Note. In terms of the currencies of ttw oti«r G-1O countries. even more difficult for the Asian borrowers to meet
Weights an based on 1972-76 global trade of each g< fh* Mn their foreign currency obligations. Turbulence spread
countries. to Hong Kong in October. The depreciation of cur-
rencies elsewhere in Asia, in particular the decision
During the first half of 1997, the dollar appreci- by Taiwanese authorities to allow some downward
ated in terms of the currencies of the other indus- adjustment of the Taiwan dollar, led market par-
trial countries, as the continuing strength of U.S. ticipants to question the commitment of Hong Kong
economic activity raised expectations of further authorities to the peg of the Hong Kong dollar to the
tightening of U.S. monetary conditions. Concerns U.S. dollar. In response, the Hong Kong Monetary
about the implications of the transition to European Authority raised domestic interest rates substantially
Monetary Union and perceptions that monetary to defend the peg, driving down equity prices as a
policy was not likely to tighten significantly in consequence. Near the end of the year, the crisis
prospective member countries also contributed to spread to Korea, whose economy and financial sys-
the tendency for the dollar to rise in terms of the tem were already vulnerable as a result of numerous
bankruptcies of corporate conglomerates starting in
January 1997; these bankruptcies of major non-
2, Tail iadei wdghtt cnmncitj in tenni of the imporunce of financial firms further undermined Korean financial
each country in dSennining ihe jlotnl canptmtvmeu of US
institutions and, combined with the depreciations in
expoU md »djnjU Domiiul eidunge relei for dangu in rclttive
consumer prica. competitor countries, contributed to a loss of iiwes-
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
89
tor confidence. On balance, during 1997 the dollar Signs that adjustment is proceeding within these
appreciated significantly in terms of die Indonesian Asian economies are already evident For example,
rupiah (139 percent), the Korean won (100 percent), Thailand and Korea have registered strong improve-
and the Thai baht (82 percent), while it moved up ments in their trade balances in recent months. Equity
somewhat less in terms of the Taiwan dollar prices have recovered in Thailand, Indonesia, and
(19 percent) and was unchanged in terns of the Korea as well At the same time, signs of rising infla-
Hong Kong dollar, which remains pegged to die U.S. tion are beginning to emerge. In particular, consumer
dollar. Since year-end, die dollar has appreciated prices have accelerated in recent mondis in these
significantly further, on balance, in terms of UK three countries.
Indonesian rupiah and is little changed in terms of the
Korean won. Spillover of the financial crisis to the economies of
China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has been limited to
date. Steps to maintain die peg in Hong Kong have
The emergence of die financial crisis is causing a
marked slowdown in economic activity in these Asian resulted in elevated interest rates, sharply lower
equity prices, and increased uncertainty. However,
economies. During die first half of last year, real
output continued to expand in most of these countries in Taiwan, equity prices on balance rose nearly
IS percent in 1997 and have risen somewhat further
at about the robust rates enjoyed in 19%. Since die
onset of die crisis, domestic demand in these coun- so far this year. Real output growth in these dace
tries has been greatly weakened by disruption in economies remained robust early in 1997 but may
financial markets, substantially higher domestic inter- have slowed somewhat in China and Hong Kong in
est rates, sharply reduced credit availability, and recent months-
heightened uncertainty. In addition, macroeconomic Financial markets in some Latin American
policy has been tightened somewhat in Thailand, die countries also came under pressure in reaction to die
Philippines, Indonesia, and Korea in connection with intensification of die crises in Asia in late 1997. After
international support packages from the International remaining quite stable earlier in die year, die Mexican
Monetary Fund and other international financial peso dropped about 8 percent in terms of the U.S. dol-
institutions, and in connection with bilateral aid from lar in late October; since then, it has changed little,
individual countries. Announcement of agreement on balance. In Brazil, exchange market turbulence
with the IMF on die support packages temporarily abroad lowered market confidence in the authori-
buoyed asset markets in each country, but concerns ties' ability to maintain that country's managed
about the willingness or ability of governments to exchange rate regime; in response, short-term inter-
undertake difficult reforms and to achieve the staled est rates were raised 20 percentage points. The Brazil-
macroeconomic goals remained Additional measures ian exchange rate regime and the peg of die Argentine
to tighten die Korean program were announced in peso to the dollar have held. Real output growth in
mid-December and included improved reserve man- Mexico and Argentina remained healthy during 1997.
agement by me Bank of Korea, removal of certain In Brazil, growth fluctuated sharply during the year,
interest rate ceilings, and acceleration of capital with the high domestic interest rates and tighter
account liberalization and financial sector restruc- macroeconomk policy stance that were put in place
turing. With die encouragement of die authorities late in die year weakening domestic demand. Dur-
of die G-7 and other countries, banks in industrial ing 1997, consumer price inflation slowed signifi-
countries have generally rolled over the majority of cantly in Mexico and Brazil and remained very low in
dxar foreign-currency-denominated claims on Korean Argentina.
