testimony · February 25, 1997
Congressional Testimony
Alan Greenspan
S. HRG. 105-221
ERAL RESERVE'S FIRST MONETARY POLICY
REPORT FOR 1997
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON
BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AFFAIRS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
ON
OVERSIGHT ON THE MONETARY POLICY REPORT TO CONGRESS PURSU-
ANT TO THE FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OF
1978
FEBRUARY 26, 1997
Printed for the use of the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
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COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AFFAIRS
ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York, Chairman
PHIL GRAMM, Texas PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland
RICHARD C. SHELBY, Alabama CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut
CONNIE MACK, Florida JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts
LAUGH FAIRCLOTH, North Carolina RICHARD H. BRYAN, Nevada
ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah BARBARA BOXER, California
ROD GRAMS, Minnesota CAROL MOSELEY-BRAUN, Illinois
WAYNE ALLARD, Colorado TIM JOHNSON, South Dakota
MICHAEL B. ENZI, Wyoming JACK REED, Rhode Island
CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska
HOWARD A. MENELL, Staff Director
STEVEN B. HARRIS, Democratic Staff Director and Chief Counsel
PHILIP E. BECHTEL, Chief Counsel
PEGGY KUHN, Financial Analyst
PATRICK A MIITJXW. Democratic Chief International Counsel
HG
538
U5325
97-1
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CONTENTS
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1997
Opening statement of Chairman D'Amato 1
Opening statements, comments, or prepared statements of:
Senator Sarbanes 2
Senator Shelby 4
Senator Mack 4
Prepared statement 33
Senator Bennett 5
Senator Allard 5
Senator Hagel 5
Senator Fairclfcth 22
Prepared statement 33
Senator Dodd 23
Senator Reed 27
Senator Moseley-Braun 34
WITNESS
Alan Greenspan, Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Sys-
tem, Washington, DC 5
Prepared statement 35
Response to Written Questions of Senator D'Amato 41
Attachment 1 48
Attachment 2 50
ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUPPLIED FOR THE RECORD
Monetary Policy Report to Congress, February 26, 1997 54
Letter from Alan Greenspan, Chairman, Federal Reserve, to Senator Richard
C. Shelby, dated April 10, 1997 with Attachments 80
Joint Committee on Taxation Chart 86
(III)
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FEDERAL RESERVE'S FIRST MONETARY
POLICY REPORT FOR 1997
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1997
U.S. SENATE,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AFFAIRS,
Washington, DC.
The Committee met at 10:10 a.m., in room SD-106 of the Dirk-
sen Senate Office Building, Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato (Chairman
of the Committee) presiding.
OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN ALFONSE M. D'AMATO
The CHAIRMAN. The Committee will come to order.
The Committee is pleased to welcome Chairman Greenspan this
morning to hear the Federal Reserve's semiannual report on the
economy to Congress.
Chairman Greenspan, I have shared this with others. You might
be wondering what we were gathering about. This past Sunday,
The Washington Post Magazine on page 5 had one of the abso-
lutely, most interesting analyses of Chairman Greenspan. I have
passed copies out to the Members. Senator Hagel, do you have a
copy of this analysis?
Senator HAGEL. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. I would commend it to all of those soothsayers
and those who hang on every single word of the Chairman's, par-
ticularly as it relates to their anxieties about just how high is high.
Let me just share a few of these. It is entitled, "Reading Mr.
Greenspan." Of course, it has his famous eyeglass pose. You notice
that one? He goes like this [indicating]. When he does that, adjust-
ing the eyeglasses with fingertips, it says, that's the Wait-and-See
posture. Then his most famous pose of resting his face on his
hands, that's the Need-to-Support-the-Dollar. Arms-Akimbo—and
we have seen that several times—that's a possible hike in interest
rates. When he does that, the entire table over there, the press,
they race out to make their phone calls to let everyone know. And
then last but not least, that's the one-handed pushups. I don't
know how many of you have seen that. That's a warning that he
might not be able to reduce rates.
Anyway, Mr. Chairman, it is good to have you here. The fact is
The Wall Street Journal today also attempted to explain how you
interpret the vast volumes of data. Their conclusion seems to be
that you alone have a unique ability that isn't easily duplicated.
And we agree with that.
(1)
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I think you have done an outstanding job. You have brought con-
fidence to the marketplace and we are pleased and delighted to
have you with us today.
The serious parts of my statement have been duplicated many
times before, so I am not going to bother even putting them into
the record. But I want to say, welcome. We're delighted to have you
and look forward to your message.
Senator Sarbanes.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR PAUL S. SARBANES
Senator SARBANES. Thank you very much, Chairman D'Amato.
I am pleased to join in welcoming Chairman Greenspan to the
Banking Committee this morning to testify on the Federal Re-
serve's semiannual report to Congress on monetary policy.
Since January 1996, over a year ago, the Federal Reserve has
left short-term interest rates unchanged. This policy of the Fed's,
I think, has been vindicated by the performance of the economy.
Evidence largely points to an economy that is growing at a sustain-
able pace with no evidence of inflation.
In fact, earlier this month the Labor Department reported that
consumer prices rose one-tenth of 1 percent in January. The core
portion of the Consumer Price Index, which excludes volatile food
and energy prices, also rose only one-tenth of 1 percent last month.
Over the past 12 months, the core CPI has risen 2Y2 percent,
matching the figure for the 12 months ending December 1994, the
smallest such increase in 31 years. So, with the exception of 1994,
this is the best performance in 31 years.
The Labor Department also reported earlier this month that the
prices charged by American producers fell in January, the first
monthly decline in 2 years. The Producer Price Index for finished
goods fell three-tenths of 1 percent. These benign results are re-
garded by many analysts as further confirmation that inflation
poses little threat and that the economy's growth rate has eased
from its rapid pace in the fourth quarter of 1996.
A senior economist at Merrill Lynch in fact stated: "Never, never,
never has inflation been so low at such an advanced stage of a
business cycle. We believe it will remain low."
This outstanding inflation performance is being buttressed by the
rapid growth in business investment. As Janet Yellen, a former
colleague of Chairman Greenspan's at the Federal Reserve Board
who was recently confirmed by the Senate to be the Chairman of
the Council of Economic Advisers, said at her confirmation hearing
before this Committee, and I quote her:
Throughout our long expansion, inflation has remained low and fallen by most
broad measures; and investment in plant and equipment—the driving force of this
expansion—has grown at a phenomenal pace.
The rapid growth in business investment has increased the pro-
ductive capacity of many industries. Indices of industrial commod-
ity prices have been trending downward. Earlier this month, the
National Association of Purchasing Management said delivery of
items ordered by manufacturers speeded up in January, a clear
sign there is no strain in that part of the economy.
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Contrary to the predictions of some, the unemployment rate has
now been below 6 percent for 2V2 years, while the economy has en-
joyed this previously recited outstanding performance on inflation.
Now, my recollection, Chairman Greenspan, is that you have ex-
pressed skepticism about this so-called concept of the natural rate
of unemployment. My understanding of your past testimony is that
the workings of the economy are far more complex than that and
that is a concept that is perhaps not helpful to us.
Although there were many who have asserted that if you get
unemployment down below 6 percent, then inflation is going to go
up. Of course, if we had abided by that counsel, we would have for-
saken a lot of growth and a lot of jobs, if we had taken policies con-
sistent with that particular dogma.
Unemployment has remained stable at about 5.4 percent for the
past year. And the continued demand for workers has been strong
across the country. A record share of the U.S. population over age
15, nearly two-thirds had a job in January, the Labor Department
reported.
I just want to make one final observation. And that is that this
extended period now of relatively low unemployment, I think, is
bringing us beneficial results, much to be desired and results that
I do not think would otherwise have occurred had we not had such
a sustained period.
The New York Times, at the beginning of this month, had an ar-
ticle entitled, "A Sharp Decrease in Welfare Cases Is Gathering
Speed." And it then went on to point to this drop in the welfare
rolls across the country, and I quote them:
Much of the decline seems driven by the country's economic expansion, which has
kept the unemployment rate below 6 percent for 28 consecutive months. But some
of it also seems to stem from the efforts of many States in the last few years to
place welfare recipients in jobs.
Then it goes on to note:
Researchers are uncertain which force is dominant: good times or tough laws.
They discuss various State programs to move people from welfare
to work. And they also discuss, of course, the strong performance
of the economy.
I don't think one has to necessarily decide that issue in terms of
allocating percentages. I think it is clear that the good performance
of the economy and a sustained period of low unemployment is an
important contributor to helping to bring down the welfare rolls. In
fact, later in this article, after discussing some States that have
substantially changed the welfare policy, the article notes:
West Virginia has also had a sharp reduction in welfare, with its rolls shrinking
33 percent since March 1994, but it is also one of the few States that did not change
welfare policy. Officials have attributed the reduction to a growth of jobs as the
State's unemployment rate fell from 8.9 percent in 1994 to 6.8 percent at the end
of last year.
So I want to underscore the very important contribution which
I think a strongly growing economy and a low-unemployment rate
over a sustained period of time makes toward helping to reduce the
welfare rolls. I think it is also reflected in the improvement in un-
employment in many of our major cities. It takes a period of sus-
tained good times and lowered unemployment before it really
reaches into our urban centers with very positive results, which we
are now seeing across the country.
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I very much hope, Mr. Chairman, that the Fed keeps this dimen-
sion in mind as it considers monetary policy as we move into 1997.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Shelby.
OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR RICHARD C. SHELBY
Senator SHELBY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Fm looking forward to hearing your statement, Chairman Green-
span. I am particularly interested in your testimony today because
it seems that a lot of people are reading the economic data and
have been lulled into complacency, believing that we are in a state
of nirvana. On the contrary, I believe we should be very concerned
because it's times like this when we least expect it that inflation
will show its ugly head. We have seen it before. I hope not.
I point to this record of low inflation and continued expansion as
evidence that monetary policy should strive for price stability and
zero inflation, as you have enunciated here many, many times.
This can only be achieved, I believe, with a strong, independent
central bank, which you've chaired.
I want to credit, Mr. Chairman, the Federal Reserve and thank
them for their continued efforts and their success in achieving low
inflation over the course of this expansion that Senator Sarbanes
brought up. Inflation, however, remains a very real and important
concern of mine and other people. I hope it remains, Chairman
Greenspan, a concern of the Federal Open Market Committee.
I look forward to hearing your testimony.
The CHAIRMAN. Senator Mack.
OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR CONNIE MACK
Senator MACK. Mr. Chairman, I would ask that my statement be
included in the record.
The CHAIRMAN. So ordered.
Senator MACK. I just want to welcome Chairman Greenspan and
also echo the other thoughts that have been expressed here in com-
mending the Federal Reserve for the work that they've done over
the years in moving toward price stability.
I will be reintroducing legislation that I introduced last year, the
"Economic Growth and Price Stability Act," which, in essence, says
that there ought to be a single objective for the Federal Reserve,
and that's price stability.
I believe that one of the significant factors with respect to the
economic growth that we have experienced is because we have seen
long-term interest rates come down. And long-term interest rates
are a reflection of people's expectations. The Fed can't control long-
term interest rates. They can affect short-term interest rates. But
because of the belief that the Fed is committed to price stability,
long-term interest rates have come down. Long-term interest rates
affect many, many factors of the economy and consumers.
So, again, I congratulate you on the work that you have done and
look forward to hearing your testimony.
The CHAIRMAN. Senator Bennett.
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OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR ROBERT F. BENNETT
Senator BENNETT. Thank youj Mr. Chairman.
I have no opening statement, but I have some questions that 111
pursue when we get to that point. I simply want to welcome the
Chairman and tell him Fm looking forward to his comments.
The CHAIRMAN. Senator Allard.
OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR WAYNE ALLARD
Senator ALLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have some brief remarks to Mr. Greenspan and the Committee.
I have heard his testimony before as a member of the Budget Com-
mittee over on the House side and I am looking forward to your
comments here today.
I would just like to take this opportunity to welcome you to the
Senate Banking Committee and thank you for your leadership in
helping to sustain the economic expansion while controlling infla-
tion. And while I appreciate your role in the monetary policy of this
Nation, I am particularly concerned with the future of the main
governmental component in the economy, and that's fiscal policy.
Although we have been successful in bringing down the deficit in
recent years, I am concerned that Congress will lack the willpower
to bring the reforms needed to finally balance the budget. If Con-
gress fails to reform entitlements and does not continue to control
discretionary spending, the deficit will begin to rise and will rise
very quickly.
I look forward to hearing your assessment of the importance to
the economy of balancing the budget and about the economic effects
of failing to address the root causes of the deficit problem.
Again, I thank you for coming before this Committee today and
I appreciate any insight that you may give to address my concerns.
Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Hagel.
OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR CHUCK HAGEL
Senator HAGEL. Mr. Chairman, thank you.
Mr. Greenspan, welcome. I too look forward to your testimony
and the exchange this morning. I am particularly pleased that you
are here in this bigger room. It gives me on the end a little more
space.
[Laughter.]
So welcome. Nice to have you.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Mr. Chairman, I think this is probably the earliest we have ever
gotten to you. Generally, we take about an hour with all of our
speeches. So I want to commend all my colleagues and now turn
to you, Chairman Greenspan.
OPENING STATEMENT OF ALAN GREENSPAN
CHAIRMAN, BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Chairman GREENSPAN. I thank them all and you, Mr. Chairman,
for these kind remarks.
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I will be excerpting from my prepared remarks and request, as
usual, that the full remarkfe be included in the record.
The CHAIRMAN. So ordered.
Chairman GREENSPAN. It is always a pleasure to appear before
this Committee every 6 months to present the Federal Reserve's
semiannual report on monetary policy.
The performance of the U.S. economy over the past year has
been quite favorable. Real GDP growth picked up to more than 3
percent over the four quarters of 1996, as the economy progressed
through its sixth year of expansion. Employers added more than
2V2 million workers to their payrolls in 1996 and the unemploy-
ment rate fell further.
Senator SARBANES. Mr. Chairman, could you pull the microphone
a little closer? I think it would help all of us a bit.
Chairman GREENSPAN. Nominal wages and salaries have in-
creased faster than prices, meaning workers have gained ground in
real terms, reflecting the benefits of rising productivity. Outside
the food and energy sectors, increases in consumer prices actually
have continued to edge lower with core CPI inflation only 2Vz per-
cent over the past 12 months.
Low inflation last year was both a symptom and a cause of the
good economy. It was symptomatic of the balance and the solidity
of the expansion and the evident absence of major strains on re-
sources. At the same time, continued low levels of inflation and in-
flation expectations have been a key support for healthy economic
performance. They have helped to create a financial and economic
environment conducive to strong capital spending and longer-range
planning generally, and so to sustained economic expansion. Con-
sequently, the Federal Open Market Committee believes it is cru-
cial to keep inflation contained in the near term and ultimately to
move toward price stability.
Looking ahead, the members of the FOMC expect inflation to re-
main low and the economy to grow appreciably further. However,
as I shall be discussing, the unusually good inflation performance
of recent years seems to be owed in large part to some temporary
factors, of uncertain longevity.
Thus, the FOMC continues to see the distribution of inflation
risks skewed to the upside and must remain especially alert to the
possible emergence of imbalances in financial and product markets
that ultimately could endanger the maintenance of the low-infla-
tion environment. Sustainable economic expansion for 1997 and be-
yond depends on it.
For some, the benign inflation outcome of 1996 might be consid-
ered surprising, as resource utilization rates, particularly of labor,
were in the neighborhood of those that historically have been asso-
ciated with building inflation pressures. To be sure, an acceleration
in nominal labor compensation, especially its wage component, be-
came evident over the past year. But the rate of pay increase still
was markedly less than historical relationships with labor market
conditions would have predicted. Atypical restraint on compensa-
tion increases has been evident for a few years now and appears
to be mainly the consequence of greater worker insecurity.
The reluctance of workers to leave their jobs to seek other em-
ployment as the labor market tightened has provided evidence of
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such concern, as has the tendency toward longer labor union con-
tracts. The low level of work stoppages of recent years also attests
to concern about job security. Thus, the willingness of workers in
recent years to trade off smaller increases in wages for greater job
security seems to be reasonably well documented.
The unanswered question is why this insecurity persisted even
as the labor market, by all objective measures, tightened consider-
ably. One possibility may lie in the rapid evolution of technologies
in use in the work place. Technological change almost surely has
been an important impetus behind corporate restructuring and
downsizing. Also, it contributes to the concern of workers that their
job skills may become inadequate.
Certainly, other factors have contributed to the softness in com-
pensation growth in the past few years. The sharp deceleration in
health care costs, of course, is cited frequently. Another is the
heightened pressure on firms and their workers in industries that
compete internationally. Domestic deregulation has had similar
effects on the intensity of competitive forces in some industries. In
any event, although I do not doubt that all of these factors are rel-
evant, I would be surprised if they were nearly as important as job
insecurity.
If heightened job insecurity is the most significant explanation of
the break with the past in recent years, then it is important to rec-
ognize that, as I indicated in last February's Humphrey-Hawkins
testimony, suppressed wage cost growth as a consequence of job in-
security can be carried only so far. At some point, the trade-off of
subdued wage growth for job security has to come to an end. In
other words, the relatively modest wage gains we have experienced
are a temporary rather than a lasting phenomenon. Even if real
wages were to remain permanently on a lower upward track than
otherwise, as a result of the greater sense of insecurity, the rate
of change of wages would revert at some point to a normal relation-
ship with inflation. The unknown is when this transition period
will end.
Indeed, some recent evidence suggests that the labor markets
bear especially careful watching for signs that the return to more
normal patterns may be in process. The Bureau of Labor Statistics
reported that people were somewhat more willing to quit their
jobs to seek other employment in January than previously. The
possibility that this reflects greater confidence by workers accords
with a recent further rise in the percent of households responding
to a Conference Board survey who perceive that job availability is
plentiful. Of course, the job market has continued to be quite good
recently. Employment in January registered robust growth and ini-
tial claims for unemployment insurance have been at a relatively
low level of late. Wages rose faster in 1996 than in 1995 by most
measures, perhaps also raising questions about whether the transi-
tional period of unusually slow wage gains may be drawing to a
close.
To be sure, the pickup in wage gains has not shown through to
underlying price inflation. Increases in the core CPI, as well as in
several broader measures of prices, have stayed subdued or even
edged off further in recent months. As best we can judge, faster
productivity growth last year meant that rising compensation gains
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8
did not cause labor costs per unit of output to increase any more
rapidly. Nonlabor costs, which are roughly a quarter of total con-
solidated costs of the nonfinancial corporate sector, were little
changed in 1996.
Owing in part to this subdued behavior of unit costs, profits and
rates of return on capital have risen to high levels. As a con-
sequence, businesses believe that, were they to raise prices to boost
profits further, competitors with already ample profit margins
would not follow suit. Instead, that they would use the occasion to
capture a greater market share. This interplay is doubtless a sig-
nificant factor in the evident loss of pricing power in American
business.
Intensifying global competition also may be further restraining
domestic firms' ability to hike prices, as well as wages. Clearly, the
appreciation of the dollar on balance over the past 18 months or
so, together with low inflation in many of our trading partners, has
resulted in a marked decline in non-oil import prices that has
helped to damp domestic inflation pressures. Yet it is important to
emphasize that these influences, too, would be holding down infla-
tion only temporarily; they represent a transition to a lower price
level than would otherwise prevail, not to a permanently lower rate
of inflation.
Against the background of all of these considerations, the FOMC
has recognized the need to remain vigilant for signs of potentially
inflationary imbalances that might, if not corrected promptly, un-
dermine our economic expansion. The FOMC, in fact, has signaled
a state of heightened alert for possible policy tightening since last
July in its policy directives. But, we have also taken care not to act
prematurely. The FOMC refrained from changing policy last sum-
mer, despite expectations of a near-term policy firming by many
financial market participants. In light of the developments I have
just discussed affecting wages and prices, we thought inflation
might well remain damped and, in any case, was unlikely to pick
up very rapidly, in part because the economic expansion appeared
likely to slow to a more sustainable pace. In the event, inflation
has remained quiescent since then.
Given the lags with which monetary policy affects the economy,
however, we cannot rule out a situation in which a pre-emptive pol-
icy tightening may become appropriate before any sign of actual
higher inflation becomes evident. If the FOMC were to implement
such an action, it would be judging that the risks to the economic
expansion of waiting longer had increased unduly and had begun
to outweigh the advantages of waiting for the uncertainties to be
reduced by the accumulation of more information about economic
trends. Indeed, the hallmark of a successful policy to foster sustain-
able economic growth is that inflation does not rise. I find it ironic
that our actions in 1994 and early 1995 were criticized by some be-
cause inflation did not turn upward. That outcome, of course, was
the intent of the tightening, and I am satisfied that our actions
then were both necessary and effective, and helped to foster the
continued economic expansion.
To be sure, 1997 is not 1994. The real Federal funds rate today
is significantly higher than it was 3 years ago. Then we had just
completed an extended period of monetary ease which addressed
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the credit stringencies of the early 1990's, and with the abatement
of the credit crunch, the low real Federal funds rate of early 1994
was clearly incompatible with containing inflation and sustaining
growth going forward. In February 1997, in contrast, our concern
is a matter of relative risks rather than of expected outcomes. The
real funds rate, judging by core inflation, is only slightly below its
early 1995 peak for this cycle and might be at a level that will pro-
mote continued noninflationary growth, especially considering the
recent rise in the exchange rate of the dollar. Nonetheless, we can't
be sure. The risks of being wrong are clearly tilted to the upside.
I wish it were possible to lay out in advance exactly what con-
ditions have to prevail to portend a build-up of inflation pressures
or inflationary psychology. However, the circumstances that have
been associated with increasing inflation in the past have not fol-
lowed a single pattern. The processes have differed from cycle to
cycle and what may have been a useful leading indicator in one
instance has given off misleading signals in another.
I have already discussed the key role of labor market develop-
ments in restraining inflation in the current cycle and our careful
monitoring of signs that the transition phase of trading off lower
real wages for greater job security might be coming to a close. As
always, with resource utilization rates high, we would need to
watch closely a situation in which demand was clearly unsustain-
able because it was producing escalating pressures on resources,
which could destabilize the economy. And we would need to be
watchful that the progress that we have made in keeping inflation
expectations damped was not eroding. In general, though, our anal-
ysis will need to encompass all potentially relevant information,
from financial markets as well as the economy, especially when
some signals, like those in the labor market, have not been follow-
ing their established patterns.
The ongoing economic expansion to date has reinforced our con-
viction about the importance of low inflation—and the public's con-
fidence in continued low inflation.
This year overall inflation is anticipated to stay restrained. The
central tendency of the forecasts made by the Board members and
Reserve Bank presidents has the increase in the total CPI slipping
back into a range of 2% to 3 percent over the four quarters of the
year. This slight fall-off from last year's pace is expected to owe in
part to a slower rise in food prices as some of last year's supply
limitations ease. More importantly, world oil supplies are projected
by most analysts to increase relative to world oil demand, and fu-
tures markets project a further decline in prices, at least in the
near-term. Nonetheless, the trend in inflation rates in the core CPI
and in broader price measures may be somewhat less favorable
than in recent years.
The unemployment rate, according to Board members and Bank
presidents, should stay around 5Vi to 5Vz percent through the
fourth quarter, consistent with their projections of measured real
GDP growth of 2 to 2Vi percent over the four quarters of the year.
The usual uncertainties in the overall outlook are especially fo-
cused on the behavior of consumers. Consumption should rise
roughly in line with the projected moderate expansion of disposable
income, but both upside and downside risks are present. According
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to various surveys, sentiment is decidedly upbeat. Consumers have
enjoyed healthy gains in their real incomes, along with the extraor-
dinary stock market driven rise in their financial wealth over the
last couple of years.
It is possible, however, that households have been reluctant to
spend much of their added wealth because they see a greater need
to keep it to help support spending in retirement. Many households
have expressed heightened concern about their financial security in
old age, which reportedly has led to the increased provision for re-
tirement.