banks during early 1998, as a plan for financing die
external obligations of Korean financial institutions In Japan, die economic expansion faltered in die
was being formulated. After die announcement on second quarter as the effects on domestic demand of
January 28 of an agreement in principle for die the April increase in die consumption tax exceeded
exchange of existing claims on Korean banks for expectations; in addition, crises in many of Japan's
restructured loans carrying a guarantee from die Asian trading partners late in die year weakened
Korean government, die won stabilized. In the case of external demand and heightened concerns about the
Indonesia, the support package was renegotiated and fragility of Japan's financial sector. The dollar rose
reaffirmed witfi the IMF in mid-January, though about 10 percent against die yen during the first four
important elements of die approach of me Indo- mondis of 1997 as economic activity in the United
nesian authorities remain in question as this report is Slates strengthened relative to that in Japan and
submitted. as interest rate developments, including die FOMC
26
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
90
policy move in March, favored dollar assets. These Japanese long-term rates have dropped about
gains were temporarily reversed in May and June as 90 basis points, with most of the decrease coming in
market attention focused on the growing Japanese die second half of last year as evidence of sluggish
external surplus and tentative indications of improv- economic activity became more apparent. German
ing real activity. However, subsequent evidence of long-term rates have also fallen about 80 basis points
disappointing ouiput growth, revelations of addi- as expectations of tightening by the Bundesbank
tional problems in the financial sector, and concerns diminished, especially toward the end of the year. The
about the implications of turmoil elsewhere in Asia turbulence in Asian asset markets likely contributed
for the Japanese economy contributed to a rise in the to inflows into bond markets in several of the indus-
dollar in terms of the yen during the second half of trial countries, including the United States. Long-
the year. On net, the dollar appreciated nearly term rales in the United Kingdom have declined
13 percent against the yen during 1997; so far in about 150 basis points. Legislation to increase the
1998, it has moved back down slightly, on balance. independence of the Bank of England and repeated
tightening of monetary policy during the year
In Germany and France, output growth rose in reassured markets that some slowing of the very rapid
1997 from its modest 1996 pace, boosted in both
countries by the strong performance of net exports.
Nevertheless, the dollar rose in terms of the mark and U.S. and Foreign Interest Rates
other continental European currencies through Three-month
midyear, responding not only to stronger US. eco-
nomic activity but also to concerns about the tune-
table for launching European Monetary Union
(EMU), the process of the transition to a single cur-
Average foreign
rency, and the policy resolve of the prospective
members. Later in the year the dollar moved bade
down slightly and then fluctuated narrowly in terms
of the mark, as investors concluded that the transi- U.S. large CD
tion to EMU was likely to be smooth, with me euro
introduced on tune on January 1, 1999. and with a
broad membership. On balance, the dollar rose about
17 percent against the mark during 1997 and has
varied little since then.
In the United Kingdom and Canada, real output i i i
growth was vigorous in 1997. All the components of
U.K. domestic demand continued to expand strongly. Ten-year
In Canada, more robust private consumption spend-
ing and less fiscal restraint boosted real GDP growth Monthly
from its moderate 1996 pace. Central bank official
lending rales were raised in both countries during the
year to address the threat of rising inflation. The value
of the pound eased slightly in terms of the dollar over
Average foreign
the year, whereas the Canadian dollar fell more than
4 percent in terms of the U.S. dollar. Much of the
movement in the Canadian dollar came during the
fourth quarter, as the crisis in Asia contributed to a
weakening of global commodity prices and thus a
likely lessening of Canadian export earnings. The
asury
Canadian dollar depreciated further early in 1998,
reaching historic lows against the U.S. dollar in Janu-
ary, but it has rebounded with the tightening by the
Bank of Canada in late January. 1993 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998
Long-term interest rates have generally declined No*. Average foreign mtt» are the global ntfe-vrafehtKl
twaraga, for 1M ot*r Q-10 counbtM, of yields on Inttrumanb
in the other G-10 countries since the end of 1996. . InsWimants shown.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
91
pace of economic growth was likely and that the fourth quarter following severe equity price declines
Bank would be aggressive in resisting inflation in the in many Asian markets, increases in equity price
future. Three-month market interest rates generally indexes over 1997 ranged from 17 percent in the
have risen in the other G-10 countries, although ftere United Kingdom to almost 60 percent in Italy. In
have been exceptions. Bates have moved up the most contrast, equity prices fell 20 percent in Japan. To
in Canada (more than ISO basis points) and (he date this year, equity prices in the industrial countries
United Kingdom (120 basis points), in response to generally have risen.
several increases in official lending rales. Gennan
The price of gold declined more than 20 percent
rates have risen about 40 basis points. Short-term
in 1997 and fell further in early 1998, reaching lows
rates in the countries that are expected to adopt a
not seen since the laic 1970s. Open discussion and, in
single currency on January 1 of next ysai converged
some cases, confirmation of centra) bank sates of gold
towaid the relatively low levels of Gennan and
contributed to the prce decline. Downward adjust-
French rates, with Kalian rates declining more than
ment of expectations of inflation in the industrial
100 basis points over the year.
countries in general may have added to the selling
Equity prices in the foreign G-10 countries other pressure on gold. More recently, the price of gold has
than Japan moved up significantly in 1997. Despite moved up slightly, on net.
some volatility in these markets, particularly in the
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Cite this document
APA
Alan Greenspan (1998, February 23). Congressional Testimony. Testimony, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19980224_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_report_of
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_testimony_19980224_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_report_of,
author = {Alan Greenspan},
title = {Congressional Testimony},
year = {1998},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Testimony, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19980224_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_report_of},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}