Moreover, consumer debt burdens are near historic highs, while
credit card delinquencies and personal bankruptcies have risen
sharply over the past year. These circumstances may make both
borrowers and lenders a bit more cautious, damping spending.
The Federal Reserve will be weighing all of these influences as
it endeavors to help extend the current period of sustained growth.
The participants in financial markets seem to believe that in the
current benign environment the FOMC will succeed indefinitely.
There is no evidence, however, that the business cycle has been re-
pealed. Another recession will doubtless occur some day owing to
circumstances that could not be, or at least were not, perceived by
policymakers and financial market participants alike. History dem-
onstrates that participants in financial markets are susceptible to
waves of optimism, which can in turn foster a general process of
asset-price inflation that can feed through into markets for goods
and services. Excessive optimism sows the seeds of its own reversal
in the form of imbalances that tend to grow over time. When un-
warranted expectations ultimately are not realized, the unwinding
of these financial excesses can act to amplify a downturn in eco-
nomic activity, much as they can amplify the upswing. As you
know, Mr. Chairman, last December, I put the question this way:
"How do we know when irrational exuberance has unduly escalated
asset values, which then become subject to unexpected and pro-
longed contractions?"
We have not been able, as yet, to provide a satisfying answer to
this question, but there are reasons in the current environment to
keep this question on the table. Clearly, when people are exposed
to long periods of relative economic tranquility, they seem inevi-
tably prone to complacency about the future. This is understand-
able. We have had 15 years of economic expansion interrupted by
only one recession, and that was 6 years ago. As the memory of
such past events fades, it naturally seems ever less sensible to keep
up one's guard against an adverse event in the future. Thus, it
should come as no surprise that, after such a long period of bal-
anced expansion, risk premiums for advancing funds to businesses
in virtually all financial markets have declined to near record lows.
Is it possible that there is something fundamentally new about
this current period that would warrant such complacency? Yes, it
is possible. Markets may have become more efficient, competition
is more global, and information technology has doubtless enhanced
the stability of business operations. But, regrettably, history is
strewn with visions of such "new eras" that, in the end, have prov-
en to be a mirage. In short, history counsels caution.
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Such caution seems especially warranted with regard to the
sharp rise in equity prices during the past 2 years. These gains
have obviously raised questions of sustainability. Analytically, cur-
rent stock market valuations at prevailing long-term interest rates
could be justified by very strong earnings growth expectations. In
fact, the long-term earnings projections of financial analysts have
been marked up noticeably over the last year and seem to imply
very high earnings growth and continued rising profit margins, at
a time when such margins are already up appreciably from their
depressed levels of 5 years ago. It could be argued that, although
margins are the highest in a generation, they are still below those
that prevailed in the 1960's. Nonetheless, further increases in these
margins would evidently require continued restraint on costs: labor
compensation continuing to grow at its current pace and productiv-
ity growth picking up. Neither, of course, can be ruled out. But we
should keep in mind that, at these relatively low long-term interest
rates, small changes in long-term earnings expectations could have
outsized impacts on equity prices.
Caution also seems warranted by the narrow yield spreads that
suggest perceptions of low risk, possibly unrealistically low risk.
Considerable optimism about the ability of businesses to sustain
this current healthy financial condition seems, as I indicated ear-
lier, to be influencing the setting of risk premiums, not just in the
stock market, but throughout the financial system. This optimistic
attitude has become especially evident in quality spreads on high-
yield corporate bonds—what we used to call "junk bonds." In addi-
tion, banks have continued to ease terms and standards on busi-
ness loans, and margins on many of these loans are now quite thin.
Many banks are pulling back a little from consumer credit card
lending as losses exceed expectations. Nonetheless, some bank and
nonbank lenders have been expanding aggressively into the home
equity loan market and so-called "subprime" auto lending, although
recent problems in the latter may already be introducing a sense
of caution.
Why should the central bank be concerned about the possibility
that financial markets may be overestimating returns or mispricing
risk? It is not that we have a firm view that equity prices are nec-
essarily excessive right now or risk spreads patently too low. Our
goal is to contribute as best we can to the highest possible growth
of income and wealth over time, and we would be pleased if the fa-
vorable economic environment projected in markets actually comes
to pass. Rather, the FOMC has to be sensitive to indications of
even slowly building imbalances, whatever their source, that, by
fostering the emergence of inflation pressures, would ultimately
threaten healthy economic expansion.
I will conclude, Mr. Chairman, on the same upbeat note about
the U.S. economy with which I began. Although a central banker's
occupational responsibility is to stay on the outlook for trouble,
even I must admit that our economic prospects in general are quite
favorable. The flexibility of our market system and the vibrancy of
our private sector remain examples for the whole world to emulate.
The Federal Reserve will endeavor to do its part by continuing to
foster a monetary framework under which our citizens can prosper
to the fullest possible extent.
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Thank you very much. I look forward to your questions.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Chairman, I would like to make a prediction
on your conclusion with respect to the prospects of the market. I
predict it will probably close about 120 points up today.
[Laughter.]
I hope no one bets on that.
[Laughter.]
Senator MACK. For selling short.
[Laughter.]
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Chairman, recently, you testified before the
Budget Committee that you supported a capital gains tax rate of
zero. You also indicated that that tax cut could actually produce
revenue for the Government. What impact do you believe such a
cut would have on the average American citizen?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Well, the point I made before the Budget
Committee, Mr. Chairman, was that if the capital gains tax were
eliminated, we would presumably, over time, see increased eco-
nomic growth which would raise revenues from the personal and
the corporate income taxes, as well, obviously, as other taxes which
we have.
It's not clear exactly to what extent the degree of revenue would
fully offset the loss in taxes that are associated with the capital
gains tax itself. But I also went on to say that the crucial issue
about the capital gains tax is not in its revenue-raising capacity.
I think it's a very poor tax for that purpose and, indeed, its major
impact, as best I can judge, is to impede entrepreneurial activity
and capital formation.
While all taxes impede economic growth to one extent or another,
the capital gains tax, in my judgment, is at the far end of the scale.
And so, I have argued that the appropriate capital gains tax rate
was zero and, short of that, any cuts and especially indexing would,
in my judgment, be an act that would be appropriate policy for this
Congress.
The CHAIRMAN. Well, I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
I hope that some of our colleagues and the Administration would
listen to your remarks.
Certainly, if there's anybody who has credibility with respect to
what the impact of various tax policies should have, it would be
yourself. I think this business of saying, well, this is going to help
wealthy people and that the impact would not be felt throughout
the entire economy is not correct. As you have indicated, the effect
of a cut or reduction would be felt at all levels, and create jobs and
free up the capital system. But coming from you, I hope that that
maybe gives us an impetus to continue that push.
Let me ask you one thing, maybe somewhat esoteric. In previous
reports, you have noted that the increasing usage of retail sweep
accounts by banks in order to get around the reserve requirements
because they don't get interest on those requirements was some-
thing of concern. How serious a threat to implementing monetary
policy are these sweep accounts? And is there a threat as it relates
to the Fed's being able to have some impact as to interest rates?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Mr. Chairman, what that does is affect
our reserve position and our ability to employ standard open mar-
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ket monetary policy to affect the financial condition of the banking
system and the markets generally.
Part of the problem is being offset by the fact that even though
reserve balances are falling because of these sweep accounts, clear-
ing balances, required and otherwise, which banks use for purposes
of obtaining services from the Federal Reserve, have been reason-
ably high. We have not experienced any specific problem in imple-
menting monetary policy.
Far more important, however, is that this is truly a technical
issue. If we were to run into difficulty, there are many other re-
gimes for the implementation of monetary policy which we could
bring forth and obtain pretty much the same result we get today.
It would be an inconvenience, but it would not be anything which
we could consider to be a significant problem.
So while our technicians do worry about it and, indeed, we are
concerned, especially during the period which has just passed when
reserves are exceptionally low for seasonal reasons, that we would
run into some difficulty, we haven't. And so I think it's a technical
problem and I would not give it terribly much thought.
The CHAIRMAN. One last question, Mr. Chairman. Should Con-
gress authorize the Fed to pay interest on bank reserves?
Chairman GREENSPAN. We have always argued that were we to
pay interest on bank reserves, the problem that a number of the
banks are having with respect to so-called sterile reserves on their
balance sheets would disappear, and we have advocated that. And
indeed, we have also advocated the abolition of the restriction on
payment of interest on demand deposits as well.
The problem, as I'm sure you're aware, is that that would induce
a fairly significant reduction in Federal budget receipts because a
substantial amount of payment on those reserves clearly offsets the
amount that we would be paying to the Treasury. However, I
would stipulate that as reserves fall, the aggregate amounts that
we are paying decline, so that it may become an issue which gradu-
ally disappears by itself.
The CHAIRMAN. I think that your views are certainly worthy of
our consideration. I would ask some of my colleagues to consider
joining in a legislative effort to do just that because banks are
placed in a position where, in order to offset this loss, they are get-
ting involved in other machinations—sweep accounts and other
things. The revenue loss is about $500 million annually. It's theirs.
I think we should let banks earn interest on it. And maybe we
ought to take a good look at it.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Sarbanes.
Senator SARBANES. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
First of all, Chairman Greenspan, I've been observing very care-
fully, and I don't think up to this point you have yet used any one
of the postures that was in this handout that Chairman D'Amato
distributed at the beginning of the meeting.
Your testimony reminds me a bit of the admonition that Presi-
dent Truman once gave that he wanted a one-armed economist.
When asked why, he said, "because all I am getting from them is,
on the one hand and on the other hand."
[Laughter.]
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And I thought this was a very balanced statement in terms of
combining, on the one hand, a willingness to explore the possibility
that there have been some changes in fundamental arrangements
that make past benchmarks inapplicable. In other words, previous
trigger points maybe don't work any more.
On the other hand, as you say, history counsels caution. So we
have to keep that in mind as well. And I sense in this statement
the Fed sort of, as it were, puzzling through the economic situation
since we have seen things happening that are contrary to historical
pattern.
Although it depends which historical pattern you make reference
to. I think there may be a tendency to be very much in a short-
term historical pattern. I was interested, for instance, in your com-
ment where you say, "although margins are the highest in a gen-
eration, they are still below those that prevailed in the 1960's." So
it depends what time perspective you're taking.
I want to ask just one question to make sure I understand it. In
your prepared statement, you say: "Saving out of current income by
households in the upper income quintile, who own nearly three-
fourths of all nonpension equities held by households." In other
words, the top fifth of households own about three-quarters of all
nonpension equities held by households. Is that correct?
Chairman GREENSPAN. That is correct, Senator.
Senator SARBANES. The Fed in the past has expressed some con-
cern, in fact, I think have done some studies, about inequity in in-
come and wealth in the United States. Is the Fed continuing with
those studies? Or what is the latest report on that?
Chairman GREENSPAN. The latest survey we have made with re-
spect to consumer finances is for the year 1995. These data which
I am citing are a combination of our flow of funds data accounts
and the 1995 and 1992 surveys.
Senator SARBANES. OK. Now, your reference to a zero capital
gains not costing revenues because the economy would improve so
much that other taxes would compensate for it. Is that right?
Chairman GREENSPAN. I didn't mean to say that it would cost no
revenues. It would raise additional revenues other than capital
gains taxes. In other words, if the capital gains tax went to zero
and, as I suspect, the economy would pick up on a path greater
than it would otherwise be, then other tax revenues would rise.
But I have no way of knowing whether or not that rise would be
less than, equal to, or more than the loss in the revenues from the
capital gains tax.
Senator SARBANES. In any event, it would be time-delayed, would
it not?
Chairman GREENSPAN. It would.
Senator SARBANES. There would obviously be a loss of revenues
in the short-run because you couldn't get the—whether or not you
got the upsurge. But if you were to get it, you wouldn't get it imme-
diately in the resulting revenues. Would that be correct?
Chairman GREENSPAN. That is correct, Senator.
Senator SARBANES. Let me ask you about this New York Times
article on the decline in the welfare caseloads, which I made ref-
erence to in my opening statement. Would you agree with the prop-
osition that the relatively low level of unemployment over quite a
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sustained period of time has been a contributor to this decline in
the number of people on welfare?
Chairman GREENSPAN. I have not done any analytical work on
that. But clearly, from analyses I have done in the past on things
similar to it, AFDC workloads, that does, in fact, contribute to
changes in the level of welfare. So my suspicion is there's probably
something there.
Senator SARBANES. Actually, as the labor markets tighten a bit,
it would become an incentive, would it not, on employers to try to
draw people into the workforce and to more adequately train the
people that they already have in the workforce?
Chairman GREENSPAN. I think they are doing that.
Senator SARBANES. Yes. I see my time is up. I just want to un-
derscore again the point I made in my opening statement. I think
that's a very important dimension of having unemployment at low
levels over a lengthy period of time, as has been the case now for
the past couple of years. I think we are reaping benefits, both on
the welfare issue and on the question of employment in the inner
cities. I don't think we reach those problems until the economy has
worked in a positive way for a fairly sustained period of time. And
I very much hope, as I indicated, that it will be a matter kept in
the thinking of the Federal Reserve and the Open Market Commit-
tee as you address the question of monetary policy.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
I would note for the record that Senator Moseley-Braun has just
joined us. I don't know if she has a statement for the record. Sen-
ator Bryan and Senator Faircloth have also joined us.
There is a vote underway right now. Let me suggest that we take
a brief 5-minute break so that we can go down and vote, unless
Senator Mack, would you want to proceed right now?
Senator MACK. I wouldn't mind doing that. But, again, I can do
that while you all go vote and then go.
The CHAIRMAN. Either way. All right. Senator Shelby is on his
way back. So why don't we do this to keep the continuity going.
Senator Mack, would you take your 5 minutes now and then Sen-
ator Shelby will be back to follow up. How's that?
Senator MACK. Thanks.
The CHAIRMAN. So we will continue, and I hope you'll bear with
us, Mr. Chairman.
Senator MACK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
There are a couple of areas I want to try to touch on. First, in
a sense, it seems like the Treasury agrees with your comments
with respect to indexing, even though they may not have said it di-
rectly with respect to capital gains. But it seems to me that one
can make the argument that if Treasury wants to protect investors
in Treasury bonds by indexing, that they would be interested in
protecting those who make investments in other areas as well.
Would you agree or disagree with that?
Chairman GREENSPAN. I would say there is a simple way to find
out—ask them.
[Laughter.]
Senator MACK. Well, let me ask you. I would assume that, again,
you are supportive of the concept of indexing capital gains. If you
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had to establish some priorities, lowering the tax rate or indexing,
which would you do?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Actually, I would go to indexing. And the
reason I would is that it's really wrong to tax a part of a gain in
the value of assets which is attributable to a decline in the pur-
chasing power of the currency which in turn is attributable to poor
governmental economic policy.
So, for the Government to tax people's assets which rise as a con-
sequence of inferior actions on the part of Government, strikes me
as most inappropriate. Therefore, I would say that, at a minimum,
indexing capital gains at least eliminates that problem. And I must
say to you, had capital gains been indexed several years ago when
there seemed to be some general bipartisan interest in doing so, I
think you would find that all of the discussions of rate cuts cur-
rently would have, in fact, been implemented by the previous in-
dexing that could have occurred.
I just want to say, I don't deny there are very considerable dif-
ficulties in managing from an IRS point of view indexed capital
gains. But there's an awful lot of problems that we have elsewhere
there, too, in all sorts of complex income determinations.
Senator MACK. Of the lower tax rate or indexing, which one from
an economic standpoint—you addressed it, I think, the issue, more
from a fairness, equity—but which of the two do you think has the
greater economic effect? And obviously, it would depend on how low
you brought the rate?
Chairman GREENSPAN. I don't know the answer to that, sir. One
of the reasons is that the way in which the capital gains tax works
is very complex and subtle and the way it could raise revenues and
lose revenue is very difficult to tell.
Economists who have endeavored to apply detailed econometric
analyses to these elements, in my judgment, have not come up with
any really robust answers. It may be that somebody knows the
answer to that question. At the moment, I do not. Maybe I will be-
come informed at a later date.
Senator MACK. Let me move to another and much broader area.
It has to do with, again, a number of people who feel like there has
been a kind of shift in the fundamentals of the economy.
You talk with folks on Wall Street and you get the sense that
they believe that this expansion can continue for years and years,
that the business cycle is dead, or at least the business cycle has
been substantially extended. And I think in your comments this
morning, you pretty much indicated that you don't accept that.
I am not sure that I buy it, in fact, at this point, I would be much
more cautious as well. But it appears to me that there are some
fundamentals that have changed in this respect. We used to focus
a lot, for example, on capacity utilization. When capacity utilization
would hit whatever the magic number was—84, 85, 86—people
would start to get nervous.
Today, there is the ability to move production from one country
to another. Therefore, it really raises the question of the impor-
tance of capacity utilization, and I would make the argument in a
number of other areas as well. I would be interested in your reac-
tion to that.
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Chairman GREENSPAN. Well, I think those arguments are valid
with respect to longer-term growth, and there's no doubt that with
the extraordinary expansion of information technologies, computer
applications of all sorts, the changing infrastructure of many mar-
kets as we deregulate them, that the underlying forces leading to
higher growth may well be there, and I certainly hope that is, in
fact, the case.
The business cycle, however, is a different breed. It occurs, ap-
parently, as a consequence of human nature, at least as best I can
judge. Therefore, what we tend to see from history is significant
variations in long-term trends in productivity and, hence, in eco-
nomic growth. But superimposed on that is a cyclical pattern of
activity which is, to a certain extent, endogenous, in that people's
attitudes tend to overextend—at least history has case after case
of a degree of optimism building into various different types of
overexpansion which gluts markets and creates contractions. The
most recent obvious example is what happened in commercial real
estate in this country. And that was really a big issue.
Senator MACK. Mr. Chairman, I'm sorry, but I've been informed
there's only a couple minutes left in the vote and I'm going to have
to go do that.
Thank you.
Chairman GREENSPAN. OK.
Senator SHELBY. Mr. Chairman, since I have already voted, I will
continue to ask questions.
Mr. Chairman, is the reluctance of workers to leave their jobs
more prevalent in any particular sector of the economy? In other
words, does it matter, or is it overall? Is it uniform or fairly uni-
form or widespread?
Chairman GREENSPAN. I don't know the answer to that, Senator,
but the data are actually available in the sense that one measure
that we tend to use is the data which the Bureau of Labor Statis-
tics produces on so-called job leavers—that is, people who volun-
tarily become unemployed for the purpose of seeking another job.
We have those data in some detail, but they are not published,
and the reason that they are not published is the Bureau of Labor
Statistics considers their statistical qualities inadequate for publi-
cation. But they are there and that's an interesting question and
I will endeavor to see if I can find out whether those data enlighten
us on that particular question because I, too, would like to find the
answer to that. And I will submit it for the record.
Senator SHELBY. I appreciate that for the record.
Workers leaving their jobs, does it have any geographical signifi-
cance? Is it uniform geographically, or is it in certain areas? Is it
more in the East, reluctance to leave their jobs? The South? The
West? The Midwest?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Again, we have those data in that form.
Senator SHELBY. That would be interesting to look at.
Chairman GREENSPAN. Yes. My suspicion is that it probably is
not particularly evident, largely because the unemployment rate is
generally low pretty much throughout the country and the level of
confidence and the various confidence indexes with respect to em-
ployment seem to be pretty general as well.
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Senator SHELBY. Does the substantial rise in equity values jus-
tify to some degree the historical highs in consumer debt? In other
words, do people feel like they have more wealth because the mar-
ket is up or because their mutual funds are doing better and all
this? And they feel better about putting on more debt.
Chairman GREENSPAN. I suspect that there's probably something
to that. But when you disaggregate the various income groups by
upper, middle, middle-lower, that sort of thing, by quintile or by
deciles, what you find is that the households in the middle-lower-
and lower-income groups have predominantly more consumer credit
than they have equities, whether directly or through mutual funds.
While I do not deny, and I am sure there's got to be something
to this, that as the values of those assets go up, they would be
inclined to feel more comfortable taking out debt and meeting the
monthly payment requirements, but I would be doubtful that it is
a big deal. It's because of the different households having different
mixes of assets and liabilities.
Senator SHELBY. About how much of the net worth in the market
ascendancy is held in directly by pension funds as opposed to indi-
viduals in the stock market?
Chairman GREENSPAN. You mean what proportion of stocks?
Senator SHELBY. Yes. In other words, you have a big rise in the
stock market. But a great proportion of that money is not held by
individual stock owners. It is the pension funds and institutional
investors, too, have benefited.
Chairman GREENSPAN. That is correct. They are major holders.
Senator SHELBY. Major holders. So when we see the market go
up so much, as it has, it doesn't necessarily mean that a lot of the
individuals are benefiting directly.
Chairman GREENSPAN. No. That is the reason why I mentioned
that, in the upper quintile, three-fourths of nonpension equities are
held by that income group.
But remember that everyone's 401(k)'s have some of that, and
then there are these still very large, defined contribution benefit
programs which hold, mostly equities in their accounts. If one were
to take the total market value of stocks and work through to their
ultimate owners—in other words, to try to allocate what's in pen-
sion funds and in other general funds, life insurance or whatever—
a significant part would end up as increased assets, net, within the
lower income groups.
Senator SHELBY. As far as measuring productivity, the accuracy
of productivity measurements continue to be an issue of debate,
even by you. At times you have used, I believe, a qualifier, "as best
we can judge." How does the Federal Reserve reconcile the appar-
ent shortcomings in productivity measurements? Are there any
supplementary indicators that are useful in identifying productivity
gains?
Chairman GREENSPAN. We suspect that our productivity meas-
ures in the manufacturing area are probably not too bad in the
sense that even though we do have some difficulty in measuring
output of goods, we probably come as close as possible to getting
the right numbers in manufacturing output. Therefore, since the
people working in manufacturing are pretty accurately estimated,
we can make some pretty good estimates of what proportion of the
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temporary worker pool is in manufacturing. We have output and
hours, so we can do pretty well in measuring productivity.
We have a very difficult time in measuring output and therefore,
productivity, in a vast number of services, clearly, in the medical
services profession, in the legal profession, and in business serv-
ices, generally.
Indeed, we went through an exercise fairly recently in which we
endeavored to make judgments as to what the implied productivity
trends were in a lot of these service industries, if you used only the
data which the Department of Commerce uses in constructing its
national income and product accounts. They, of course, do break
down on an annual basis periodically the gross domestic product by
industry. And since we have the hours data reasonably well docu-
mented, we can calculate what the implicit productivity numbers
must be for those service industries in the GDP accounts.
What we found is that for the last 20 years, for a lot of those
major service industries, the level of productivity has been going
down by 1 to 2 percent a year, which is clearly just utterly non-
credible, considering the technologies we're all aware of in medical
services and in the legal area. You go into a law firm these days
and all you see is computers. And that tells you that, presumably,
they're doing more work of value.
Senator SHELBY. But in the measurement of productivity, et
cetera, it's a key issue in determining actual inflation, is it not?
Chairman GREENSPAN. It is, indeed, because to the extent where
we have only dollar information on output and we must convert
those dollars into real units, the price indexes we employ to do that
are obviously very crucial. And if, as is almost surely the case, that
there is significant upward bias, especially in these service areas,
you get a situation in which the measured productivity very evi-
dently is biased, as indeed the price indexes are biased.
The fact that the productivity data are so noncredible suggests
that prices are biased. That is one of the reasons we believe that
the Boskin Commission's estimate of CPI price bias, from where we
can judge it, is probably fairly accurate.
Senator SHELBY. Mr. Chairman, you brought that up before I got
into it. But if the CPI, the Consumer Price Index, is overstated by
1.1 percent, or whatever that was, why can't the Bureau of Labor
Statistics adjust that on their own?
Chairman GREENSPAN. They can do part of it.
Senator SHELBY. What can they do and what can't they do?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Well, my recollection is that the Boskin
report had about six-tenths of that 1.1 as quality adjustments.
Senator SHELBY. OK. About quality adjustments—you're going to
identify that. Go ahead.
Chairman GREENSPAN. Quality change is very tough to measure.
We often only have orders of magnitude. In other words, we know
that certain things are improving. We know, for example, that
using the number of hours of doctors' input as a measure of, or the
cost of physicians' input as a measure of output and level of health
service is clearly inadequate because the quality of what we have
been getting in the medical profession has improved so dramati-
cally. We would have great difficulty in getting the number exactly.
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But we know it's plus. In other words, we know it's not negative
and we know it's a substantial plus.
Since all prices within the Consumer Price Index are approxima-
tions—some more approximate than others—the argument that
there is a certain necessary precision in this procedure is clearly
false. What concerns me, and I discussed this at length at the Sen-
ate Finance Committee, is that we presume that if we cannot get
something exact, that the best estimate is zero.
We know the bias with a high degree of probability is plus for
quality adjustment. At the moment, the estimate that is employed
is zero. That is a highly-biased estimate and not a professionally
accurate one. I am arguing to do the professionally supportable
thing, which is to put a number which has a higher probability of
being right than zero.
Senator SHELBY. Of course, this is a political question and an
economic question, and we know sometimes that that doesn't mix.
But if you're looking for the truth as much as you can get dealing
with the CPI, a guess is something we are going to have to deal
with, or not deal with.
Mr. Chairman, thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Senator Bennett.
Senator BENNETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan, either you're getting clearer, or I'm finally
beginning to break the code.
[Laughter.]
I found this statement to be extremely clear and very useful. I
understood it all, which is unusual for me.
I have several comments and would like your reactions.
You say the business cycle is not repealed, and I accept that and
agree with that. But isn't there a possibility that its swings are
being dampened by the changes that are occurring in the economy
as we move more from a manufacturing-based and industrial-domi-
nant economy toward a service economy and an information age
kind of economy, where the old inventory recession where you get
a build-up of inventory in the exuberance, to use your phrase, of
the sales curve suddenly hits you and you have to have economic
activity shutdown until the inventory gets sold off?
As we move away from that being the dominant pattern into the
service economy and the information age, isn't it possible that that
structural change is dampening the swings of the business cycle?
Chairman GREENSPAN. I think that's probably correct. There are
two really important elements which generate the business cycle.
One is the inventories that you suggest, and they are really a sur-
prisingly large factor in the change in GDP, even though it's only
goods and goods are, as you know, themselves a modest part of the
total economic output.
We also have the issue of the level of assets. In other words, the
amount of capital we have invested in plants and equipment, in
steel mills and electric utilities and the like, and the large stock
of assets that exists in the household sector—houses, autos, and
appliances.
And what clearly is the case is that both of those stocks of inven-
tories—and you can use inventory in the general sense—tend to
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fluctuate, largely because we get ahead of ourselves and we have
to adjust. What engenders the business cycle to a large extent, or
has over the past, has been the readjustment of the stock of inven-
tories.
As we have gone to increasing just-in-time inventory analysis
and availability, we have clearly reduced the amplitude of the in-
ventory fluctuation, and it may well be that that in itself has also
fed into reducing the amplitude in the fluctuations in what I would
call the gross property accounts in our system. So it is a reasonable
hypothesis that the shift has probably damped the business cycle
to a certain extent.
I would be careful, however, to generalize that too far because,
to the extent that financial factors are an element in the fluctua-
tion, there is no significant evidence that I am aware of which has
changed that environment.
Senator BENNETT. Thank you for that. Let's talk about the CPI
for a minute in perhaps a different context.
I am wondering if the time has not come for us to abandon the
notion of a single CPI. If we are looking at a basket of goods and
service, the basket of goods and services that my children, for ex-
ample, would purchase as they're furnishing new homes, starting
out new families, having children, is fairly different from the bas-
ket of goods and services that my wife and I are looking at, with
no children left in the home, our home's fully paid for, fully fur-
nished. I don't know that I'm going to ever want to buy another
bedroom set again.
Not only in different demographics, but a CPI geared to regions.
I look at my own staff's circumstance. I pay staffers in Washington
more than I pay staffers in Utah who do exactly the same kind of
thing and deserve the same salary. But frankly, they can live at
a certain standard of living for less money in Utah than they can
in the Greater Washington area.
Federal employees get hardship money, if you will, if they live
in certain areas. My son used to work for the FDIC. He was posted
in Los Angeles. They paid him a premium for being in Los Angeles
and said if he were in another office, he would get less because the
cost of living in Los Angeles was higher than elsewhere. Would you
comment about a CPI that varies by demographics and regions?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Senator, as you know, the BLS does do
several different types of CPI's. It has one, the original one for
wage-earners, and then it has another one which it publishes side-
by-side for urban consumers. It also has significant indexes for a
lot of cities. But what it doesn't have is a difference in the levels.
In other words, it has the rate of change in prices city-by-city so
that you can tell what the relative changes have been between, say,
Los Angeles and Atlanta, but it does not have data which are pub-
lished on the level of differences in the market basket which they
are pricing.
I think the answer to your question really depends on what do
we need it for.
Senator BENNETT. Precisely, yes.
Chairman GREENSPAN. Clearly, it depends on what purpose it is
employed for. In the private sector, there are innumerable re-esti-
mations of indexes which are used very specifically for individual
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contracts, whether it be, say, a real estate contract or something
which requires a special index.
I remember I used to construct a lot of them myself for clients
who were looking for something which would be an appropriate
index within a contract to price a certain service over a period of
10 or 15 years.
We do have a vast number of individual types of contracts, both
consumer-type, CPI-type, retail-type, wholesale-type. And I would
not argue for a fragmentation of these indexes.
I would subscribe to the arguments that the Boskin Commission
made with respect to perhaps taking some of the resources that are
being used for some of these regional indexes and employing them
to improve the quality of the overall index because that serves such
an important purpose in Government policy and specifically, in the
innumerable elements of the budget, both on the receipts and ex-
penditure side, which are indexed to that particular price index.
And then, of course, there are still a not insubstantial number
of labor union contracts and other contracts in the private sector
which are locked into the CPI.
So the issue of improving the quality of the single index, or even
of the two indexes which we currently produce using the same sam-
pling techniques, is probably a far greater priority, as far as I see
it, than augmenting the number of indexes that we have.
Senator BENNETT. Thank you. I would like to pursue this, but my
time is gone.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Faircloth.
OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR LAUCH FAIRCLOTH
Senator FAIRCLOTH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations, Chairman Greenspan, on your engagement
since we last saw you.
Mr. Chairman, this is the first time we have had a chance to
visit with you since your, I think, very appropriate statement that
a rational exuberance might be a factor in the stock market's rapid
climb. But since your statement, it has continued to go up. Is there
something in the economy other than maybe an irrational exu-
berance or a temporary excitement to create a bull market? Or is
there simply so much money in savings and retirement accounts
that there isn't anywhere to put it, that it's forcing the market up?
Which is causing it, or tell us as much as you feel comfortable?
Chairman GREENSPAN. First, Senator, let me repeat what I said
in my prepared statement. The issue I put on the table back in De-
cember was a question for monetary policy considerations.
Senator FAIRCLOTH. I'm sorry. I wasn't here when you made your
statement.
Chairman GREENSPAN. I want to emphasize that it is a very dif-
ficult judgment for us to make when we believe that there is irra-
tional exuberance out there. It is not markets that are irrational.
Markets merely reflect the values of people. It's people who become
irrationally exuberant on occasion and take actions that induce
what economists like to call bubbles, which eventually burst. That's
what happened in the commercial real estate market.
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Senator FAIRCLOTH. What happened? I'm sorry. I didn't catch
your last statement.
Chairman GREENSPAN. That's what happened in the commercial
real estate market.
Senator FAIRCLOTH. Oh, yes. Yes. Fm sorry.
Chairman GREENSPAN. As you remember, people decided to
build. I would ask: Why are you building this building when there's
a brand-new office building which is empty across the street? And
they would say, it's a different corner. I would consider that irra-
tional exuberance.
The more important question which you raise is what is driving
the market? The market is being driven not, as best I can judge,
by the large expansion of funds. In other words, we have seen this
really quite extraordinary growth in the mutual fund industry, for
example. I think you can explain the current market levels by what
economists call the risk factors, the discount factors involved in dis-
counting forward-expected earnings in corporations, and that is
low. It has declined quite significantly because long-term interest
rates have declined.
There are two components. One is the riskless rate of return,
which is best proxied by long-term U.S. Treasury rates. And the
second is what we call an equity premium, which is the rate of re-
turn on equities which the market requires for equities over and
above the riskless rate.
And the analytical breakdown of the market change in the last
several years is explainable in terms of a dramatic increase in ex-
pected earnings growth over the long run and the decline in the
risk premium, the discount factor.
It is not required that we look at the flows of funds to explain
what is happening. Indeed, history tells us that flows of funds very
rarely impact the level of stock prices which in turn, remember, are
the present value of expected future returns for individual compa-
nies. Who owns the stock and how much is moved around, obvi-
ously, does affect the price in the short run. But in the long run,
the price is determined by how good a company it is.
Senator FAIRCLOTH. I see my time is almost up. I won't start an-
other question.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Dodd.
OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR CHRISTOPHER J. DODD
Senator DODD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome, Chairman Greenspan. It is a pleasure to have you be-
fore the Committee.
You may have addressed part of this in response to Senator
Faircloth, but let me ask something else first. It is in regard to the
concerns you raise in your prepared statement about the over-
valuation of the market, and referencing the 1960's, which I think
has some real value to us here.
Now, I am wondering if what you are suggesting here is that the
problem may be more duplicative of what happened? Many would
argue that as a result of what happened in the 1960's, we saw the
broader implications to the economy in the 1970's and early 1980's.
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Or whether we are talking more about something along the 1987
version where you had that market adjustment and it was more of
an isolated impact. It didn't have the broad implications to the
economy.
So, I would read your statement as being a warning that what
you're seeing could have broader economic implications along the
lines of what happened in the 1960's, if you buy into the assump-
tion that what happened then was in no small measure responsible
for some of the economic dislocations we saw in the 1970's and
early 1980's.
Chairman GREENSPAN. The issue, I believe, is pretty complex in
that I've always thought and I think most economists believe that
the Vietnam War had a really very deleterious effect on the 1970's
in that the financing of the war, as you may recall, was not com-
plete, so to speak. We had a period which we had not experienced
before, which we called stagflation.
I wouldn't at this stage relate that particularly to stock market
changes or the like. I don't deny that the stock market had some
effects along the way. Indeed, I am sure it did. But the oil price
shock had clearly a very significant effect on our economy, as in-
deed, the Vietnam War did.
I would say that a goodly part of the impact of what occurred re-
flected that and I think the erosion of our fiscal situation was a not
inconsequential element in what subsequently developed. If you're
worried about the 1970's, I would be more focused on the fiscal
issue than I would about other things.
Senator DODD. All right. I appreciate your response and it leads
me to the second question.
I would suggest that most of us here, regardless of party or ideol-
ogy, would agree that over the last 4 to 6 years, we've made some
significant strides in adopting a culture here that Congress is skep-
tical about any new spending increases.
I would say that my colleagues on this side in no small measure
deserve the credit for causing everyone to raise an eyebrow and to
ask the steely questions about how do you pay for this? I don't care
what the idea is. How do you pay for it? And I think we're in better
shape as a result of that culture having taken over here. The ques-
tions that I find the hardest to get answered are when it comes to
tax cuts.
Now let me quickly add here, I don't know of anyone that doesn't
like to support a tax cut when you can. There's no great genius in
that. Obviously, if you can provide tax relief to your constituents,
you are all for it. But I'm concerned about the fact that we don't
seem to get as firm about that side of the equation as we have over
the spending side.
Just in January, in statements I think before the Budget Com-
mittee, you said it's far more important that budget balancing be
achieved in a manner which implies balance in later years.
I just want to send down to you a chart prepared by the Joint
Committee on Taxation. It's sort of a nonpartisan formulation here
of what happens as you get out into the 5 to 10 years and beyond,
with some of the proposed tax cuts that we're looking at.
I would like you to address this, if you would, because I think
you have taken the position you don't stand up here and neces-
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sarily offer us recommendations on how we ought to deal with fis-
cal matters, but, rather, have suggested that we ought to be doing
everything we can to be fiscally prudent, and I respect that.
You may have your own views on a particular variation of how
that could be achieved, but our job here is to try and present at
least at the end of the day budgets that reflect that we are heading
in the right direction to achieve that fiscal responsibility. My con-
cern in taking your statement earlier about not just balance in the
first, second, or third year, but what happens in the out-years?
If the Joint Committee on Taxation is even remotely close, you
can see in the chart the first 5 years the cost of the tax cut is $200
billion. The cost to the second 5 is $325 billion, bringing the cost
for the first decade to $525 billion. And the estimated cost, accord-
ing to this chart, for the second decade is a whopping $763 billion.
Now it seems to me that if we ask the question when someone
raises the issue of spending for education or health care, whatever
else, where is the steely question here to how do we pay for this?
I can understand when we get $40 or $50 billion in Medicare
here or there, but where are the dollars that come up for this? And
if we can't come up with it, are we not, in fact, running smack into
your warning of a few days ago about not having balance in the
first, second, third, and fourth year, but in these out-years down
the road?
I wonder if you might offer some observations with regard to this
in terms of some warnings to us up here? I am not arguing. We
all have various tax cut proposals around here, but I just get con-
cerned when we talk about the spending, that we also need to focus
on this as well.
With these charts, and there were some people earlier today that
had something more to say about this. But I saw the chart and it
sort of stunned me when I look at that $763 billion total, and I
don't hear a lot of observations as to how that number is paid for.
And if not, we are back at a major deficit problem again.
Chairman GREENSPAN. Senator, I personally have always been in
favor of whatever tax cuts can be made, but whatever tax cuts can
be made and paid for.
The problem that this Congress is going to have is to find a path
toward budget balance in the year 2002 and thereafter because one
of the very considerable dangers is to find yourself focusing on 2002
as though that's the end result of a process.
That year doesn't have any significant meaning. What has very
important meaning are these various wedges that we have that are
implicit in the receipts and expenditure side of our system.
Years ago, when a very substantial part of the outlay part of the
budget was discretionary, a lot of programs got canceled. You had
a big construction program and you built whatever it was that you
were building and you stopped. You had various different types of
training programs and the like which were scheduled for a particu-
lar purpose and they ended.
Now virtually everything we have on both sides of the ledger, re-
ceipts and outlays, are wedge-type factors, so that if you lower the
slope now in the process of moving toward balance in the year
2002, you have a very dramatic, positive effect toward budget bal-
ance in the out-years.
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To the extent that you put in various different types of programs
which achieve balance in the year 2002, but then the deficit pops
back up, it is an exercise in futility.
The concern that I have is that we will be focused too much on
the next few years to create a balance and may very well succeed
and then wonder why it didn't create the big pay-off in terms of
lower long-term interest rates and greater long-term growth that
we thought would be the appropriate dividends of such a policy.
Senator DODD. I thank you. My time has expired.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Hagel.
Senator HAGEL. Mr. Chairman, thank you.
Mr. Greenspan, I would like to pick up a little bit on my col-
league, Mr. Dodd's, comments regarding a balanced budget. I noted
in your testimony, you cautioned regarding our consumer debt bur-
den being near historical highs. And you add that to the fact that
certainly, our budget debt is not in much better shape. You know
the numbers far better than this panel. I would like you, if you
would, Mr. Greenspan, to comment on that totally and maybe ex-
pand a little on your response to Mr. Dodd.
And I might add, to my friend from Connecticut, if you look at
tax cuts, tax cuts from the Kennedy days, from the Reagan days,
increased our revenues. It was the spending that we didn't control.
I think that's pretty well documented.
I have wondered as well, when we look at this entire area of debt
and balanced budget, why we do not produce budgets around here
based on revenues? We produce budgets based on expenditures.
Therefore, we have a $5.3 trillion national debt and we are adding
to that about $700 billion a year. So, I certainly do not have the
answer, Mr. Greenspan, but I would very much appreciate your
thoughts on this entire universe.
Chairman GREENSPAN. There is an underlying bias that we are
all acutely aware of in our system which tends to engender growth
in programs on the expenditure side which have a tendency gen-
erally to exceed the growth in the tax base. And we have been run-
ning up against this problem now for years and the reason why it
is so difficult to cut entitlement programs is that they are locked
in to our underlying fiscal system. We all recognize, those of us
who do the arithmetic, that under current law, we will engender
an unstable fiscal situation as we move into the year 2010, 2015,
and the like, and that is substantially a demographic issue. That
is, we will have a very large increase in retirees and those subject
to Social Security, to civil service retirement, and a whole variety
of other programs which will create some very substantial in-
creases on the expenditure side and, one must presume, in the defi-
cit as well because while, in the short run, one can offset rises in
expenditures by increasing taxes, over the long run, the more you
increase taxes, the greater you inhibit the growth in the economy
and in the tax base itself and therefore, ultimately, you cannot
solve long-term deficits from the receipt side. It has to be from the
expenditure side.
One place where I don't think there is really any significant dis-
agreement on the part of most everybody is that, under current
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law, there are projections of the budget which are not fundamen-
tally stable.
It's terribly important that we address them while they are still
relatively easy to effect because, as I mentioned before, that wedge
issue is very crucial. You would be surprised, just by making very
minor changes in certain programs, you have effects in the out-
years which are very large. If you wait until you get to the out-
years, they are very difficult to cut.
Senator HAGEL. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Senator DODD. A quick comment to my colleague from Nebraska.
My concern is that I have never had a person with a tax cut pro-
posal that didn't tell me it was going to produce revenues. And I
can also recall people with expenditure increases, that it wasn't
going to reduce costs. We both get those arguments on it. No one
has ever come up to me and said, Senator, I want you to support
this tax cut and, by the way, this is a money-loser. Or would you
support this spending increase and, by the way, this is really going
to cost us a lot of money. We never hear those arguments.
All I'm asking is that we be as tough—because we have to have
some real budgeting. If you are going to have these spending in-
creases, they have to be paid for. I think we all agree on that
today. I hope we do. And if we're going to propose tax cuts, while
I realize there's an argument that there will be revenue increases
to some extent, that we need to be much more realistic about how
do you pay for it? If you end up having indexing where these things
just grow exponentially, without some idea of where the offsets
come from, my concern is exactly what the Chairman is pointing
out, we look pretty good by anyone's analysis up to 2002, and then
we blow a hole in this so big that future Congresses will have an
awful time wrestling with those deficits.
I apologize, but I just wanted to make that point. We have to
apply some equal standards here on these issues, or we will end
up, whether it's actual cost expenditures or tax expenditures, right
in the same position.
Senator HAGEL. I am always grateful for my distinguished col-
league's enlightenment.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator DODD. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Reed.
OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR JACK REED
Senator REED. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I apologize, Mr. Greenspan. I was upstairs at another hearing
and I didn't have an opportunity to listen to your testimony.
Generally, we might be approaching a dilemma because I think
you pointed out in your testimony that some of the wage restraint
has been the result of labor market activity. And now that labor
market activity seems to be at the point where wages are going to
come up, putting inflationary pressure on the economy, which
would require or might induce the Fed to take an active position
in raising interest rates,
I would wonder if that would cause us a problem in terms of
overall economic growth in the country. Just as working families
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are beginning to realize some increases in their real wages, the Fed
policy would be to raise interest rates, causing a contraction in the
economic activity.
Chairman GREENSPAN. Senator, our central focus is to keep sus-
tainable economic growth going, so that, as I said in my prepared
remarks and, indeed, in previous testimony as well, our central
focus is to maintain maximum sustainable economic growth. It's
our judgment, and I think the evidence increasingly supports that
judgment, that low inflation or stable prices are a necessary condi-
tion to achieve that.
Our focus is not on wages, per se, or prices per se. It's on what
changes in the financial and economic structure are telling us
about the sustainability of economic growth. Our concern is that if
we allow inflationary imbalances to start to emerge, then history
tells us that the end of the expansion is near at hand.
Our focus is to try to find that set of policies which continues the
process. And as I indicated in my remarks, it is conceivable that
that may require, because of the long leads in certain types of pol-
icy actions, that we decide to move because we think it's appro-
priate to move before you see actual evidence of real inflation
emerging.
We have learned over the years that a monetary policy which
waits to see changes in inflation or economic activity before it acts
will probably be counterproductive, meaning it has in the past, as
best we can all judge, exacerbated the business cycle and created
far more hardship for the American people than anybody intended
by the types of policies that were implemented.
We hope we have learned the lesson. And that lesson is that
monetary policy, to be effective in achieving the maximum sustain-
able long-term growth goal has to be anticipatory. It's that which
we find the most difficult thing for us to do, but necessary to
achieve our goals.
Senator REED. If I may follow-up, Mr. Chairman. If we accept
your analysis in that you have to look for things before inflation
starts growing, what are you looking for now in this new economy?
Chairman GREENSPAN. As I said in my prepared remarks, it is
very difficult for me to outline in detail. What I've said in the past
about certain different types of things is that we always watch, for
example, whether in fact there are pressures in the industrial sec-
tor. We have found in the past that increasing lead times on the
deliveries of materials, for example, is suggestive of congestion and
imbalances emerging in the industrial sector which in the past
have suggested that the economy was beginning to unbalance and
that to hold it on balance would be something which would be nec-
essary to contribute to longer-term growth.
I should emphasize that wages, per se, are not in and of them-
selves an issue which would signal that because if wages are rising
and productivity is matching it, clearly, that is not something
which is destabilizing the economy.
Senator REED. Just one final question because time is drawing
close. In terms of your approach to the economy, there is an argu-
ment that we have to do much more in terms of investment, which
implies fiscal policy as well as monetary policy. And I wonder if you
could just comment generally about sort of the investment chal-
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lenges that faces us in public investment and in encouraging pri-
vate investment both for the monetary aspect and, if you want to,
on the fiscal side, too.
Chairman GREENSPAN. I have always argued that savings are a
necessary but not sufficient condition to get capital investment in
the private sector, and that if we have inadequate private savings,
even though incentives for capital investment are there, it makes
it tougher. If you have both the incentives and the available private
savings, then I think you get the maximum growth in the capital
goods markets and maximum growth in productivity and in stand-
ards of living.
One concern that I have always had and I have indicated this be-
fore this Committee on innumerable occasions, is that Government
deficits absorb private savings which could be otherwise more ap-
propriately used, and therefore, eliminating the deficit is, in my
judgment, a very important element in overall economic policy in
that it would enhance the availability of private savings for produc-
tivity-improving investments.
Senator REED. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Mack.
Senator MACK. Just one last question. And this may have been
touched on while I was gone, but it has to do with the consumption
component of the economy.
Reading back through your testimony, I really didn't get a sense
of concern about future consumption. I just want to get a better
feel from you about your feelings—if there is a high level of job in-
security, it would seem to me that somewhere along the line, that
begins to translate into confidence levels. If people are, in fact, now
starting to think more about their retirement and particularly with
the high level of household debt that's out there, that seems to me
to be really raising some flags about future consumer spending.
Chairman GREENSPAN. The vast majority of consumer expendi-
tures are financed by current income.
Indeed, if the saving rate is 5 percent, the other way of looking
at it is that the consumption rate is 95 percent, so that, while all
these other elements undoubtedly do impact on the level of spend-
ing, the crucial factor is the level of disposable consumer income.
And so long as the economy is moving forward and productivity is
advancing, then real incomes over the long run will rise and so will
real consumption expenditures as a consequence.
Senator MACK. Let me ask you this. Isn't consumption running
faster, growing faster than real incomes?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Not at the moment, no. The saving rate,
if anything, has edged up, which arithmetically says that, if any-
thing, the growth in real consumption is slightly less than the
growth in real disposable income, but I should add that those data
can very readily be revised.
The more general answer is that there is no evidence that con-
sumption is advancing at a pace significantly different from the
pace of real incomes.
Senator MACK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there any other Senators who wish to ask
the Chairman any questions? I don't want to prolong this.
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Senator Faircloth.
Senator FAIRCLOTH. I had one brief question, if I may.
The CHAIRMAN. OK.
Senator FAIRCLOTH. Chairman Greenspan, this issue seems to be
foremost in Congress, the Senate, today and in the next day or two.
You were on the commission that rescued Social Security in 1983
and set it on a proper course. In your opinion, do you think a Con-
stitutional amendment to balance the budget would threaten Social
Security?
Chairman GREENSPAN. As you know, Senator, I am not in favor
of a balanced budget amendment for several reasons. First, I do not
like economic policy to be embodied in a document such as the
American Constitution, which is a set, hopefully, of principles rath-
er than operational imperatives. Second, my concern is that, should
Congress and/or the Administration fail to live up to the Constitu-
tional amendment, then it falls to the courts, which can do a num-
ber of different things, but I see no reason why any particular pro-
gram is at risk or any tax level or rates at risk any more than any
others.
What that amendment would apparently do is put to the courts
a solution to the expenditure and receipt side. But there's nothing
in that process which suggests to me that any particular element,
either on the receipt side or the expenditure side, is any more at
risk than any of the others.
Senator FAIRCLOTH. Mr. Chairman, thank you for being with us.
The CHAIRMAN. Senator Bennett.
Senator BENNETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would just say to my colleague from Connecticut, I will be glad
to argue with you about capital gains. I think you are on a much
stronger basis when you are talking about the child tax credit. In
my view, the child tax credit is really a spending issue rather than
a tax cut. And it's spending that's dressed in tax cut clothes be-
cause it seems to sell a little better on that basis.
Senator DODD. Well, thank you.
Senator BENNETT. But the capital gains tax thing, I think we can
make a stronger case.
Senator DODD. I think you can make it, depending on how you
frame it. I think if there's a chance here, not to encroach on the
time of the Chairman, but I think there's some common ground
that could be struck on a capital gains tax proposal. And my hope
would be that an effort might be made along those lines.
Senator BENNETT. That's what I'm trying to do, to lay a ground-
work for a priority that I think is very good.
Senator DODD. But we're going to have to pay for it, too.
Senator BENNETT. I understand. Mr. Chairman, I would like you
to comment about the rise in credit card debt and the impact of
people having access to credit which is the most seductive and, at
the same time, the most expensive that a consumer can have.
I think there are lots of social benefits that come from the acces-
sibility of credit through credit cards. I know in my own family, my
children would not go to the bank and take out a traditional loan
and thereby learn the discipline of payments. Maybe a car loan
they might.
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But the whole credit card experience that is so easily available
to them has been for them a very sobering learning experience and
brought a degree of discipline that no amount of jawboning on
dad's part can match.
So, I am not one who says we should make sure credit cards are
not available to college students and so on. But the overall num-
bers are beginning to get a little scary in terms of delinquencies
and bankruptcies and so on, on credit card debt, and I would like
you to comment on that in the overall context of your testimony
today.
Chairman GREENSPAN. Senator, you are certainly correct that de-
linquencies have been rising quite substantially, and while there is
no direct relationship, the sharp rise in personal bankruptcies is
really quite startling when you look at it on a chart in the last few
years.
Credit card debt has been profitable for those who issue it largely
because, at the interest rates that the markets seem to converge
on, you can take some fairly substantial losses and still have some
fairly good rates of return on capital.
Nonetheless, there's been some pulling back clearly on the part
of lenders who have been quite startled by the fact that, whereas,
in years past, they could trace 30-day delinquencies, 60-day delin-
quencies, and default at some point, right now they go from good
risk to default with nothing in between.
Senator BENNETT. No warning signs.
Chairman GREENSPAN. No warning signs. And that has, I think,
gotten their attention.
I think it is a particular localized problem. We are all acutely
aware of it. But we have to remember that it is not a large num-
ber, that is, it's a relatively small part of aggregate household debt
and not a major factor in the economy as such.
While it does have very important consequences to individual
households and has created, I suspect, a very considerable amount
of distress for a lot of people who have been finding themselves
overextended, it's not a macroeconomic problem in the sense that
it's threatening to have a significant effect on banks generally or
on the financial system.
Largely because there is an increasing awareness of some of the
risks involved, my judgment is that the banking system is taking
appropriate action in pulling back where they are the key players
in bank credit card extensions.
Senator BENNETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Do my colleagues have any questions?
[No response.]
Mr. Chairman, we want to thank you for your time and for your
patience.
I also have to say that I want to commend Senator Hagel for
what I think was a very probing question and for your response.
I don't know how many people picked it up. But the longer we put
off dealing with the explosive growth in the out-years of these very
important entitlement programs and very necessary ones, and ones
that we want to keep strong and healthy and vibrant because they
are important to our country, the more difficult, if not impossible,
dealing with that problem becomes.
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We have an obligation to do something here. Maybe not always
to be the most popular, but to do something in a meaningful way.
We can take a small dose of medicine now and cure the patient
or we can wait until we have a very, very sick patient that needs
the kind of rescue that sometimes becomes very, very, very painful
and almost counterproductive. And you wonder why we see people
go through some of the procedures that they do.
I would liken it to an elderly patient who has a severe disease
and the physician has to take just heroic efforts to rescue the pa-
tient and it becomes very costly and very painful. I think that's
where we're headed, unfortunately.
I want to thank the Chairman. And I also want to get another
signature on one of these strips.
[Laughter.]
We stand in recess.
[Whereupon, at 12:17 p.m., the Committee was recessed.]
[Prepared statements, response to written questions, and addi-
tional material supplied for the record follow:]
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PREPARED STATEMENT OF SENATOR CONNIE MACK
I would like to thank Chairman Greenspan for appearing before the Banking
Committee this morning. I always look forward to hearing his views on the state
of monetary policy and the economy.
Under his guiaance, the Federal Reserve has done a tremendous job of focusing
on a stable and sound monetary policy that is essential for strong economic growth.
There is no doubt that Mr. Greenspan's solid leadership has produced confidence
and certainty among investors throughout the world.
Mr. Greenspan, when you became Federal Reserve Chairman in August 1987,
gold was $461 per ounce and 30-year Treasury bond yields were almost 9 percent.
Today, gold prices are down to around $350, 30-year Treasuries are trading around
6.6 percent, and for the past 5 years, inflation has remained around 3 percent.
I firmly believe that the main reason for low inflation is your careful management
of monetary policy. Your dedication to price stability is apparent, and you should
be commended for the current state of low inflation.
As we have discussed in previous hearings, I believe that monetary policy is most
effective when focused on a single goal of price stability. Unfortunately, under the
current Humphrey-Hawkins law, the Fed is expected to follow numerous mandates
that in the long-run could be very damaging to the economy. Easing monetary policy
for short-term gains will only lead to higher price levels in the future. This is why
I intend to reintroduce the "Economic Growth and Price Stability Act," which would
limit the Federal Reserve's mandate to the primary goal of price stability.
Even with relatively low inflation and interest rates, the economy is not perform-
ing to its potential. We have seen our economic growth rate fall from a robust 4.4
percent average during the last five expansions to around 2.5 percent since 1992.
One of my concerns is that we have become complacent about current growth levels.
Of course, many incorrectly blame the Federal Reserve for slow economic growth.
However, the Federal Reserve should remain focused on price stability. Chairman
Greenspan and I certainly agree that simply printing more money or artificially
holding down interest rates is not the way to boost long-term economic growth.
Genuine growth comes from hard work, creative ideas, improved productivity, and
capital formation. Therefore, we must be sure our fiscal policies foster and reward
saving, investing, and risk taking while the Federal Reserve is best focused on re-
ducing inflation.
I believe our economy can and should grow faster. Stronger growth would mean
more jobs, better paychecks, and a higher standard of living for all Americans. And,
faster growth would help in the effort to balance the budget by boosting revenues
without raising taxes. Stronger economic growth would bring new opportunities to
all Americans. This is something every policymaker should strive for.
I believe the best way to achieve stronger growth is to remove the fiscal burdens
that have been placed on this economy. In recent years, major tax hikes, excessive
regulations, and increased Government spending have taken their toll on the econ-
omy and the American family. The Federal Reserve has done an outstanding job
with monetary policy and controlling inflation. Now, it's time for Congress and the
Administration to do their part by pursuing a more pro-growth fiscal policy. I am
optimistic to see our current budget debate focused on bipartisan support for bal-
ancing the budget through less spending and lower taxes. With lower tax burdens,
less regulation, and a balanced budget this economy can maximize its potential.
I welcome Chairman Greenspan and I am anxious to hear his analysis.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF SENATOR LAUCH FAIRCLOTH
Good morning, Mr. Greenspan, its good to see you again.
Mr. Chairman, it appears we are enjoying a relatively healthy economy with low
inflation and a decent level of economic growth.
I think that much of the credit can go to you, Mr. Greenspan, for your leadership
at the Federal Reserve. Many of us up on Capitol Hill have tried to tell you how
to do your job—but you have done it with a steady hand and I thinks it has worked.
I also think, however, that the Republican Congress deserves much of the credit.
The American people have a sense that we are making progress, getting our fiscal
house in order. We were the first Congress to actually cut spending in 40 years.
I don't think as much credit should go to this Administration. Their fiscal policy
has been all over the map. Four years ago, they wanted a stimulus package. Now,
they say they want a balanced budget, but the President's latest budget actually has
the deficit going back up—before it balances in 2002. And, of course, the President
is against a Constitutional amendment to balance the budget.
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All of this just confirms my view that we need a Constitutional amendment to
balance the budget, so that it is not left to the whim of who controls Congress
whether we are going to put ourselves deeper in debt.
Finally, but just as important, I think we need a real capital gains tax cut. I am
not sure why we have come to believe that a 2 percent growth is all we can achieve.
With lower taxes and less Government regulation, I think we can do better—direc-
tion needs to come from Congress.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I look forward to Mr. Greenspan's testimony.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF SENATOR CAROL MOSELEY-BRAUN
Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to have this opportunity to hear the distin-
guished Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, Alan Greenspan, present his views
on the conduct of monetary policy and the state of our economy.
At the outset, I think it is worth noting that the current economic news is gen-
erally good. We have produced more than 11 million new jobs over the last 4 years.
The economy continues to expand and according to the Congressional Budget Office,
in the report it released last month entitled, "The Economic and Budget Outlook:
Fiscal Years 1998-2007," economic growth seems likely to continue into the future.
The Wage Cost Index rose only 0.8 percent in the fourth quarter of 1996, indicating
that the current recovery is not likely to overheat, and that a return of inflation
is unlikely.
The budget news is also much better than it was not very many years ago. The
budget deficit in FY 1996 was only slightly more than one-third of what it was in
1982—down from over $290 billion then to only $107 billion in FY 1996. And the
Congressional Budget Office's newest projections of Federal baseline deficits over
the next 10 years are "one-third lower than last yearns."
This good news is a testament to the deft way Chairman Greenspan has con-
ducted monetary policy since he became the head of the Federal Reserve Board.
President Clinton and Secretary Rubin also deserve a commendation from this Com-
mittee for the roles the President and Secretary played in producing this economic
and budget success.
Despite the fact that the economy is generally strong, inflation is in abeyance, and
the budget deficit is in retreat, the longer-term outlook illustrates that we are rap-
idly running out of time to address the challenges now on the horizon. The CBO's
summary analysis pointed out that "Despite the improved outlook through 2007
. . . the budget situation will start to deteriorate rapidly only a few years later with
the retirement of the first Baby Boomers and the continued growth of per-person
health care costs." The projections for the rate of economic growth over the next dec-
ade are also far too low, only 2.1 percent. I, therefore, hope this Committee will go
beyond the relatively good news that we can reasonably expect over the next few
years, and begin to have an honest dialogue about what is on the horizon, and the
challenges the future holds for us and our children.
I think we need to focus on two interrelated issues: enhancing retirement security
and creating public policies that encourage greater efficiency in our economy and
higher rates of economic growth. There is no issue more important than retirement
security; there is no issue more important to the future of every American. The chal-
lenges we face in ensuring that future generations of Americans will be able to enjoy
the same kind of retirement security that current retirees have is immense. Social
Security, the cornerstone of retirement security in this country, is currently under-
funded and needs substantial reform to fulfill its mission in a future where there
will only be two working Americans for every retiree, instead of the three there are
now, and the five there were not very many years ago. Ensuring that Social Security
will continue to serve the needs of Americans in the future becomes even more im-
portant as we consider the impact of the changeover in private pension plans from
defined benefit plans to defined contribution plans—a change that could add to the
uncertainty facing future generations of retirees. Despite the good news on the defi-
cit reduction front, private savings rates in the United States are still far too low,
about half of all U.S. families have less than $1,000 in net financial assets.
As we attempt to come to grips with these issues, however, it is worth keeping
in mind that the health care and retirement programs, which, together with the
huge run-up in debt-service costs, are driving the increases in Federal spending, are
amazing successes. Poverty among the elderly is currently at the lowest level since
we have been keeping statistics, in no small part because of the retirement and
health security provided by Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. It is impossible
to underestimate the difference these Federal programs have made in the lives of
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literally tens of millions of Americans, and to our country generally. What makes
the achievement even more remarkable is that we have accomplished this goal while
holding Social Security administrative costs below 1 percent of benefits paid, and
Medicare administrative costs below 3 percent of benefits paid—levels far below
anything the private sector has been able to achieve.
We on this Committee can make an important contribution in addressing all of
these issues for at least two reasons: this Committee plays the key role in protecting
the savings of the American people, and this Committee has jurisdiction over our
financial system, which is critically important to both our future economic health
and the retirement security of American families. I would hope that Chairman
Greenspan, the President, and all of the Members of this Committee will do three
things: Focus on the long-term now, rather than wait until we face a crisis in little
more than a decade from now; begin bringing the American people into the dialogue
now by ensuring the American people have all of the information they need to fullv
participate in the critically important decisions that must be made; and approach
the reforms that will need to be made in Federal retirement security programs and
other Federal economic policies with a full appreciation of the enormous success we
have already achieved, and with a determination to build on that success for the
future. If we do that, we will have met our responsibility to the public we serve.
I want to conclude by stating one final truth, which is that the demographic,
budget, and fiscal challenges we face are not unique to the United States. The entire
industrialized world has to address the same set of issues. Change is, therefore, im-
perative. We can no more ignore the need for change—now—than we can ignore the
enormous changes now underway in the world economy. These momentous changes
require real leadership, which is why it is particularly important that the Chairman
of the Federal Reserve is with us this morning. The Federal Reserve has a vital role
to play in this time of momentous change. Based on the skill and competence with
which the Chairman has met his responsibilities so far, I am confident that the Fed-
eral Reserve will be a positive force in addressing the budgetary and economic chal-
lenges that we must all face.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF ALAN GREENSPAN
CHAIRMAN, BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
FEBRUARY 26, 1997
I appreciate the opportunity to appear before this Committee to present the Fed-
eral Reserve's semiannual report on monetary policy.
The performance of the U.S. economy over the past year has been quite favorable.
Real GDP growth picked up to more than 3 percent over the four quarters of 1996,
as the economy progressed through its sixth year of expansion. Employers added
more than two-and-a-half million workers to their payrolls in 1996, and the unem-
ployment rate fell further. Nominal wages and salaries have increased faster than
prices, meaning workers have gained ground in real terms, reflecting the benefits
of rising productivity. Outside the food and energy sectors, increases in consumer
prices actually have continued to edge lower, with core CPI inflation only 2V2 per-
cent over the past 12 months.
Low inflation last year was both a symptom and a cause of the good economy.
It was symptomatic of the balance and solidity of the expansion and the evident
absence of major strains on resources. At the same time, continued low levels
of inflation and inflation expectations have been a key support for healthy economic
performance. They have helped to create a financial and economic environment con-
ducive to strong capital spending and longer-range planning generally, and so to
sustained economic expansion. Consequently, the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC) believes it is crucial to keep inflation contained in the near term and ulti-
mately to move toward price stability.
"Looking ahead, the members of the FOMC expect inflation to remain low and the
economy to grow appreciably further. However, as I shall be discussing, the un-
usually good inflation performance of recent years seems to owe in large part to
some temporary factors, of Uncertain longevity. Thus, the FOMC continues to see
the distribution of inflation risks skewed to the upside and must remain especially
alert to the possible emergence of imbalances in financial and product markets that
ultimately could endanger the maintenance of the low-inflation environment. Sus-
tainable economic expansion for 1997 and beyond depends on it.
For some, the benign inflation outcome of 1996 might be considered surprising,
as resource utilization rates—particularly of labor—were in the neighborhood of
those that historically have been associated with building inflation pressures. To be
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sure, an acceleration in nominal labor compensation, especially its wage component,
became evident over the past year. But the rate of pay increase still was markedly
less than historical relationships with labor market conditions would have predicted.
Atypical restraint on compensation increases has been evident for a few years now
and appears to be mainly the consequence of greater worker insecurity. In 1991, at
the bottom of the recession, a survey of workers at large firms by International Sur-
vey Research Corporation indicated that 25 percent feared being laid off. In 1996,
despite the sharply lower unemployment rate and the tighter labor market, the
same survey organization found that 46 percent were fearful of a job layoff.
The reluctance of workers to leave their jobs to seek other employment as the
labor market tightened has provided further evidence of such concern, as has the
tendency toward longer labor union contracts. For many decades, contracts rarely
exceeded 3 years. Today, one can point to 5- and 6-year contracts—contracts that
are commonly characterized by an emphasis on job security and that involve only
modest wage increases. The low level of work stoppages of recent years also attests
to concern about job security.
Thus, the willingness of workers in recent years to trade off smaller increases in
wages for greater job security seems to be reasonably well documented. The un-
answered question is why this insecurity persisted even as the labor market, by all
objective measures, tightened considerably. One possibility may lie in the rapid evo-
lution of technologies in use in the workplace. Technological change almost surely
has been an important impetus behind corporate restructuring and downsizing.
Also, it contributes to the concern of workers that their job skills may become
inadequate. No longer can one expect to obtain all of one's lifetime job skills with
a high school or college diploma. Indeed, continuing education is perceived to be
increasingly necessary to retain a job. The more pressing need to update job skills
is doubtless also a factor in the marked expansion of on-the-job training programs,
especially in technical areas, in many of the Nation's corporations.
Certainly, other factors have contributed to the softness in compensation growth
in the past few years. The sharp deceleration in health care costs, of course, is cited
frequently. Another is the heightened pressure on firms and their workers in indus-
tries that compete internationally. Domestic deregulation has had similar effects on
the intensity of competitive forces in some industries. In any event, although I do
not doubt that all these factors are relevant, I would be surprised if they were near-
ly as important as job insecurity.
If heightened job insecurity is the most significant explanation of the break with
the past in recent years, then it is important to recognize that, as I indicated in
last February's Humphrey-Hawkins testimony, suppressed wage cost growth as a
consequence of job insecurity can be carried only so far. At some point, the tradeoff
of subdued wage growth for job security has to come to an end. In other words, the
relatively modest wage gains we have experienced are a temporary rather than a
lasting phenomenon because there is a limit to the value of additional job security
people are willing to acquire in exchange for lesser increases in living standards.
Even if real wages were to remain permanently on a lower upward track than other-
wise as a result of the greater sense of insecurity, the rate of change of wages would
revert at some point to a normal relationship with inflation. The unknown is when
this transition period will end.
Indeed, some recent evidence suggests that the labor markets bear especially care-
ful watching for signs that the return to more normal patterns may be in process.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that people were somewhat more willing to
quit their jobs to seek other employment in January than previously. The possibility
that this reflects greater confidence by workers accords with a recent further rise
in the percent of households responding to a Conference Board survey who perceive
that job availability is plentiful. Of course, the job market has continued to be quite
good recently; employment in January registered robust growth and initial claims
for unemployment insurance have been at a relatively low level of late. Wages rose
faster in 1996 than in 1995 by most measures, perhaps also raising questions about
whether the transitional period of unusually slow wage gains may be drawing
to a close.
To be sure, the pickup in wage gains has not shown through to underlying price
inflation. Increases in the core CPI, as well as in several broader measures of prices,
have stayed subdued or even edged off further in recent months. As best we can
judge, faster productivity growth last year meant that rising compensation gains did
not cause labor costs per unit of output to increase any more rapidly. Non-labor
costs, which are roughly a quarter of total consolidated costs of the nonnnancial cor-
porate sector, were little changed in 1996.
Owing in part to this subdued behavior of unit costs, profits and rates of return
on capital have risen to high levels. As a consequence, businesses believe that, were
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they to raise prices to boost profits further, competitors with already ample profit
margins would not follow suit; instead, they would use the occasion to capture a
greater market share. This interplay is doubtless a significant factor in the evident
loss of pricing power in American business.
Intensifying global competition also may be further restraining domestic firms'
ability to hike prices as well as wages. Clearly, the appreciation of the dollar on
balance over the past 18 months or so, together with low inflation in many of our
trading partners, has resulted in a marked decline W non-oil import prices that has
helped to damp domestic inflation pressures. Yet it is important to emphasize that
these influences, too, would be holding down inflation only temporarily; they rep-
resent a transition to a lower price level than would otherwise prevail, not to a per-
manently lower rate of inflation.
Against the background of all these considerations, the FOMC has recognized the
need to remain vigilant for signs of potentially inflationary imbalances that might,
if not corrected promptly, undermine our economic expansion. The FOMC, in fact,
has signaled a state of heightened alert for possible policy tightening since last July
in its policy directives. But, we have also taken care not to act prematurely. The
FOMC refrained from changing policy last summer, despite expectations of a near-
term policy firming by many financial market participants. In light of the develop-
ments I have just discussed affecting wages and prices, we thought inflation might
well remain damped, and in any case was unlikely to pick up very rapidly, in part
because the economic expansion appeared likely to slow to a more sustainable pace.
In the event, inflation has remained quiescent since then.
Given the lags with which monetary policy affects the economy, however, we can-
not rule out a situation in which a preemptive policy tightening may become appro-
priate before any sign of actual higher inflation becomes evident. If the FOMC were
to implement such an action, it would be judging that the risks to the economic
expansion of waiting longer had increased unduly and had begun to outweigh the
advantages of waiting for uncertainties to be reduced by the accumulation of more
information about economic trends. Indeed, the hallmark of a successful policy to
foster sustainable economic growth is that inflation does not rise. I find it ironic
that our actions in 1994-95 were criticized by some because inflation did not turn
upward. That outcome, of course, was the intent of the tightening, and I am satis-
fied that our actions then were both necessary and effective, and helped to foster
the continued economic expansion.
To be sure, 1997 is not 1994. The real Federal funds rate today is significantly
higher than it was 3 years ago. Then we had just completed an extended period of
monetary ease which addressed the credit stringencies of the early 1990's, and with
the abatement of the credit crunch, the low real funds rate of early 1994 was clearly
incompatible with containing inflation and sustaining growth going forward. In Feb-
ruary 1997, in contrast, our concern is a matter of relative risks rather than of ex-
pected outcomes. The real funds rate, judging by core inflation, is only slightly below
its early 1995 peak for this cycle and might be at a level that will promote continued
noninflationary growth, especially considering the recent rise in the exchange value
of the dollar. Nonetheless, we cannot be sure. And the risks of being wrong are
clearly tilted to the upside.
I wish it were possible to lay out in advance exactly what conditions have to pre-
vail to portend a buildup of inflation pressures or inflationary psychology. However,
the circumstances that have been associated with increasing inflation in the past
have not followed a single pattern. The processes have differed from cycle to cycle,
and what may have been a useful leading indicator in one instance has given off
misleading signals in another.
I have already discussed the key role of labor market developments in restraining
inflation in the current cycle and our careful monitoring of signs that the transition
phase of trading off lower real wages for greater job security might be coming to
a close. As always, with resource utilization rates high, we would need to watch
closely a situation in which demand was clearly unsustainable because it was pro-
ducing escalating pressures on resources, which could destabilize the economy. And
we would need to oe watchful that the progress we have made in keeping inflation
expectations damped was not eroding. In general, though, our analysis will need to
encompass all potentially relevant information, from financial markets as well as
the economy, especially when some signals, like those in the labor market, have not
been following their established patterns.
The ongoing economic expansion to date has reinforced our conviction about the
importance of low inflation—and the public's confidence in continued low inflation.
The economic expansion almost surely would not have lasted nearly so long had
monetary policy supported an unsustainable acceleration of spending that induced
a buildup of inflationary imbalances. The Federal Reserve must not acquiesce in an
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upcreep in inflation, for acceding to higher inflation would countenance an insidious
weakening of our chances for sustaining long-run economic growth. Inflation inter-
feres with the efficient allocation of resources by confusing price signals, undercut-
ting a focus on the longer run, and distorting incentives.
This year overall inflation is anticipated to stay restrained. The central tendency
of the forecasts made by the Board members and Reserve Bank presidents has the
increase in the total CPI slipping back into a range of 23A to 3 percent over the
four quarters of the year. This slight falloff from last year's pace is expected to owe
in part to a slower rise in food prices as some of last year's supply limitations ease.
More importantly, world oil supplies are projected by most analysts to increase rel-
ative to world oil demand, ana futures markets project a further decline in prices,
at least in the near term. The recent and prospective declines in crude oil prices
not only should affect retail gasoline and home heating oil prices but also should
relieve inflation pressures through lower prices for other petroleum products, which
are imbedded in the economy's underlying cost structure. Nonetheless, the trend in
inflation rates in the core CPI and in broader price measures may be somewhat less
favorable than in recent years. A continued tight labor market, whose influence on
costs would be augmented by the scheduled increase in the minimum wage later in
the year and perhaps by higher growth of benefits now that considerable health care
savings already have been realized, could put upward pressure on core inflation.
Moreover, the effects of the sharp rise in the dollar over the last 18 months in push-
ing down import prices are likely to ebb over coming quarters.
The unemployment rate, according to Board members and Bank presidents,
should stay around 5^4 to 5V2 percent through the fourth quarter, consistent with
their projections of measured real GDP growth of 2 to 2V£ percent over the four
quarters of the year. Such a growth rate would represent some downshifting in out-
put expansion from that of last year. The projected moderation of growth likely
would reflect several influences: (1) declines in real Federal Government purchases
should be exerting a modest degree of restraint on overall demand; (2) the lagged
effects of the increase in the exchange value of the dollar in recent months likely
will damp U.S. net exports somewhat this year; and (3) residential construction is
unlikely to repeat the gains of 1996. On the other hand, we do not see evidence of
widespread imbalances either in business inventories or in stocks of equipment and
consumer durables that would lead to a substantial cutback in spending. And finan-
cial conditions overall remain supportive; real interest rates are not high by histori-
cal standards and credit is readily available from intermediaries and in the market.
The usual uncertainties in the overall outlook are especially focused on the be-
havior of consumers. Consumption should rise roughly in line with the projected
moderate expansion of disposable income, but both upside and downside risks are
present. According to various surveys, sentiment is decidedly upbeat. Consumers
nave enjoyed healthy gains in their real incomes along with the extraordinary stock-
market driven rise in their financial wealth over the last couple of years. Indeed,
econometric models suggest that the more than $4 trillion rise in equity values since
late 1994 should have had a larger positive influence on consumer spending than
seems to have actually occurred.
It is possible, however, that households have been reluctant to spend much of
their added wealth because they see a greater need to keep it to support spending
in retirement. Many households have expressed heightened concern about their
financial security in old age, which reportedly has led to increased provision for re-
tirement. The results of a survey conducted annually by the Roper Organization,
which asks individuals about their confidence in the Social Security system, shows
that between 1992 and 1996 the percent of respondents expressing little or no con-
fidence in the system jumped from about 45 percent to more than 60 percent.
Moreover, consumer debt burdens are near historical highs, while credit card de-
linquencies and personal bankruptcies have risen sharply over the past year. These
circumstances may make both borrowers and lenders a bit more cautious, damping
spending.
In fact, we may be seeing both wealth and debt effects already at work for dif-
ferent segments of the population, to an approximately offsetting extent. Saving out
of current income by households in the upper income quintile, who own nearly
three-fourths of all nonpension equities held by households, evidently has declined
in recent years. At the same time, the use of credit for purchases appears to have
leveled off after a sharp runup from 1993 to 1996, perhaps because some households
are becoming debt constrained and, as a result, are curtailing their spending.
The Federal Reserve will be weighing these influences as it endeavors to help
extend the current period of sustained growth. Participants in financial markets
seem to believe that in the current benign environment the FOMC will succeed in-
definitely. There is no evidence, however, that the business cycle has been repealed.
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Another recession will doubtless occur some day owing to circumstances that could
not be, or at least were not, perceived by policymakers and financial market par-
ticipants alike. History demonstrates that participants in financial markets are
susceptible to waves of optimism, which can in turn foster a general process of
asset-price inflation that can feed through into markets for goods and services.
Excessive optimism sows the seeds of its own reversal in the form of imbalances
that tend to grow over time. When unwarranted expectations ultimately are not re-
alized, the unwinding of these financial excesses can act to amplify a downturn in
economic activity, much as they can amplify the upswing. As you know, last Decem-
ber I put the question this way: ". . . how do we know when irrational exuberance
has unduly escalated asset values, which then become subject to unexpected and
prolonged contractions . . . ?"
We have not been able, as yet, to provide a satisfying answer to this question,
but there are reasons in the current environment to keep this question on the table.
Clearly, when people are exposed to long periods of relative economic tranquility,
they seem inevitably prone to complacency about the future. This is understandable.
We have had 15 years of economic expansion interrupted by only one recession—
and that was 6 years ago. As the memory of such past events fades, it naturally
seems ever less sensible to keep up one's guard against an adverse event in the fu-
ture. Thus, it should come as no surprise that, after such a long period of balanced
expansion, risk premiums for advancing funds to businesses in virtually all financial
markets have declined to near-record lows.
Is it possible that there is something fundamentally new about this current period
that would warrant such complacency? Yes, it is possible. Markets may have become
more efficient, competition is more global, and information technology has doubtless
enhanced the stability of business operations. But, regrettably, history is strewn
with visions of such "new eras" that, in the end, have proven to be a mirage. In
short, history counsels caution.
Such caution seems especially warranted with regard to the sharp rise in equity
prices during the past 2 years. These gains have obviously raised questions of sus-
tainability. Analytically, current stock-price valuations at prevailing long-term inter-
est rates could be justified by very strong earnings growth expectations. In fact, the
long-term earnings projections of financial analysts have been marked up noticeably
over the last year and seem to imply very high earnings growth and continued ris-
ing profit margins, at a time when such margins are already up appreciably from
their depressed levels of 5 years ago. It could be argued that, although margins are
the highest in a generation, they are still below those that prevailed in the 1960's.
Nonetheless, further increases in these margins would evidently require continued
restraint on costs: labor compensation continuing to grow at its current pace and
productivity growth picking up. Neither, of course, can be ruled out. But we should
keep in mind that, at these relatively low long-term interest rates, small changes
in long-term earnings expectations could have outsized impacts on equity prices.
Caution also seems warranted by the narrow yield spreads that suggest percep-
tions of low risk, possibly unrealistically low risk. Considerable optimism about the
ability of businesses to sustain this current healthy financial condition seems, as I
indicated earlier, to be influencing the setting of risk premiums, not just in the
stock market but throughout the financial system. This optimistic attitude has be-
come especially evident in quality spreads on high-yield corporate bonds—what we
used to call "junk bonds." In addition, banks have continued to ease terms and
standards on business loans, and margins on many of these loans are now quite
thin. Many banks are pulling back a little from consumer credit card lending as
losses exceed expectations. Nonetheless, some bank and nonbank lenders have been
expanding aggressively into the home equity loan market and so-called "subprime"
auto lending, although recent problems in the latter may already be introducing a
sense of caution.
Why should the central bank be concerned about the possibility that financial
markets may be overestimating returns or mispricing risk? It is not that we have
a firm view that equity prices are necessarily excessive right now or risk spreads
patently too low. Our goal is to contribute as best we can to the highest possible
growth of income and wealth over time, and we would be pleased if the favorable
economic environment projected in markets actually comes to pass. Rather, the
FOMC has to be sensitive to indications of even slowly building imbalances, what-
ever their source, that, by fostering the emergence of inflation pressures, would ulti-
mately threaten healthy economic expansion.
Unfortunately, because the monetary aggregates were subject to an episode of ab-
errant behavioral patterns in the early 1990's, they are likely to be of only limited
help in making this judgment. For three decades starting in the early 1960's, the
public's demand for the broader monetary aggregates, especially M2, was reasonably
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predictable. In the intermediate term, M2 velocity—nominal income divided by the
stock of M2—tended to vary directly with the difference between money market
yields and the return on M2 assets—that is, with its short-term opportunity cost.
In the long run, as adjustments in deposit rates caused the opportunity cost to re-
vert to an equilibrium, M2 velocity also tended to return to an associated stable
equilibrium level. For several years in the early 1990's, however, the velocities of
M2 and M3 exhibited persisting upward shifts that departed markedly from these
historical patterns.
In the last 2 to 3 years, velocity patterns seem to have returned to those historical
relationships, after allowing for a presumed permanent upward shift in the levels
of velocity. Even so, given the abnormal velocity behavior during the early 1990's,
FOMC members continue to see considerable uncertainty in the relationship of
broad money to opportunity costs and nominal income. Concern about the possibility
of aberrant behavior has made the FOMC hesitant to upgrade the role of these
measures in monetary policy.
Against this background, at its February meeting, the FOMC reaffirmed the pro-
visional ranges set last July for money and debt growth this year: 1 to 5 percent
for M2, 2 to 6 percent for M3, and 3 to 7 percent for the debt of domestic non-
financial sectors. The M2 and M3 ranges again are designed to be consistent with
the FOMC's long-run goal of price stability: For, if the velocities of the broader mon-
etary aggregates were to continue behaving as they did before 1990, then money
growth around the middle portions of the ranges would be consistent with non-
inflationary, sustainable economic expansion. But, even with such velocity behavior
this year, when inflation is expected to still be higher than is consistent with our
long-run objective of reasonable price stability, the broader aggregates could well
grow around the upper bounds of these ranges. The debt aggregate probably will
expand around the middle of its range this year.
I will conclude on the same upbeat note about the U.S. economy with which I
began. Although a central banker's occupational responsibility is to stay on the look-
out for trouble, even I must admit that our economic prospects in general are quite
favorable. The flexibility of our market system and the vibrancy of our private sector
remain examples for the whole world to emulate. The Federal Reserve will endeavor
to do its part by continuing to foster a monetary framework under which our citi-
zens can prosper to the fullest possible extent.
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RESPONSE TO WRITTEN QUESTIONS OF SENATOR D'AMATO
FROM ALAN GREENSPAN
Q.I.a. A recent NASDAQ survey indicates 40 percent of all Ameri-
cans now own mutual funds, compared to only 13 percent in 1990.
Since you appeared before this Committee last July, the Dow has
climbed over 1,500 points. Market bears say the market may be
due for a price correction of anywhere from 10 to 20 percent. In
your view, does the increased individual investment have any im-
pact on the potential for, or depth of, a market downturn?
A.l.a. Evidence from a variety of sources suggests that a broad seg-
ment of U.S. households own shares in mutual funds and that
many of these shareholders may not have experienced a bear mar-
ket. The prospect for investors in equity mutual funds to intensify
a downturn in share prices is an issue we have considered. The ex-
perience to date, however, suggests that mutual fund shareholders
have not been inclined to react to a price decline by heavy selling.
In part, this may be because many investors hold shares as compo-
nents of their retirement programs and thus view them as long-
term investments. Nonetheless, the essence of our market system
is that shareholders may choose to reallocate their investments.
The paramount public policy concern—and one upon which the
SEC has focused much of its regulatory effort—is to ensure that
markets and mutual funds can absorb any shocks with which they
are faced.
Q.l.b. How has the Working Group you are involved in with the
SEC and others taken this individual investment into consideration
in the Group's crisis planning?
A.l.b. Staff of the agencies that participate in the Working Group
have discussed the increased role of individual investors in mutual
funds, and the principals of the Working Group have been briefed
on these discussions. The SEC maintains close contacts with large
mutual funds and monitors share redemptions by investors, par-
ticularly during times of market volatility. The SEC staff keep staff
of other members of the Working Group apprised of developments,
as necessary.
Q.l.c. Should the various circuit breakers be set in percentage
terms, rather than absolute levels?
A.I.e. Ideally, circuit breakers would be set in percentage terms,
but their administration would be much more difficult if they were
defined as percentages. Market participants, exchanges, and clear-
ing organizations would be faced with determining new circuit
breakers every day and adjusting their behavior to the new levels.
The SEC has indicated to exchanges the need to review periodically
the levels of circuit breakers. A process of periodic review will have
much the same effect as circuit breakers set in percentage terms
but without the administrative difficulties.
Q.2.a. A recent American Banker article noted that banks are en-
couraging borrowers to transfer unsecured debt to home equity
lines, partly in response to rising default rates on other types of
consumer loans. I recognize that home equity loans may be more
advantageous for the consumer because of the tax deducibility.
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However, the loans may also pose risks to the consumer since their
home is at stake. What can you tell us about the extent of this
practice?
A.2.a. The American Banker article to which you allude (February
11, 1997 edition) cites a Federal Reserve System study as the basis
for the article. The study, the January 1997 Senior Loan Officer
Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices, surveyed 57 banks, the
assets of which account for approximately 40 percent of the bank-
ing industry's aggregate assets. Responses from several of the sur-
vey's participants suggest that the recent rapid growth in home
equity loans was, in part, the result of substitution for unsecured
forms of consumer credit. This shift reportedly has arisen from
bank promotion of such substitution as well as from the initiative
of borrowers attempting to consolidate their debt and gain the at-
tendant advantage of deducting all or a portion of interest paid on
their home equity loan debt. To a much lesser extent, respondents
report that the easing of home equity loan terms was a factor in
the recent rapid growth in these loans.
The aggregate financial data for all insured commercial banks as
of year-end 1996 confirm the growing popularity of home equity
loans. With total outstandings of $85 billion, home equity loans
held by commercial banks comprise 7 percent of all consumer loan
outstandings, the smallest segment of the consumer loan sector.
Unsecured credit (i.e., credit cards and consumer installment loans)
totalled $565 billion and accounts for 46 percent of consumer loans.
(Residential mortgages comprise the balance.) Home equity credit
line outstandings at commercial banks increased by 8 percent dur-
ing 1996, the highest growth rate in 6 years. Conversely, the rate
of growth for unsecured credit last year was 5 percent, a marked
slowdown from the double-digit growth experienced in 1995 and
1994. And most notably, delinquencies in unsecured credit port-
folios have risen significantly during the past year while the credit
quality of home equity loan portfolios either improved or remained
stable.
Home equity loan borrowing has increased steadily since 1986
when Federal tax reform allowed for the deductibility of home eq-
uity loan interest and phased out interest deductions on nonmort-
gage credit such as credit cards and auto loans. Given these tax
advantages, in combination with low interest rates relative to unse-
cured credit alternatives, and the convenience and benefits of debt
consolidation, we anticipate home equity demand will continue to
expand. Furthermore, the low delinquency and default rates of
home equity loans along with the increasing riskiness of, and the
increased competition for, unsecured credit makes the risk-adjusted
yield on home equity loans more attractive to banks. Based on
these data and the anecdotal evidence collected from our Senior
Loan Officer Opinion Survey, we expect continued marketing and
substitution promotion of these loans among commercial banks.
Q.2.b. What are your examiners doing to make sure that these
loans are safely underwritten and don't involve excessively high
loan-to-value ratios?
A.2.b. Federal Reserve supervisory officials and examiners monitor
lending standards and practices in connection with ongoing super-
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visory activities and the conduct of on-site examinations. The Fed-
eral Reserve System issued Guidance on Home Equity Lending and
Compliance with the Interagency Real Estate Standards Guidelines
(SR Letter 95-31, a copy of which is attached) on May 30, 1995.
These guidelines specifically discuss the topic of home equity lend-
ing where combined mortgage indebtedness results in very high
loan-to-value (LTV) ratios. When reviewing a State member bank's
residential real estate lending activities, Federal Reserve System
examiners are directed to ensure that the bank's home equity lend-
ing policies for originating and acquiring such loans comply with
the Real Estate Lending Standards Guidelines (12 CFR Subpart C,
sections 208.51 and 208.52, and Appendix C).
In addition, the Federal Reserve System issued Bank Lending
Terms and Standards (SR Letter 95-36, a copy of which is also at-
tached) on June 19, 1995, which discusses the inclination for some
banks to relax lending terms and conditions beyond prudent
bounds when faced with heightened lending competition. This let-
ter provides examiners with specific guidance and procedures for
evaluating bank loan portfolios, with an emphasis on determining
whether credit terms and standards have eased, and if so, whether
the bank's lending activities remain within the bounds of prudent
underwriting practice.
Board of Governors staff and senior officers from each Federal
Reserve Bank's Supervision and Regulation function regularly meet
to discuss pertinent credit issues and the potential impact on the
banking industry. Staff recently met to discuss the topics of sub-
prime lending and home equity lending. Evidence suggests that few
State member banks offer loans with LTV ratios in excess of 90
percent; rather, evidence points to finance companies and subprime
lenders as the major providers of these loans. Underwriting stand-
ards and/or loan terms offered by banks may be affected by com-
petitive pressures in the home equity market and may be driven
by mounting competition from finance companies and subprime
lenders.
Q.3.a. Banks are apparently attempting to expand their loan port-
folios by going after riskier credits or what some refer to as the
"subprime" or "nonprime" lending market. My concerns are twofold:
One is whether consumers are being taken advantage of by compa-
nies which grant loans on overvalued collateral—such as used cars.
Second, I point to the practices of companies like Mercury Finance
which engaged in fictitious accounting to overstate profits. What is
the size of this market and what is the extent of bank involvement?
A.3.a. Subprime and nonprime are generic terms applied to a wide
spectrum of loans made to borrowers with blemished credit his-
tories and varying degrees of greater risk. Estimating the size of
this market is difficult as these terms are loosely defined and may
vary from lender to lender. Many lenders assign a letter grade to
loans, where "A" credits are traditional bankable loans and riskier
credits are categorized as "B" and "C" and sometimes even "D"
loans. Grading credits in this fashion is also a subjective matter.
In an attempt to standardize the definition of subprime, some lend-
ers have assigned a letter grade based on the score ascribed a bor-
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rower under the widely used Fair, Isaacs and Company credit scor-
ing system.
Finance companies have traditionally specialized in these types
of credits but banks and their affiliates are participating in this po-
tentially profitable segment in increasing numbers. In general, the
size of subprime lending relative to prime lending is comparatively
small. The primary driving force behind banks' growing involve-
ment in the subprime lending market is high competition for, and
a dwindling supply of "A" credits. Despite greater risk and a higher
operating cost structure, subprime lending offers significantly high-
er returns than traditional lending. As an indication of the growing
appeal of subprime lending, the number of publicly traded sub-
prime lenders has doubled in the past year. There are over twenty
publicly traded subprime auto finance companies, for whom Wall
Street has raised over $1 billion in equity capital alone since 1993.
Commercial banks gain involvement in subprime lending by en-
gaging directly in subprime lending themselves or by investing in
securities issued by subprime lenders. The issuance of securities
backed by loans of the subprime specialists rose from $200 million
in 1995 to $1.6 billion in 1996. While banks routinely bear expo-
sure to risk by investing in these or in any asset-backed securities,
we have not yet seen widespread defaults or deterioration in the
quality of instruments issued by the subprime specialists. With one
notable exception, most of the independent finance companies rely
on asset securitization rather than commercial paper for financing.
The one exception, Mercury Finance, to which you refer, is the only
independent finance company involved in subprime auto lending
that has a commercial paper program. Of all participants in the
subprime industry, the parties that appear to bear the greatest risk
are finance company shareholders. Following Mercury Finance's
disclosure of accounting inconsistencies and Jayhawk Acceptance
Company's announcement of large fourth quarter losses, a broad
sell-off of finance company shares occurred, resulting in a sharp de-
cline in share prices and a high loss of market capitalization.
Banks may also enter the subprime lending arena by acquiring
seasoned finance companies, by expanding existing finance com-
pany subsidiaries, or by simply establishing specialized subprime
lending staffs within existing lending operations.
Q.3.b. What are your views on the growing bank involvement in
this area?
A*3.b. Subprime lending is a potentially lucrative business for
those who thoroughly understand the business, fully recognize the
risks involved, and are capable of effectively managing those risks.
There are characteristics unique to this segment that are entirely
distinct from traditional lending. Subprime lending is viewed by
many as asset- or collateral-based lending, and, as such, requires
underwriting and collection philosophies far different from tra-
ditional lending. Given the disturbing trends in consumer loan de-
linquencies and personal bankruptcies, the Federal Reserve would
increase its oversight of a bank contemplating or engaging in this
or any activity without a full understanding of the inherent risks
involved.
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Q.3.C. What is the Fed doing to monitor behavior in this area, par-
ticularly for those institutions who have little experience dealing
with these types of riskier credits?
A.3.c. In addition to SR Letter 95-36 (Bank Lending Terms and
Standards, as discussed earlier), Board of Governors staff and Fed-
eral Reserve Bank officers continually evaluate the latest trends
and developments in the banking industry as well as in the non-
bank arena. Staff has been closely following the recent develop-
ments in the subprime market to assess the impact, if any, on spe-
cific institutions and on the banking system as a whole. We are
currently evaluating whether the recent events warrant the issu-
ance of further guidance to assist our examiners in the review of
banks' subprime lending operations. In addition, other discussions
of these topics take place regularly in the context of meetings of the
senior officers of Reserve Banks, conferences of examination staffs,
and other informally constituted groups. Federal Reserve System
staff also recently conducted a survey of several banks and affili-
ated finance companies in connection with a variety of retail credit
issues. Furthermore, Board of Governors staff have met with staff
of the other regulatory agencies to disseminate information on
subprime lending and to discuss the potential impact of this seg-
ment's growth.
Q.4.a. You and I are both very interested in seeing that the bene-
fits of technology in the financial services area be extended to con-
sumers. In November, I wrote asking you to evaluate whether the
Fed should only allow banks to hold nonlocal checks for 4 days—
1 day less than permitted under the schedule Congress established
in 1987. When do you anticipate having an analysis completed on
that issue?
A.4.a. As discussed in your letter of November 19, 1996, and my
response of December 9, 1996, the Federal Reserve is investigating
whether the availability schedule for nonlocal checks should be
shortened by one business day, from the five business days cur-
rently permitted by the Expedited Funds Availability Act (EFAA)
to four business days. Although the Federal Reserve's Report to the
Congress on Funds Availability Schedules and Check Fraud found
that, on average, almost two-thirds of nonlocal checks that are not
paid are returned to the depositary bank within four business days,
this percentage represents a national average and does not reflect
potential differences in return times between various regions in the
United States. For example, a bank in New York might receive a
returned check drawn on a Cleveland bank faster than a returned
check drawn on a Dallas or Los Angeles bank.
The Federal Reserve Banks are collecting detailed data on the re-
turn times between different sections of the country, including
urban and rural areas where access to transportation may vary sig-
nificantly. Board's staff expects to receive the raw data later this
spring, and it will then analyze the data to determine the return
times for nonlocal checks between each pair of Federal Reserve of-
fices. This analysis should be completed by the fall. If the results
indicate that a change in the availability schedule for all or some
nonlocal checks may be warranted, the Board would request public
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comment on proposed changes to the Regulation CC availability
schedule.
In its September report to Congress on local checks, the Fed rec-
ommended that the holding period be extended from 2 to 3 days.
Q.4.b. How can members of Congress reasonably be expected to tell
their constituents that in light of technological advances banks
need to hold their money longer?
A.4.b. The Check-Fraud Report found that the Board's Regulation
CC, which implemented the EFAA, reduced the average time for a
dishonored check to be returned to the depositary bank by approxi-
mately 20 percent by reducing the number of intermediary institu-
tions that might handle a returned check and by requiring the use
of technology to speed the processing of those checks. The survey
found, however, that, even with this improvement, fewer than half
of returned local checks were returned within the two business-day
period provided by the EFAA. There continue to be physical limita-
tions to the speed with which a paying bank can review and initi-
ate the return of a dishonored check and with which paper checks
can be processed and transported to depositary banks. Extending
the maximum permissible hold period for local checks by one busi-
ness day would increase the likelihood that depositary banks would
receive returned checks before they were, required to release funds
and would improve banks' ability to manage their risk.
While the Federal Reserve continues to investigate alternatives
for expediting the processing and delivery of returned checks to
depositary banks, there are limits to the improvements that can be
made in processing paper documents. As a result, the Federal Re-
serve encourages the use of electronic payment alternatives to im-
prove the certainty of payments and consumers' access to their
funds. The use of direct deposit for Social Security payments, veter-
ans' benefits, payroll payments, and corporate dividend payments
provides users with assurance that payments will be made and
funds will be received in a timely, reliable, efficient, and secure
fashion. If an employer does not offer direct deposit, individuals
should request their employer to provide direct deposit as an alter-
native to traditional pay checks.
Q.4.C. Do all of the Fed banks and branches use electronic check
presentment?
A.4.c. All Federal Reserve check processing offices offer electronic
check presentment, which was first piloted by the Reserve Banks
in 1985. Under the Uniform Commercial Code and the Board's Reg-
ulation CC, prior agreement between collecting banks and paying
banks is required before checks can be presented electronically.
Thus, although the Federal Reserve encourages banks to accept
electronic check presentment as legal presentment for checks, it
cannot compel them to do so. In 1996, approximately 9 percent of
the checks presented through the Federal Reserve were presented
electronically, an increase from the 1 percent of checks presented
electronically in 1993.
Although electronic check presentment can improve the efficiency
of the check clearing system, it cannot fully eliminate the need to
handle and transport paper checks. The Federal Reserve believes
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that there are limits to the speed with which payments can be
processed as long as paper instruments are used.
Q.4.d. If check fraud is a significant issue, why is extending the
hold period the best solution? Shouldn't other fraud-cutting alter-
natives be considered?
A.4.d. Because banks incur losses from many types of check fraud,
no single solution can prevent all types of fraud. Therefore, the
banking industry is pursuing many avenues to deter and prevent
check fraud. The Board made legislative recommendations on hold
periods for local checks because this was the specific issue that
Congress, in the Riegle Community Development and Regulatory
Improvement Act of 1994, directed the Board to address. At the
same time, the Board has made its report to Congress available to
the public so that all interested parties could use the survey results
to assist them in their efforts to combat check fraud.
ATTACHMENTS
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BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OFTH6
FEbERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
WASHINGTON. 0. C. 20S51
SR 95-31 (SUP)
May 30, 1995
TO THE OFFICER IN CHARGE OF SUPERVISION
AT EACH FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
SUBJECT: Guidance on Home Equity Lending and Compliance with the Interagency Real
Estate Lending Standards Guidelines
Recent information suggests that there has been a significant increase in
home equity lending where the combined first and second mortgages result in very high
loan-to-value (LTV) ratios, in some cases up to or exceeding 100 percent. Reserve Banks
are reminded that a state member bank making or acquiring high LTV home equity loans
may not be adhering to the Interagency Real Estate Lending Standards Guidelines.1 While
these guidelines do not apply to bank holding companies and their non-bank subsidiaries
nor U.S. operations of foreign banking organizations, these organizations are expected to
operate in a prudent manner when underwriting real estate loans.
The current higher level of interest rates has resulted in fewer residential
mortgage refinancings. It appears that banks are seeking to offset the decline in the
refinancing business by competing more aggressively for home equity loan business. At
the same time, demand for such loans is increasing as they provide a relatively low-cost
funding source for consumer purchases. In a number of markets across the country, banks
are offering 100 percent LTV home equity loans in order to remain competitive with other
local residential lenders.
During the course of reviewing a state member bank's residential real estate
lending activities, examiners should ensure that the bank's home equity lending policies for
originating and acquiring such loans comply with the Real Estate Lending Standards
Guidelines. While the guidelines do not set an explicit LTV limit for mortgages and home
equity loans on owner-occupied 1 -to-4 family residential properties, they do provide that,
for loans with LTVs equal to or exceeding 90 percent, banks must have appropriate credit
enhancements, in the form of either mortgage insurance or readily marketable collateral.2
' While the guidelines permit banks to make residential real estate loans with LTVs in excess
of 90 percent without these credit enhancements, such loans are treated as exceptions to
the guidelines and subject to an aggregate limitation of 100 percent of total capital. In
addition to examining for compliance with the Real Estate Lending Standards Guidelines,
examiners should ensure that a bank with a high concentration of home equity loans with
1 Refer to 12 CFR Subpart C, sections 208.51 and 208.52 and Appendix C.
2For home equity loans, the guidelines define the loan amount in the LTV ratio calculation
as the amount of the home equity loan plus the outstanding amount of all senior liens on the
property.
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excessively high combined LTVs has proper controls to manage such exposure. Banks
with concentrations that lack proper controls and monitoring procedures should be
criticized for these credit deficiencies. If these deficiencies are considered severe in the
examiner's judgment, the bank should be cited for unsafe and unsound banking practices.
The situation is somewhat different for non-bank subsidiaries of bank holding
companies (e.g., mortgage companies and finance companies) and U.S. operations of
foreign banking organizations. While these organizations are not subject to the Real Estate
Lending Standards Guidelines, they are expected to employ prudent lending standards.
Accordingly, examiners should consider whether such organizations' underwriting and
credit standards for home equity loans are adequate to ensure that this type of lending is
being carried out in a safe and sound manner.
Any questions on the Real Estate Lending Standards Guidelines should be
directed to Virginia Gibbs, Supervisory Financial Analyst, at 202/452-2521.
Stephen C. Schemering /
Deputy Director [
Cross Reference - Commercial Bank Examination Manual: Section 2090.1
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BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
WASHINGTON. 0. C. 20551
DIVISION OF BANKING
SUPERVISION AND REGULATION
SR 95-36 (SUP)
June 19, 1995
TO THE OFFICER IN CHARGE OF SUPERVISION
AT EACH FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
SUBJECT: Bank Lending Terms and Standards
Introduction
Federal Reserve supervisory officials and examiners monitor lending
standards and practices in connection with ongoing supervisory activities and the
conduct of on-site examinations. For some time, surveys of senior lending officers,
reports from examiners, anecdotal information on competitive conditions from
bankers, and discussions with trade and advisory groups have indicated that
commercial banks have been easing terms and conditions on loans to their business
customers. Such adjustments may be altogether appropriate if they are being
made prudently by banks that significantly tightened their credit standards in the
late 1980s and early 1990s in response to serious credit problems and weak
banking conditions. In today's intensely competitive lending markets, however,
there is the potential that some banks may be relaxing, or may be inclined to relax,
lending terms and conditions beyond prudent bounds in efforts to obtain new
customers or retain existing customers.
Supervisory experience suggests that credit underwriting terms have
eased from those prevailing in the early 1990s in a variety of ways which include,
but are not limited to, smaller loan fees, narrower spreads, larger credit lines, lower
debt service coverage ratios, lengthening of maturities, lower collateral coverage,
Jess frequent personal guarantees and generally fewer or more liberal protective
covenants. In addition to the easing associated with commercial loans, some
lenders have loosened terms on credit card and home equity facilities to individuals.
Examination Considerations
The process by which banks alter their lending terms and standards,
as well as their overall appetite for risk-taking, can involve decisions by senior
management and boards of directors to amend operating policies and procedures.
Alternatively, a change in a bank's risk profile can sometimes result from more
subtle or gradual revisions or modifications in how a"Bank's lending policies and
procedures are applied in practice. The latter process may be less apparent, but
both can, if not controlled over time, result in significant loan problems. Senior
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bank management and bank examiners need to be sensitive to both types of credit
easing and their potential impact on a bank's risk profile.
Banking necessarily entails making business judgements about taking and
pricing risks and, of course, the potential for loss is inherent in the lending process.
Banks must have the discretion to make reasonable adjustments to lending rates,
fees and other terms in order to serve their communities and customers, maintain
market position, and operate profitably. However, sound banking practice requires
that banks have policies and procedures in place to ensure that all credit risks are
properly identified, monitored, and controli3d, and that loan pricing, terms, and
other safeguards against non-performance and default are commensurate with the
level of risk undertaken. The experience of the recent past demonstrates that lax
lending standards or practices can lead to heavy loan losses that place a material
strain on earnings and capital.
Over the last several years, consumers and business borrowers have
generally experienced quite favorable financial and economic conditions, which
have contributed to the recent growth and strong performance of bank loan
portfolios. However, examiners should recognize that these conditions have been
affected, in part, by the particular circumstances of the business cycle. The
performance of loans, especially those that are not properly structured, can be
adversely affected should the condition of borrowers deteriorate. Therefore, banks
should ensure that their loan underwriting terms and standards for both consumer
and commercial loans are appropriate to a variety of borrower and economic
conditions - they should not be based solely on "best case" scenarios for the
particular borrower or for the economy overall. Current loan delinquency and
default rates reflect, in part, the relatively recent vintage of many loans, as well as
the prevailing economic environment, and may not be indicative of the performance
of the loan portfolio over time. It is the borrower's ability to repay in the future,
that is, at maturity -- when the borrower's condition or the economic environment
may be different -- that ultimately determines whether a loss will be suffered on a
loan. As part of the credit risk management process, banks should consider the
potential effect of a wide range of borrower default rates and losses on the
institution, especially on loans with more relaxed terms.
Examination Procedures
One of the principal objectives of an on-site examination is to evaluate
loan underwriting practices and the quality of bank loan portfolios. As part of the
routine procedures for evaluating bank loan portfolios, examiners should ascertain
whether credit terms and standards have eased since prior examinations, and if so,
whether the bank's lending activities remain within the bounds of prudent
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underwriting practice. Accordingly, examination procedures for consumer and
business loans should, where appropriate, continue to emphasize the following:
n Identification of changes in loan policies or in credit underwriting
terms, standards or practices since the last examination.
Comparison of credit terms on noncriticized (pass) loans of
comparable risk between the current and prior examinations.
Evaluation of trends in the number, volume and frequency of any
loans that involve exceptions to the bank's loan policies and
underwriting standards.
The quality of the bank's internal credit scoring or loan risk rating
system and the ongoing effectiveness of the loan review process.
Evaluation of trends in the number and volume of credits in higher risk
categories based upon the bank's internal credit scoring or loan risk
rating systems.
Assessment of changes in concentration levels, especially for credits
with higher risk ratings.
The quality, accuracy and timeliness of management information
systems on internal loan risk ratings and loan portfolio performance.
The degree to which the bank considers the potential performance of
the portfolio under various economic and financial scenarios,
including, where appropriate, stress testing.
Assessment of the loan loss reserve methodology in light of any
changes in credit terms or standards.
The overall effectiveness of the credit risk management process and
internal controls in light of any changes in credit terms and standards.
Degree of independent oversight over the lending process provided by
the board of directors.
After each examination, the exit interview should include a general
discussion of the bank's lending policies and practices. As part of this discussion,
an effort should be made to determine management's views on the bank's current
lending terms and standards, as well as on market practices more generally.
Where applicable, management and directors should be reminded of the necessity
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to take into account the potential effects of eased standards and changing
economic conditions when evaluating the adequacy of loan loss reserves and
capital, assigning internal loan risk ratings, and interpreting management reports.
If questionable or unwarranted easing is identified, examiners should
discuss their findings in detail with senior management and, if necessary, the board
of directors, and include appropriate comments and recommendations in the
examination report. This should be done regardless of whether or not classified
assets or other quantitative indicators of problem loans have begun to increase.
Care should be taken to ensure that management and directors are fully aware of
the risks that questionable or imprudent lending standards or practices could
present to the safety and soundness of their institutions in the event of a change in
general economic conditions or in the condition of individual borrowers.
The steps outlined above are consistent with the Federal Reserve's
longstanding examination policy of assessing the impact of the quality of a bank's
loan portfolio and credit risk management procedures on its overall financial
condition and risk profile. This letter is intended to ensure a continuing balanced
review of asset quality during on-site examinations; nothing in this letter is meant
to bring about or suggest a fundamental change in the scope, content or depth of
System examinations.
Richard SpiHenkothen
Director
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For use at 10:00 a.m., E.S.T.
Wednesday
February 26,1997
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Monetary Policy Report to the Congress
Pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978
February 26,1997
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Letter of Transmittal
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Washington, D.C., February 26,1997
THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE
THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
The Board of Governors is pleased to submit its Monetary Policy Report to the Congress, pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978.
Sincerely,
Alan Greenspan, Chairman
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Table of Contents
Page
Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook 1
Section 2: Economic and Financial Developments in 1996 and Early 1997
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Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook
The economy performed impressively this past buildup of inflationary pressures in the near term and
year, and members of the Board of Governors and moving toward price stability over time remain
Reserve Bank presidents anticipate that 1997 will central to the System's mission of promoting
bring further appreciable economic expansion with maximum sustainable growth of employment and
relatively low inflation. In 1996, solid advances in the production.
real expenditures of households and businesses led to
sizable gains in output. Employment rose briskly, and
the unemployment rate edged down to its lowest level Monetary Policy, Financial Markets, and
of the current expansion Consumer price inflation the Economy in 1996
increased owing to the likely temporary effects
of firmness in food and energy markets, but some The FOMC eased the stance of monetary policy
broader price measures showed inflation holding twice around the beginning of last year—in Decem-
steady or even declining. With the economy strength- ber 1995 and in January—lowering the federal funds
ening, intermediate- and long-term interest rates rose rate V-z percentage point in total, to 51A percent
on net. but credit continued to be amply available to These actions were taken to offset the effect on the
businesses and most households, and equity prices level of the real federal funds rate of declines in infla-
soared. tion and inflation expectations in the second half of
1995 and thereby to help ensure the resumption
Several factors helped to restrain price increases of moderate economic growth after the marked
this past year in the face of high levels of resource slowdown and inventory correction in late 1995. By
utilization. With workers still concerned to some the spring, economic growth had become more vigor-
degree about job security, acceleration in hourly ous than either the Committee or financial markets
compensation was not so pronounced as in had foreseen. In response, intermediate- and longer-
comparable periods in the past; wage increases picked term interest rates as of mid-May were up around
up relatively moderately, and further success in a full percentage point from the two-year lows
controlling health care costs helped to temper the rise reached early in the year. In combination with some
in benefits. Moreover, significant declines in the softening of economic activity abroad and declines in
prices of U.S. imports, owing to low inflation abroad interest rates in major foreign industrial countries,
and appreciation of the dollar on foreign exchange these developments contributed to a further appre-
markets, tended to hold down domestic prices. ciation of the dollar, building on the rise that had
Damped inflation expectations probably contributed started in mid-1995. The Committee anticipated that
as well to the favorable price performance: A length- the increase in the cost of credit, along with the
ening run of years during which inflation has been in higher exchange value of the dollar, would be suffi-
a more moderate range, together with an understand- cient to foster a downshift in economic expansion to
ing of the Federal Reserve's commitment to main- a more sustainable pace and contain price pressures;
taining progress toward price stability, may have thus, it left its policy stance unchanged at its spring
discouraged aggressive pricing behavior. Business meetings.
firms continued to rely on cost control and gains in
productivity, rather than on price increases, as the By early summer, however, the continued
primary channels for achieving profit growth. momentum in demand and pressures on labor
resources that were being reflected in faster growth in
Still, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) wages were seen as posing a threat of increased infla-
recognized the danger that pressures emanating from tion. Core inflation remained moderate, but in light
the tight labor market might trigger an acceleration of of the heightened risk that it would turn upward, the
prices, which could eventually undermine the ongo- Committee in its early July directive to the Manager
ing economic expansion. Consequently, although of the Open Market Account indicated its view that
conditions last year were not deemed to warrant im- near-term economic developments were more likely
mediate policy action, the Committee's policy direc- to lead to a tightening of policy than to an easing.
tives starting in mid-1996 reflected a perception that Labor markets continued to be taut over the balance
the most likely direction of any policy action would of the year, and this bias toward restraint was
be toward greater restraint in the provision of reserves included in directives adopted at all of the Commit-
to the banking system. Forestalling a disruptive tee's remaining meetings in 1996.
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Selected Interest Rates
Percent
Daily
Five-year
Treasury
Treaaury intended Federal*^
\ Funds Rate
Discount rate
\ Three-month
Treasury
5/23 7/6 8/22 9/26 11/1512/19 1/31/96 3/26 5/21 7/3 8/20 9/24 11/1312/17 2/5/97
1995 1996 1997
Note. Dotted vertical lines indicate days on which the Federal action. The dates on the horizontal axis are those on which the
Open Maifcet Committee (FOMQ announced a monetary policy FOMC held scheduled meetings.
After peaking during mid-summer, interest rates some degree by an easing of lending terms at banks
moved down on balance through the fall, as expan- and a narrowing of yield spreads on corporate bonds
sion of consumer spending and economic activity over Treasuries, as well as by declines in the cost
in general appeared to be moderating and markets of capital in the equity market. Encouraged, perhaps,
saw less likelihood of a need for Federal Reserve by the prospects of sustained economic expansion
mining action. Equity prices fell back for a time dur- and low inflation, banks, market lenders, and equity
ing the summer, reversing some of the substantial investors displayed a strong appetite for business
increase registered over the first half of the year, but obligations and seemed willing to require less com-
by autumn they had reached new highs. Interest rates pensation for the possible risks entailed. Some house-
and dollar exchange rates turned back up late in the holds, by contrast, faced a tightening of standards and
year when signs of rapid growth and more intense use terms with respect to credit card debt and some other
of the economy's resources reemerged. Since year- types of consumer debt last year, as banks reacted to
end, interest rates have changed little, on net The for- a rising volume of delinquencies and charge-offs on
eign exchange value of the dollar has posted further these instruments. However, credit availability under
gains, in part reflecting greater-than-expected weak- home equity lines increased, particularly from finance
ness in Europe and renewed pessimism about eco- companies but also from banks. Overall debt growth
nomic and financial prospects in Japan. Equity prices slowed slightly but remained near the midpoint of its
have registered new highs since the start of the year. 3 percent to 7 percent monitoring range. The growth
As of mid-February, intermediate- and long-term rates of M2 and M3 edged up last year and, as was
interest rates were up about l/2 to 3A percentage point, anticipated in the monetary policy reports to the
on balance, since early 1996, and the value of the dol- Congress last February and July, both aggregates
lar was up around 9 percent against an average of ended 1996 near or above the upper end of their
other G-10 currencies. growth ranges. Again last year, the growth of M2
relative to nominal income and interest rates was
For the nonfinancial business sector, the effect of generally in line with historical relationships, in
the higher intermediate- and long-term interest rates contrast to its behavior during the early years of the
on the overall cost of funds last year was offset to decade.
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Economic Projections for 1997
Percent
Federal Reserve governors
and Reserve Bank presidents
Central
Indicator Range tendency Administration
Change, fourth quarter
to fourth quartet
Nominal GDP 41A to 51A 41/2 to 43A 4.6
Real GDP2 2 to 21/2 2 to 21A 2.0
Consumer price index3 23A to 3Vfc 23A to 3 2.6
/Average level, fourth quarter
Civilian unemployment rate 51A to 5M> 51/ 4 to 5V 2 5.4
1. Change from average for fourth quarter of 1996 to aver- 2. Chain-weighted.
age for fourth quarter of 1997. 3. All urban consumers.
Economic Projections for 1997 rising, and efforts to bolster efficiency through the use
of technologically advanced equipment are continu-
With the economy free of serious imbalances, ing at an intense pace. In the commercial real estate
prospects appear favorable for further growth of market, the supply-demand balance has shifted in
activity and expansion of job opportunities in the many locales to a point at which interest in office
coming year, although resource constraints seem building projects has picked up noticeably. These
likely to keep the pace of growth below that of 1996. conditions, together with the ready access to a wide
The central tendency of the GDP growth forecasts put variety of sources of finance that businesses cur-
forth by members of the Board of Governors and rently are enjoying, should keep investment spend-
the Reserve Bank presidents is from 2 percent to ing on an upward trajectory. Foreign demand for US.
2V4 percent, measured as the change in real output products should continue to rise with growth of the
between the final quarter of 1996 and the final quarter world economy, even in the wake of the significant
of 1997. Output growth of this magnitude is expected appreciation of the dollar since the first half of 1995;
to result in little change in the civilian unemploy- however, imports also seem likely to remain on a
ment rate, which is projected to be between clear upward trend, given the prospects for contin-
5V4 percent and 5Vi percent in the fourth quarter ued expansion of the U.S. economy. Government
of this year. These forecasts of GDP growth and expenditures for consumption and investment prob-
unemployment are similar to those of the Administra- ably will follow recent trends, with further cutbacks
tioa The central tendency of the policymakers' CPI in real outlays at the federal level and moderate
forecasts for 1997 spans the relatively narrow interval increases in the combined purchases of state and local
of 23/4 percent to 3 percent, with the lower bound near governments.
the inflation forecast of the Administration.
Although the risk of increased inflation pressures is
Consumer spending, which accounts for about two- significant, especially in view of the tightness of the
thirds of total GDP, should be supported in coming labor market and the strength in activity that has been
quarters by further gains in income and the evident recently. Federal Reserve policymakers
substantial increase in household net worth that has expect this year's rise in the consumer price index to
occurred over the past two years; debt problems, be somewhat smaller than that of 1996. The major
although rising of late, do not seem to be so wide- reason for expecting a smaller CPI increase this year
spread as to threaten the ongoing expansion of house- is a more favorable outlook for food and energy
hold expenditures in the aggregate. In the business prices. Prices of farm products have dropped back
sector, balance sheets are strong, profits have been from the highs of last summer, and, barring further
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Ranges for Growth of Monetary and Debt Aggregates
Percent
Aggregate 1995 1996 1997
M2 1 to 5 1 to 5 1 to 5
M3 2 to 6 2to6 2 to 6
Debt 3 to 7 3 to 7 3 to 7
Note. Change from average for fourth quarter of preced-
ing year to average for fourth quarter of year indicated.
weather problems, this year's rise in food prices at Money and Debt Ranges for 1997
retail should be considerably smaller than that of
Again in 1997. the Committee has set ranges for
1996. Oil prices have recently declined and seem
M2 and M3 that would encompass monetary growth
likely to ease further in coming months as world
expected to be consistent with approximate price
production and consumption come back into better
stability and a sustainable rate of real economic
balance; this price relief is important not only because
growth, assuming that the behavior of velocity is
of the direct effects on the price of gasoline and other
in line with historical norms. These ranges are
consumer energy items but also because petroleum
unchanged from those for 1996:1 to 5 percent for M2
is a major element in the cost of producing and
and 2 to 6 percent for M3.
distributing many other goods. By contrast to the
favorable outlook for food and energy prices, some As has been the case for several years, the 1997
risk exists that core inflation could turn up during the ranges for M2 and M3 were set against a backdrop of
coming year. The minimum wage will be moving up uncertainty about the stability and predictability of
further in 1997, compounding whatever cost pres- their velocities. A long-run pattern of reasonably
sures might be in train as a result of labor market stable velocity behavior broke down in the early
tightness, and the degree to which businesses can 1990s when the public's holdings of monetary assets
continue to absorb stepped-up increases in labor costs were depressed by several factors: the contraction
without raising prices more rapidly is not certain. of the thrift industry; a tightening of credit supplies
and deleveraging by businesses and households;
As noted in the July 1996 monetary policy report,
an extremely wide spread between short- and
the CPI forecasts of the governors and Reserve Bank
intermediate-term interest rates that heightened the
presidents incorporate allowances for the technical
attractiveness of capital market instruments relative to
improvements to this index that have been made
bank deposits; and the expanding availability and
by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. These technical
growing acceptance of stock and bond mutual funds
changes are estimated to have trimmed the reported
as household investments.
rate of CPI inflation slightly in each of the past two
years, and additional changes will be affecting the rise With the waning of all but the last of these influ-
in the index in 1997. In view of the remaining dif- ences, movements in velocity have become more
ficulties of accurately measuring price change in a predictable over the past couple of years. This recent
highly complex and rapidly changing economy, evidence of stability, however, covers only a rela-
alternative price indexes will continue to be given tively brief period, and its durability remains uncer-
substantial weight, along with the CPI, in monitor- tain. In these circumstances, the Committee has opted
ing progress toward the long-run goal of price stabil- to continue treating the ranges as benchmarks for
ity. Some of the broad measures of inflation derived the trends of money growth consistent with price
from the GDP accounts slowed in 1996; the Commit- stability rather than as short-run targets for policy.
tee is concerned that, even if the CPI decelerates as Meanwhile, the actual behavior of the monetary
expected in 1997, other indexes—with different scope measures will be monitored for such information
and weights—may pick up in reflection of the pres- as it may convey about underlying economic
sures on productive resources. developments.
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The central tendency of the Committee's expecta- upper ends of their growth ranges. Debt of the
tions for nominal GDP growth in 1997 is slightly nonfinancial sectors is anticipated to increase this
below that registered in 1996. Thus, if velocity year at around the pace of last year, remaining near
behaves as it did last year, M2 and M3 might deceler- the midpoint of its unchanged 3 to 7 percent range,
ate a bit but even so would again expand around the
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Section 2: Economic and Financial Developments
in 1996 and Early 1997
The economy turned in a remarkably favorable 23/4 percent in 1996. Although debt problems arose
performance this past year. Preliminary estimates with greater frequency this past year, households
indicate that real GDP rose more than 3 percent over benefited from healthy increases in real income and
the four quarters of 1996, one of the larger gains another year of sizable gains in wealth. Consumers
of the past several years and appreciably more than were relatively optimistic about prospects for the
the FOMC was expecting a year ago. Although economy at the start of 1996, and they became more
intermediate- and long-term interest rates moved up. so as the year progressed.
credit remained readily available to most borrowers,
and equity prices rose substantially. Expansion of the
debt of nonfinanciai sectors continued at about the Change in Real Income and Consumption
5 percent rate it has maintained over the past several Percent, annual rate
years, and growth of the stock of money picked up
[] Disposable personal income
a little to its most rapid pace this decade. These
financial developments provided support for strong | Personal consumption expenditures
advances in the real expenditures of households and
businesses, and the growth of exports held up well
in the face of an appreciating dollar. Tightness of
the labor market led to a moderate pickup in wage
increases in 1996. However, acceleration of prices
was confined largely to the food and energy sectors;
prices for other consumer products decelerated, as
did prices paid by businesses for capital goods and
materials. Economic data for early 1997 show the
unemployment rate holding in a low range with the
i i i i i
inflation trend still subdued.
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996
Change in Real GDP Real outlays for consumer durables rose more than
Percent annual rate 5 percent in 1996 after a gain of only IV* percent
during 1995. As has been true for many years, real
expenditures on computers and electronic equipment
outpaced the growth of other household outlays by a
wide margin in 1996. Sizable increases were also
reported for most other types of consumer durables.
However, real expenditures on vehicles changed little
on net over the year, as gains achieved during the first
half were reversed after mid-year. Late in 1996, sales
of light vehicles may have been constrained to some
degree by supply shortages that arose during strikes
in the United States and Canada; early in 1997, vehi-
cle sales strengthened. Consumer purchases of non-
durables rose P/4 percent in 1996 after increasing
1 percent during 1995. Spending for services rose
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 2*/2 percent last year, about the same as the average
gain in previous years of the expansioa
Economic Developments
After-tax personal income increased 5 percent in
nominal terms over the four quarters of last year.
The Household Sector
Wages and salaries rose briskly, and the income of
After rising less than 2 percent in 1995, real farm proprietors surged. Other types of income gener-
personal consumption expenditures moved up ally exhibited moderate gains. Given the low level of
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price inflation, the rise in nominal income translated Private Housing Starts
into another significant advance in real disposable Millions of units, annual rate
income—about 23A percent over the year.
As in 1995. strong cross-currents continued to
shape individual households' willingness—and
ability—to spend from current income. Huge
increases in stock market wealth provided some
households the wherewithal to boost spending at a
pace considerably faster than the growth of dispos-
able income. But a number of households were likely
held back by the need to divert income to the servic-
ing of debt, and according to some survey evidence,
households have become more concerned about sav-
ing for retirement. Responding to these influences, the
annual average of the personal saving rate was up
slightly from that of 1995; however, it remained 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996
relatively low compared with its longer-run average.
market conditions for multifamily properties varied
Residential investment expenditures posted a gain
considerably from city to city in 1996. the national
of 4 percent in real terms over the four quarters of
average vacancy rate for multifamily rental units
1996, more than reversing a small decline in the
remained relatively high, and demographic influ-
previous year. Demand for single-family housing was
ences were probably less supportive of multifamily
especially strong. Although interest rates on longer-
housing than they were a decade or so ago. Also,
term fixed-rate mortgage loans moved up consider-
manufactured houses have provided an increased
ably in 1996, a substantial number of homebuyers
number of families with an alternative to rental apart-
side-stepped at least the initial costs by using
ments in recent years.
adjustable-rate loans that were available at lower
rates. The effects of the rate increases on the single-
The Business Sector
family market were cushioned by other influences as
well, most notably the growth of employment and Business fixed investment recorded a fifth consecu-
income. Even for fixed-rate loans, mortgage financ- tive year of strong expansion in 1996, rising about
ing costs held at a level that, by historical standards, 9 percent according to the initial estimate. As in other
was low relative to household incomes. All told, sales recent years, investment was driven by rising profits,
of new homes surged to the highest annual total of favorable trends in the cost of capital, and the ongo-
the current expansion, and sales of existing homes ing efforts of businesses to boost efficiency. Although
established a historical high. New construction of
single-family dwellings also rose but not so dramati-
cally as sales, as builders apparently chose to work Change in Real Business Fixed Investment
off some of their inventories of unsold units, which Percent annual rate
had climbed in 1995. Mild sluggishness in starts
toward the end of 1996—which was probably Structures
exacerbated by poor weather in December—was fol- Producers' durable 20
lowed by more upbeat indicators of new construc- equipment
tion in January of this year.
10
Construction of multifamily units maintained a J\
path of recovery from the extreme lows of the early
1990s, moving up about 13 percent in terms of annual
totals. The number of multifamily units started—
about 315,000—was double the number started in
10
1993, when construction of these units was at a low.
However, compared with previous peaks, the 1996
total was less impressive—starts were twice as high _l I I I I I 20
in some years of the 1970s and 1980s. Although 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996
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64
much of the investment spending was to replace depre- Change in Real Nonfarm Business Inventories
ciated equipment, the net addition to the aggregate Percent annual rate
capital stock appears to have been substantial. The
rate of rise in the stock has picked up over the past
two or three years after subpar growth through the
latter half of the 1980s and first few years of the y
1990s; the resulting rise in the level of capital per
worker should enhance labor productivity and
potential output.
il
Equipment outlays moved up almost 9Vfc percent in
real terms in 1996. Business purchases of office and
computing equipment once again rose much faster
than the outlays for other types of equipment.
Computer purchases were propelled by many of the
same forces that have been at work in other recent
years—most particularly, the expansion of networks 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996
and the availability of new models of computers
embodying substantially improved computing power
at ,highly attractive prices. Outlays for communica- Stocks of vehicles changed little on net over the final
tions equipment also rose quite rapidly in 1996. Gains three quarters of the year, and accumulation of inven-
for other types of equipment were generally more tories by other nonfarm businesses was moderate on
modest. average. Stocks at year-end generally appeared to be
at comfortable levels relative to recent trends in sales.
Investment in nonresidential structures also rose
substantially over the four quarters of 1996, posting Business profits turned in another strong
the largest advance in several years. Business spend- performance in 1996. Economic profits of all US.
ing on structures went through an extended contrac- corporations rose at an annual rate of more than
tion in the latter part of the 1980s and early 1990s, 10 percent from the final quarter of 1995 to the third
and until recently, the subsequent recovery has been quarter of 1996. Profits earned by foreign subsidi-
relatively slow. That the 1996 gain in nonresidential aries of U.S. corporations fluctuated from quarter
investment would be so large was not evident until to quarter but remained at high levels, and returns
late in the year, when incoming data began to trace from domestic operations rose substantially, for both
out sizable increases in new construction for many financial and nonfinancial firms. Domestic profits of
types of buildings. Investment in office buildings
scored an especially large gain over the year, amid
widespread reports of firming market conditions and Before-Tax Profit Share of GDP
reduced vacancy rates, and real outlays for other com- Percent
mercial structures moved up for a fifth consecutive Nonfinancial corporations
year. Financing appears to be in ample supply for
commercial construction, and according to reports 12
from the District Reserve Banks, speculative office Q3
building projects—that is, those without pre-
committed tenants—are becoming more common.
Inventory investment was relatively subdued in
1996. The stock of nonfarm business inventories rose
less than 2 percent over the four quarters of the year,
the smallest increase since 1992. Businesses had been
moving toward a reduced rate of stockpiling over
much of 1995, and the rate of accumulation came
almost to a halt in early 1996, when stocks of motor i i i i
vehicles plummeted in conjunction with a strike at 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996
two plants that manufacture auto parts. Thereafter, Note. Profits from domestic operations with inventory valua-
tion and capital consumption adjustments, drvided by gross
inventory developments were relatively uneventful. domestic product of nonfinancial corporate sector.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
65
nonfinancial corporations amounted to 10.7 percent of est since 1979. Legislative restraint has led to cuts in
the nominal value of these firms' output in the third a number of discretionary programs in recent years,
quarter, the highest reading of the current expansioa and the expanding economy has relieved pressure on
those outlays that tend to vary inversely with the
TTie Government Sector strength of activity.
Real federal expenditures on consumption and Federal receipts increased about 7V2 percent in fis-
gross investment—the part of federal spending that is cal 1996, the third year in which growth of receipts
included in GDP—rose about 2Vz percent, on net, outpaced growth of nominal GDP by a significant
from the fourth quarter of 1995 to the fourth quarter margin. Receipts from individual income taxes
of 1996, but the rise was mostly an artifact of late- climbed more than 11 percent in the most recent
1995 real purchases having been pushed to espe- fiscal year, in conjunction with healthy increases in
cially low levels by government shutdowns. The households1 taxable earnings from capital and labor.
underlying trend of federal consumption and invest- Taxes on corporate profits also continued to rise
ment expenditures probably is better represented by rapidly, more or less in step with the growth of busi-
the 2l/2 percent annual rate of decline from the fourth ness earnings. The rapid growth of receipts, coupled
quarter of 1994 to the final quarter of 1996. Reduc- with the restrained growth of expenditures, brought
tions have been apparent over the past two years both the unified budget deficit down to $107 billion in fis-
in real defense purchases and in real nondefense cal 1996 from almost $165 billion in fiscal 1995. The
purchases. deficit as a share of nominal GDP was 1.4 percent,
the smallest in more than twenty years.
Change in Real Federal Expenditures The aggregate consumption and investment
on Consumption and Investment expenditures of state and local governments rose
Percent, Q4 to Q4 2*/4 percent in real terms over 1996. This gain was
about the same as those of the two previous years.
Outlays for services, which consist mainly of
employee compensation and account for more than
two-thirds of all state and local purchases, rose
roughly 1V4 percent in real terms last year. Invest-
ment expenditures, which make up the next biggest
portion of state and local purchases, rose about
41/2 percent in real terms. In the aggregate, the budget
picture for state and local governments was relatively
stable in 1996, as the surplus of nominal receipts over
Change in Real State and Local Expenditures
on Consumption and Investment
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996
Percent, Q4 to Q4
Federal expenditures in the unified budget
increased about 3 percent in nominal terms in fiscal
1996 after having increased 33/4 percent in fiscal
1995. Slower growth was recorded across many
budgetary categories this past year, and outright
declines were reported in some. Combined expen-
ditures on health, social insurance, and income - 2
security—items that account for more than half of all
federal outlays—moved up 4l/2 percent, the smallest
increase this decade. Defense spending was down
about 21A percent in nominal terms, and net interest
outlays rose much less rapidly than in fiscal 1995.
Measured relative to the size of nominal GDP, total
outlays in the most recent fiscal year were the small- 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
66
nominal current expenditures changed little from the demand for imported goods, as did the declines in the
positive readings of other recent years. prices of non-oil imports. Sizable increases in import
volume were widespread among most major
The External Sector merchandise trade categories, with the notable excep-
tions of oil and semiconductors.
The nominal trade deficit for goods and services
widened to $115 billion in 1996 from $105 billion the Very strong export growth in the fourth quarter of
previous year. For the first three quarters of the year, 1996 raised the yearly gain in the quantity of exports
the current account deficit totaled $165 billion at an of goods and services to IV-z percent. Growth in the
annual rate, somewhat greater than the $150 billion economies of our major trading partners was only
deficit recorded in 1995. moderate on average but was somewhat faster than
in 1995. As a consequence, growth of exports was
similar to the 1995 rate despite the appreciation of the
U.S. Current Account
dollar. Over the past year, most of the rise in the value
Billions of dollars, annual rate
of merchandise exports went to Canada and Latin
America. Exports to Western Europe and Asia were
only marginally higher than they were a year earlier.
In most of the major industrial countries abroad,
real economic activity accelerated last year from a
relatively weak performance in 1995. In the United
Kingdom, real output growth firmed through the year,
as growth in consumption spending rebounded from
its low 1995 rate. In Germany and France, real GDP
growth strengthened but was still too low to prevent
a further rise in the unemployment rate in both
countries. In Italy, output growth slowed as the
rebound in the lira from its previous depreciation
sharply reduced the growth of exports and depressed
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 investment spending. For most continental European
countries, further fiscal restraint is planned this year
The quantity of imports of goods and services rose as governments hoping to participate in the third
strongly over the four quarters of 1996—about stage of European Monetary Union strive to meet the
8>/2 percent according to the preliminary estimate- Maastricht Treaty's 1997 reference standard of a
after expanding only 41A percent the previous year. budget deficit no larger than 3 percent of GDP. In
The pickup in US. real output growth boosted the Japan, fiscal stimulus spurred economic expansion
early last year, subsequently, slower private consump-
Change in Real Imports and Exports tion, reduced inventory accumulation, and decreased
of Goods and Services government investment spending reduced output
growth. In contrast, Canada's real output growth rose
Percent. Q4 to 04
over 1996 as inventory adjustment was completed
during the first half of the year and as exports
strengthened.
12
Except in the United Kingdom, inflation pressures
in the foreign industrial countries continued to decline
or remained subdued during 1996. Consumer prices
in Japan were fiat Consumer price inflation fell
sharply in Italy and remained below 2 percent in
Germany and France. In the United Kingdom,
consumer prices excluding mortgage interest pay-
ments accelerated to an annual rate of more than
3 percent.
The Mexican economy continued on a course of
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 recovery that returned GDP to its pre-crisis level
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
67
in the fourth quarter of 1996. Increases in income and gains were substantial in each quarter last year, and
a strengthening of the price-adjusted value of the the labor market report for January of this year
peso contributed to a reduction in the Mexican showed a further sizable expansion of payrolls.
merchandise trade surplus over 1996. Argentina and
Employment in the private service-producing sec-
Brazil also continued to recover from recessions. In
Chile, real GDP growth moderated from the very high tor, in which nearly two-thirds of all nonfarm work-
rate recorded in 1995 to about 6 percent in 1996. In ers are employed, increased about 3 percent during
1996. Moderate employment gains were posted in
Venezuela, windfall oil revenues softened the decline
retail trade, transportation, and finance, and sizable
in real GDP in 1996 and improved the prospects for
1997. gains in hiring continued in some other service-
producing industries, such as data processing, com-
In our major trading partners in Asia other than puter services, and engineering and management. Job
Japan, real output growth generally slowed from its growth at suppliers of personnel—a category that
1995 pace, despite a pickup in many countries toward includes temporary help agencies—was about
year-end in response to more accommodative mone- 6l/2 percent, a touch faster than in 1995 but much
tary policies and a partial recovery in export markets. slower than it had been over 1992-94; with the
In China, the slowdown of growth to about 10 percent tightening of labor markets in the past couple of
last year from the 12 to 14 percent annual rates years. longer-lasting commitments in hiring may
experienced during 1992-94 reflected a substantial have come back into greater favor among some
deceleration in investment spending, owing to employers.
China's efforts to reduce inflation by tightening
central bank credit to state-owned enterprises and by Employment changes among producers of goods
restricting investment. were mixed in 1996. In construction, employment
climbed about 5Vz percent, to a new high that was
Consumer price inflation in Mexico was around almost 4 percent above the peak of the last business
28 percent in 1996, significantly lower than the 1995 expansion. In manufacturing, increases in factory jobs
inflation rate of over 50 percent. Venezuela's infla- through the latter part of 1996 were not sufficient to
tion rate in 1996 exceeded 100 percent, but inflation reverse declines that had taken place earlier in the
in most other Latin American countries was at levels year. On net, last year's loss of factory jobs amounted
well under 10 percent. Inflation rates generally to about '/2 percent, a shade less than the average rate
remained low in Asia. of decline since 1979, the year in which manufactur-
ing employment peaked. Manufacturers of durable
The Labor Market goods boosted employment slightly last year, but
many producers of nondurables implemented further
The number of jobs on nonfarm payrolls rose more
than 2 Vfc million from December 1995 to December job cuts. As in many other recent years, reductions in
1996, an increase of about 21A percent. Employment factory employment were accompanied by strong
gains in worker productivity. Consequently, increases
in output were sizable—the rise in the Federal
Net Change in Payroll Employment Reserve's index of manufacturing production
Thousands of jobs, average mtnthty change cumulated to 4Vi percent over the year.
Growth of output per hour in the nonfarm busi-
ness sector as a whole picked up in 1996, rising about
IVi percent over the year according to preliminary
- 400
data. However, coming after a three-year period in
which output per hour changed little, this rise left the
average rate of productivity growth in the 1990s a bit
- 200 below that of the 1980s and well below the average
gains achieved in the first three decades after World
War II. The sustained sluggishness in measured
productivity growth this decade is difficult to explain,
as it has occurred during a period when high levels of
investment in new capital and extensive restructur-
200 ing of business operations should have been boost-
ing the efficiency of workers. Of course, measure-
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
68
Change in Output per Hour accompanied by a sustained pickup in the labor force
participation rate. The rise in participation boosted the
Percent Q4 to Q4
labor supply and helped to relieve pressures on the
labor market. Nonetheless, hiring during 1996 was
sufficient to reduce the civilian unemployment rate
from a December 1995 rate of 5.6 percent to a
December 1996 rate of 5.3 percent. In January of this
- 2
year, the rate remained low, at 5.4 percent.
Tightness of the labor market appears to have
exerted some upward pressure on the cost of labor
in 1996, even as some workers continued to express
anxiety about job security. The employment cost
index (ECI) for the private nonfarm sector of the
economy showed compensation per hour moving
up 3.1 percent over the year. The index had risen
2.6 percent in 1995. The step-up in hourly pay
1990 1992 1994 1996
increases was to some extent the result of a hike in
Note. Nonfarm business sector.
the minimum wage that took place at the start of
October. More generally, however, businesses prob-
ment problems could be distorting the data. As a ably had to boost hourly compensation either to
summary measure that relates aggregate output to attract workers or to retain them at a time when
aggregate input of labor, the nonfarm productivity alternative employment opportunities were perceived
index is affected by whatever deficiencies might be to be more widely available.
present either in adding up the nominal expenditures
for goods and services in the economy or adjusting
Change in Employment Cost Index
those expenditures for price change. A considerable
amount of recent research suggests that growth of Percent, Dec. to Dec.
output and productivity is in fact understated, but
whether the degree of understatement has been
increasing over time is less clear.
In contrast to the experience of most other recent
years, this past year's rise in employment was
Civilian Unemployment Rate
- 2
1990 1992 1994 1996
Note. Private industry excluding farm and household workers.
As in 1995, increases in hourly compensation in
1996 came more as wage and salary increases than as
Jan.
increases in fringe benefits. According to the ECI, the
rise in wage rates for workers in the nonfarm sector
amounted to nearly 3!/ percent this past year after
2
a rise of 23A percent in 1995. By contrast, the Ed
i i measure of the hourly cost of benefits rose only
1990 1992 1994 1996 2 percent, slightly less than it did in 1995 and much
Note. The break in data at January 1994 marks the introduc- less than it rose on average over the past decade.
tion of a redesigned survey, data from that point on are not
dkectiy comparable with the data of earlier periods. Increases in the cost of benefits have been held down
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
69
in recent years by reduced inflation for medical ser- Change in Consumer Prices
vices and by the actions that many firms have taken to Percent, Q4 to Q4
shift employees into managed care arrangements and
to require them to assume a greater portion of the cost
of health insurance and other medical benefits.
Prices
The consumer price index rose more rapidly than
in 1995. but the step-up was concentrated in the food
and energy sectors—areas in which prices were
affected by supply limitations that seemed likely to be
of temporary duratioa The CPI excluding food and
energy—often called the "core" CPI—rose just a
touch more than 2»/2 percent after increasing 3 percent
during 1995. Both the total CPI and the core CPI
have been affected in the past two years by tech- 1990 1992 1994 1996
nical improvements implemented by the Bureau of Note. Consumer price index for ail urban consumers.
Labor Statistics that are aimed at obtaining more
accurate readings of price change; the rise in the CPI
what in their selection of price data, with the PCE
in 1996 would have been somewhat greater if
measure relying on alternative data in some areas in
procedures used through 1994 had not been altered.
which the accuracy of the CPI has been questioned.
Other price indexes generally rose less rapidly than The chain type price index for gross domestic pur-
the CPI. Like the overall CPI, the chain type price chases, which takes account of the prices paid by
index for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) businesses and governments as well as those paid by
accelerated somewhat in 1996, but its rate of rise, consumers, moved up 21A percent during 1996, about
shown in the accompanying table, was significantly the same as the percentage rise during 1995. By con-
lower than that of the CPI. The two measures of con- trast, price measures associated with GDP deceler-
sumer prices differ to some degree in their weights ated in 1996 to thirty-year lows of around 2 percent
and methods of aggregatioa They also differ some- or less. Conceptually, the GDP measures are indica-
Attemative Measures of Price Change
Percent
Price measure 1995 1996
Fixed weight
Consumer price index 2.7 3.2
Excluding food and energy 3.0 2.6
Chain type
Personal consumption expenditures 2.1 2.5
Excluding food and energy 2.3 2.0
Gross domestic purchases 2.3 2.2
Gross domestic product 2.5 2.1
Deflator
Gross domestic product 2.5 1.8
Note. Changes are based on quarterly averages and are measured to the fourth quarter of the year
indicated from the fourth quarter of the previous year.
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tive of price changes for goods and services that are prices also rose but only moderately: Expansion of
produced domestically rather than price changes for the cattle herd in previous years had laid the
goods and services purchased domestically—foreign groundwork for a high flow of product to consum-
trade accounting for the difference. ers, and herd reductions that occurred in 1996
augmented that flow. Elsewhere in the food sector,
The 1996 outcomes for all these measures reflected
acceleration was reported in the price index for food
an economy in which inflation pressures were muted.
away from home—a category that has a weight of
Sharp declines in non-oil import prices during the
almost 40 percent in the CPI for food; the rise in
year lowered input costs for many domestic firms and
the minimum wage appears to have been an important
likely caused other firms to restrain their product
factor in the acceleration. All told, the 1996 rise in
prices for fear of losing market share to foreign
CPI food prices amounted to 4V* percent, the larg-
competitors. Also important, in all likelihood, were
est increase since 1990.
the favorable imprints that several years of moder-
ate and relatively stable rates of inflation have left on The energy sector was the other major part of the
inflation expectations. Despite the uptick in hourly economy in which significant inflation pressures were
compensation and adverse developments in the food evident this past year. Crude oil prices, which had
and energy sectors, survey data showed little change started firming in the latter part of 1995, continued on
in consumers' expectations of inflation, and private an upward course through much of 1996, rising more
forecasters' views of the prospects for prices held than 30 percent in total. Stocks of crude oil and
steady. Businesses commonly described the situation petroleum products were tight during the year, even
as one in which competitive pressures were intense after allowing for an apparent downward trend in
and the "leverage" for raising prices simply was not firms' desired inventories. Inventory building was fore-
present. stalled by production disruptions at refineries, a string
of weather problems here and abroad that boosted
Change in Consumer Prices Excluding fuel requirements for heating or cooling, and a reluc-
Food and Energy tance of firms to take on inventories that seemed
likely to fall in value once renewed supplies from Iraq
Percent, Q4 to Q4
became available. Natural gas, too, was in tight sup-
ply at times, and its price surged. With retail prices of
gasoline, fuel oil, and natural gas all moving up
substantially, the CPI for energy rose about
7»/2 percent over the four quarters of 1996, the larg-
est increase since the Gulf War.
The CPI for goods other than food and energy rose
1 percent during 1996, one of the smallest increases
of recent decades. As in 1995, price increases for new
vehicles were moderate last year, and prices of used
cars turned down after several years of sizable
advances. Prices of apparel and house furnishings
also fell; these prices, as well as the prices of vehi-
cles, may have been heavily affected by the softness
1990 1992 1994 1996 of import prices. Moderate increases were the rule
Note. Consumer price index for all urban consumers. among most other categories of goods in the CPI. In
the producer price index, prices of capital equip-
Food and energy prices were the exceptions. In the ment rose less than Vi percent over 1996; computer
food sector, steep increases in grain prices in 1995 prices continued to plunge, and the prices of other
and the first few months of 1996 caused production types of equipment rose moderately, on balance.
adjustments among livestock fanners and substantial Materials prices were weak: Prices of intermediate
price increases for some livestock products. Later in materials excluding food and energy declined about
the year, grain prices fell back, but livestock produc- IV* percent from the fourth quarter of 1995 to the
tion could not recover in time to prevent significant final quarter of 1996, and the producer price index for
price advances for some retail foods. Consumer crude materials excluding food and energy dropped
prices for pork, poultry, and dairy products registered more than 6Vz percent over that period. Productive
their largest increases in several years. Retail beef capacity was adequate among domestic producers
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
71
of materials, and supplies of many materials were The Household Sector. Consumer credit grew
readily available at competitive prices on the world 81/* percent last year, just a bit over half the pace of
market. the preceding two years. The sharp retrenchment
likely reflected the burdens associated with a
The CPI for non-energy services increased
substantial accumulation of outstanding consumer
3V4 percent in 1996. The rise was somewhat smaller
debt over recent years as well as some tightening of
than the increases of most other recent years. Prices
lending terms and standards by commercial banks,
of medical services decelerated for a sixth consecu-
particularly with respect to credit cards.
tive year, and increases in the cost of shelter were
held down by another year of moderate advances in The slowing in consumer credit growth also was
residential rent and owners' equivalent rent. Large associated with a shift toward increased use of home
increases were evident only in scattered categories: equity loans. These loans were marketed vigorously,
Airfares posted a large increase, and educational particularly by finance companies, in part as a vehi-
costs, maintaining a long-established trend, continued cle for consolidating credit card and other out-
to rise quite rapidly relative to prices in general. standing consumer debt. Some of the growth in home
equity loans reflected moves by finance companies
Financial Developments and banks into the sub-prime market—lending either
to higher-risk customers or on terms entailing unusu-
Debt ally high loan-to-value ratios, or both. The push to
expand home equity lending last year offset to some
Growth of the debt of nonfinancial sectors slowed
degree the effect of tighter lending standards and
slightly last year, to 5!/4 percent. The growth of
terms on credit cards and other forms of consumer
household sector debt dropped from 8Vi percent to
credit.
IVz percent, a deceleration accounted for entirely by
a sharp slowing of consumer credit. The expansion The shift toward home equity loans, along with a
of business borrowing was held below its 1995 pace strong housing market, led to a pickup in mortgage
by an increase in internally generated funds, but debt growth last year to a rate of 7Vi percent, the
at SVi percent, it was faster than in any other year largest advance since 1990. Mortgage borrowing for
since 1989. Its strength reflected robust spending, home purchases was restrained surprisingly little by
extremely favorable credit conditions, and financing the increase in interest rates over the first half of the
needs associated with a high level of mergers year. As noted previously, many borrowers were able
and acquisitions. Federal government debt grew to put off. at least for a time, much of the impact of
33/4 percent, the lowest rate in more than two decades. the increase in rates by shifting to adjustable-rate
The debt outstanding of the state and local sectors mortgages, the rates on which rose much less last
was unchanged. year than those on fixed-rate mortgages.
Although the growth of household sector debt fell
off a bit from the pace of recent years, it still
Debt: Annual Range and Actual Level
exceeded that of disposable income. With loan rates
Billions of dollars up on average for mortgages and down only a little on
Domestic nonfinancial sectors consumer loans, debt service burdens continued to
14800 rise last year, and some households experienced diffi-
culties servicing certain kinds of debt Delinquency
14600 rates on banks' consumer loans, particularly credit
card loans, posted a second year of considerable
14400 increase, although they remained below levels in
the early 1990s. At finance companies that are sub-
14200 sidiaries of automakers, auto loan delinquency rates
3%
rose to very high levels; but this rise apparently
14000 resulted in large part from a business strategy to
compete in the vehicle market by easing lending
13800 standards. Auto loan delinquency rates at com-
mercial banks also rose but remained well within
13600
O N D J F M A M J J A S O ND historical ranges. Delinquency rates on residential
1995 1996 mortgages remained low.
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72
Household Debt Service Burden some deterioration in the quality of their consumer
Percent of disposable personal income loan portfolios last year, but they were surprised by
its extent. These surveys also showed that banks
Quarterly
considered the rate of charge-offs last year to be high
relative to the level of delinquencies and that the
17 credit-scoring models most banks use to evaluate
consumer lending decisions have tended to be too
optimistic. An important reason for the high level
of charge-offs and the apparent shortcomings of the
16
credit-scoring models was a 30 percent increase in
personal bankruptcies. This surge stemmed in part
from changes in the bankruptcy code that became
15 effective at the beginning of last year against a
backdrop of an apparently reduced stigma associ-
ated with this method of dealing with financial
I I I I I I 1 I I I I I I 14 problems. Banks responded to the deterioration in
1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 their consumer loan portfolios by tightening standards
Note. Debt service is the sum of required interest and principal and terms, especially on credit cards. In contrast,
payments on consumer and household-sector mortgage debt banks eased terms and conditions on home equity
loans.
In the segment of the finance company market that
Despite the rise in delinquencies on consumer debt,
deals in "sub-prime" auto loans, some problems
household balance sheets appear healthy overall, as
emerged last month. A small firm in this market
growth of household assets over the past two years
defaulted on its commercial paper after it restated
has more than kept pace with the growth of debt
earlier earnings at lower levels, and another firm filed
Although year-end balance sheet figures are not yet
for bankruptcy. Although the share prices of these and
complete, the net worth of households appears to
other firms primarily engaged in sub-prime lending
have risen approximately $5 trillion from the end of
declined along with their earnings outlook, this sec-
1994 to the end of 1996, an amount that is equal to
tor constitutes a very small part of the overall auto
almost a full year's personal disposable income.
loan market, and the implications for the availability
Roughly two-thirds of that gain has been accounted
of credit to the household sector overall appear slight
for by the surge in the prices of corporate shares,
Charge-off rates on consumer loans rose at banks which has lifted the value of a wide range of house-
in 1996 to around the peak levels of the last reces- hold investments, not only directly held stocks but
sion in 1990-91. According to Federal Reserve sur- also assets held in other forms such as pension plans.
veys of senior loan officers, banks had anticipated The ratio of household net worth to personal dispos-
able income continued to climb this past year, mov-
ing to its highest level in recent decades.
Delinquency Rates on Household Loans
The Business Sector. Although many interest
Percent
rates rose last year, businesses continued to find credit
Quarterly readily available and at favorable terms. This accom-
modation likely resulted in pan from the strong finan-
Q3 cial condition of this sector, reflected in minimal
delinquency rates on bank loans to businesses and
very low default rates on corporate bonds, including
those of low-rated issuers. With securitization of
household debt instruments proceeding apace and
with high levels of capital, banks appeared to have
ample room on their balance sheets for business
loans. This situation encouraged the development of a
highly competitive lending environment in which
banks further eased a variety of credit terms, such as
i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i covenants and markups over base rates. In capital
1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 markets, interest rate spreads of private debt instru-
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
73
ments over Treasuries narrowed, particularly in the pace of 1995. Commercial banks are a major source
case of high-yield bonds. Surveys by the National of securitized mortgages. The outstanding amount of
Federation of Independent Business revealed a ris- consumer credit that had been securitized by banks
ing tendency of small businesses to borrow over also rose at a brisk pace last year, although not so
1996, with credit availability reported to be in a range rapidly as in 1995. As a result of the slowing of bank
more favorable than at any time in the current eco- credit, the share of last year's advance in nonfederal
nomic expansion. debt that ended up on the books of depositories fell to
about 38 percent, down from around 44 percent in the
On a gross basis, a pickup in bond issuance by preceding two years.
nonfinancial firms last year was accounted for mainly
by speculative-grade offerings, likely in part a reac- The balance sheets and operating results of deposi-
tion to the improved pricing. In the fourth quarter, tories remained strong in 1996. Bank profits through
however, investment-grade issuance was substantial, the third quarter were at historically high levels for
responding to the decline in interest rates that began the fourth consecutive year, reflecting the main-
in late summer. Commercial paper declined in the tenance of relatively wide interest rate margins,
final months of the year, primarily because of pay- further loan growth, and substantial fee income
downs from bond proceeds, but bank lending to busi- related to sales of mutual funds as well as to securi-
nesses was strong, owing in some part to robust tization and other off-balance-sheet activities. As of
merger activity. Despite a marked increase in gross the third quarter, almost 99 percent of commercial
stock issuance—with strong gains both for initial bank assets were held at banks classified as "well
public offerings and for seasoned offerings—equity capitalized." Underlying thrift profits were also
continued to be retired on net last year, as merger stronger last year. However, profits at thrift institu-
activity remained brisk and businesses used ample tions and at banks with deposits insured by the Sav-
cash resources to repurchase their outstanding shares. ings Association Insurance Fund (SAIF) were held
down temporarily by a special assessment on depos-
The Government Sector. The growth of fed- its to recapitalize SAIF. (Some bank deposits are
eral debt was held down in 1996 by legislative SAIF-insured because of mergers with thrifts or
constraints on spending and by the boost to tax acquisitions of them.)
receipts from both the stronger economy and a boom-
ing stock market. Two years of contraction of state The Monetary Aggregates
and local government debt ended last year. The
Despite the slowing of depository credit, growth of
declines had occurred as issues that were pre-
the broader monetary aggregates strengthened last
refunded earlier in the decade, when interest rates
yean M3 expanded 7 percent, up 1 percentage point
were unusually favorable, matured or became eligible
from 1995 and also 1 percentage point above the
to be called. Pre-refunded debt continued to be called
upper end of its 2 to 6 percent annual range. M2 grew
last year, albeit at a reduced pace, but this decline was
just offset by gross issuance, which picked up.
M3: Annual Range and Actual Level
Depository Intermediation. The expansion of
depository credit slowed last year, entirely reflecting a Billions of dottare
slower advance in bank credit. Growth at thrift
institutions picked up, benefiting from strong demand
for residential mortgages and unproved capital posi- 4900
tions. Growth of commercial bank loans moderated,
as loans to businesses and, especially, consumers
decelerated from elevated rates of growth in 1995. 4800
Bank portfolio expansion also appears to have been
damped somewhat by a faster pace of asset securitiza- 4700
tion, likely spurred by receptive capital markets. For
example, real estate loan growth at banks was a 2%
subdued 4 percent last year, despite a robust hous- 4600
ing market and a pickup in commercial real estate. At
the same time, outstanding securities backed by mort-
4500
gage pools expanded at a $179 billion annual rate in O N D J F M A M J J A S O NO
the first three quarters of last year, well above the 1995 1996
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74
M2: Annual Range and Actual Level substituting issuance of large time deposits for
Billions of dollars borrowings from offices abroad. Both foreign and
domestically chartered banks paid down net borrow-
ing from foreign head offices and branches last year.
3850 For domestic banks, this paydown may have been
related to the reduction to zero of insurance assess-
ments on deposits, beginning with the last quarter of
3800
1995. In addition, the greater growth of M3 relative to
that of M2 reflected the need to fund particularly
3750
strong loan growth at US. branches and agencies of
foreign banks, which do not offer the retail accounts
3700 that dominate deposits in M2.
Growth of both M2 and M3 was supported again
3650 last year by continuing robust advances in money
market mutual funds (MMMFs). Because the yields
3600 on these funds are based on the average return earned
O N OJ F M A MJ J A S O NO
on their assets, they lag changes in yields on new
1995 1996
market instruments; thus, the funds tend to attract
additional inflows when market rates are falling.
4Vz percent, up Vt percentage point and in the upper
Accordingly, MMMFs advanced most rapidly in the
portion of its 1 to 5 percent range. As noted in Sec-
early part of last year, when the monetary easings of
tion 1, the ranges for monetary growth last year had December and January pulled down short-term rates,
been chosen to be consistent with approximate price and also later in the year, when short-term rates
stability and a sustainable rate of real economic
were again declining. However, these instruments
growth, rather than as indicators of the range of expanded briskly even in the third quarter, when
money growth rates likely to prevail under expected
short-term rates were rising, suggesting that part of
economic conditions.
the attractiveness of MMMFs is the convenience they
The acceleration of M3 was caused partly by a shift offer those investors engaged in moving funds in and
in the way banks financed their credit—specifically, out of stock and bond mutual funds, which expanded
M2 Velocity and the Opportunity Cost of Holding M2
Ratio scale triage points, ratio scale
Quarterly
2.0
25
1.9
10
1.8
1.7
1.6
1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996
Note. M2 opportunity coat to a two-quarter moving average of the three-month Treasury oil rate
less the weighted average rate paid on M2 components.
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at a record pace last year. In addition, institution- eral Reserve's ability to exert close day-to-day
only funds seem to be having considerable success in control over the federal funds rate—the overnight rate
marketing cash management programs that capture on reserves traded among depository institutions.
excess cash of corporations and municipalities. Likely Depositories hold balances at Reserve Banks to meet
reflecting the attractiveness of money market and daily clearing needs in addition to satisfying statu-
capital market mutual funds last year, deposits in M2 tory reserve requirements. At low enough levels,
actually showed little growth in 1996. Retail deposit reserve balances may provide inadequate protection
growth also may have been damped by a lack of against adverse clearings, and banks' attempts to
aggressive pricing of deposits on the part of banks, as avoid overdrafts could generate highly variable daily
demand for their loans slipped and they apparently demands for balances at the Federal Reserve and a
found it cheaper to finance a larger share of loan volatile federal funds rate. To date, however, no seri-
originations through securitizations and large time ous problems have emerged, in part because the
deposits. substantial drop in depositories' required reserve bal-
ances attributable to sweeps has been partially offset
The behavior of M2 relative to income last year, by increases in their holdings of required clearing
as summarized by its income velocity, again bore a balances—an arrangement whereby depositories pay
fairly systematic relationship to M2's opportunity
for services provided by the Federal Reserve through
cost—the return on M2 assets relative to yields avail- the holding of specified amounts in reserve account
able on alternative instruments. The relationship of balances. In addition, advances in banks' techniques
velocity to opportunity costs was reasonably stable of monitoring balances at the Federal Reserve and
historically, but it broke down in the early 1990s, a gauging their clearing needs have enabled them to
period characterized by extensive restructuring of operate efficiently and smoothly at relatively low
balance sheets by households, businesses, and banks. levels of balances. Sweeps have had an effect on Fed-
In the process, M2 velocity rose substantially and, eral Reserve earnings and the amounts it remits to the
apparently, permanently. Since 1993, velocity no Treasury. The decline in reserve balances of around
longer appears to be shifting higher, and M2 veloc- $12 billion owing to sweeps must be matched by an
ity and opportunity costs are moving together about accompanying lower level of Treasury securities on
as they did before 1990. However, the recent period the books of Reserve Banks. The Federal Reserve
of relative stability in this relationship has been too continues to monitor sweep activity closely.
short for the Federal Reserve to place increased reli-
ance on M2 as a guide to policy at this time. Interest Rates, Equity Prices,
Ml contracted V/2 percent last year, as the pace at and Exchange Rates
which new arrangements were established to sweep Interest Rates. Declines in interest rates during
reservable retail transactions deposits to nonreserv- the second half of last year on evidence that eco-
able nontransaction accounts accelerated. The initial
amounts removed from transaction accounts by Selected Treasury Rates
sweep arrangements established last year amounted
to $116 billion, compared with $45 billion in 1995.
Ml continued to be supported by currency growth Monthly
last year, when foreign demands, which were
depressed earlier in the year partly in anticipation of 15
the new $100 bill, picked up in the second half.
Adjusted for the initial amounts removed from
Thirty-year
transaction accounts by sweep arrangements. Ml Treasury' 10
grew 5l/4 percent last year. The sweeping of transac-
tion deposits contributed to a contraction of almost
12 percent in required reserves—twice the rate of
decline of the previous year. The monetary base Jr''
decelerated only a little, however, as growth of its Three-month Five-year ^ ]*J
major component, currency, was little changed Treasury Treasury
between 1995 and 1996.
1965 1975 1985 1995
Continued declines in the levels of required
•The twenty-year Treasury bond rate is shown until the first
reserves have the potential to impinge on the Fed- issuance of the thirty-year Treasury bond in February 1977.
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76
nomic growth had moderated only partially reversed Weighted Average Exchange Value
the increases over the first half. Reflecting the surpris- of the U.S. Dollar
ing strength in economic activity last year, longer- Index, March 1973 = 100
term Treasury rates rose on balance on the order of
Vi percentage point over the year, and intermediate Nominal
rates were up somewhat more. Spreads between most
private rates and Treasuries narrowed markedly last 100
year, reflecting the high quality of business balance
sheets. Municipal rates moved up comparatively little
over the first half of 1996 as earlier relative increases
90
in these yields associated with discussions of
fundamental tax reform were reversed when the
likelihood of such changes to the tax code dimin-
ished. Movements in interest rates over the year 80
appeared to be basically in their real component, as
inflation expectations were little changed, according
to surveys. 70
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996
Equity Prices. The substantial rise in equity
Note. In terms of the currencies of the other G-10 countries.
prices last year was only a bit below that registered in Weights are based on 1972-76 global trade of each of the ten
1995. However, in contrast to 1995, when bond rates countries.
declined substantially, the equity gains last year came
despite the net rise in bond rates. Corporate earn-
ings were robust last year, but their advance fell short were generally subdued. Commodity prices were flat
of share price increases, and price-earnings ratios rose to dowa Commercial real estate prices, although no
to unusually high levels; dividend-price ratios were longer falling, rose at little more than the rate of
even more out of line with historical experience. inflation. Residential real estate prices increased
Market participants appear to be anticipating further moderately.
robust earnings growth, and they also seem to be
Exchange Rates. The foreign exchange value of
requiring much less compensation for the extra risk of
the dollar in terms of the currencies of the other G-10
holding equities compared to, say, Treasury bonds.
countries rose about 4 percent during 1996. When
Such evaluations may be based on a perceived
measured in terms of the currencies of a broader
environment of persisting low inflation and bal-
group of US. trading partners and adjusted for differ-
anced economic growth that would lower the odds of
ences in consumer price inflation, the appreciation of
disruptions to economic activity. Other asset prices
the dollar last year was also about 4 percent Much of
the rise in the exchange value of the dollar occurred
during the first half of the year. Indications of greater-
Major Stock Price Indexes than-expected underlying strength in the U.S. econ-
Index (December 29, 1995=100) omy and signs of weakness in some European
economies in the first two quarters reinforced market
expectations that U.S. monetary policy was less likely
to be eased than was policy in the other industrial
countries. These expectations boosted US. long-
term interest rates relative to those abroad and
contributed to upward pressure on the dollar. The dol-
lar fluctuated somewhat from June through Decem-
ber but on balance changed little. Over the course of
1996, the dollar appreciated 12 percent in terms of the
yen and I3/* percent in terms of the mark. During the
first weeks of 1997, the dollar's average value against
the G-10 currencies has again moved up, appre-
ciating about 7 percent since the end of December,
J FMAMJ J ASONOJ PMAMJ JASONDJF as economic data have suggested additional strength
1995 1996 1997 in the US. economy and have raised questions about
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77
U.S. and Foreign Interest Rates abroad have moved down slightly further so far this
Three-month year. Short-term market rates in the foreign indus-
Percent trial countries on average declined about 120 basis
points during 1996. Except in Japan, official central
Monthly
bank lending rates were lowered in the foreign G-10
12 countries last year, contributing to the decline in
Average foreign market rates.
10 Equity prices in most industrial countries rose
strongly last year. The major exception was Japan,
8 where prices on balance fell slightly. The general
decline in long-term interest rates abroad and moves
6 toward monetary ease were among the factors con-
tributing to the upward movement in stock prices.
4 The dollar appreciated in nominal terms about
21/2 percent on balance against the Mexican peso dur-
ing 1996, with much of that appreciation coming over
a few weeks in October. After fluctuating in a nar-
Ten-year row range for most of the year, the Mexican peso
Percent
depreciated in terms of the dollar when market
Monthly participants became concerned about the loss of
competitiveness of Mexican exports during the year
and about the partial nature of the government's
planned privatization of the petrochemical industry.
12
Peso interest rates rose in October and November, but
Average foreign have since more than retraced that increase as the
peso has stabilized. In January, Mexican officials
repaid all remaining outstanding obligations to the
Exchange Stabilization Fund of the US. Treasury,
completing repayment to the United States of all bor-
U.S. Treasury rowings that were made following the peso crisis in
late 1994; a partial early repayment was made to the
i i i i i i i i i i i International Monetary Fund as well.
1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 In the first three quarters of 1996, large increases
Note. Average foreign rates are the global trade-weighted
average, for the other G-10 countries, of yields on instruments were reported in both foreign ownership of assets in
comparable to U.S. instruments shown. the United States and U.S. ownership of assets
abroad. Over the same period, foreign official assets
the vigor of economic expansions in several foreign in the United States increased almost $90 billion. Part
industrial countries. of this increase was associated with exchange market
intervention by the Japanese authorities to counter a
On average, yields on ten-year government securi-
brief strengthening of the exchange value of the yen
ties in the major foreign industrial countries fell about
early in the year, but a larger part reflected the repur-
80 basis points last year, with most of the decline
chase of reserves by several European countries
coming in the second half. In Italy, long-term rates
whose currencies strengthened against the mark.
declined much more, about 375 basis points, in
About half reflected increases in reserves of newly
response to low growth in real output, substantial
industrializing countries.
progress in lowering inflation, and sizable, credible
measures to reduce the government deficit. In con- Private foreigners also added substantially to their
trast, long-term rates in the United Kingdom rose assets in the United States in the first three quarters of
slightly as the economy strengthened. Rates in Japan 1996. Net purchases of US. Treasury securities by
rose early in the year as the economy spurted, but private foreigners amounted to $85 billion'through
subsequent indicators of a weakening expansion September, and net purchases of corporate and
caused rates to turn back down; over the year, they government agency bonds were equally large. For-
declined about 40 basis points on net. Long-term rates eign direct investment in the United States surged to
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78
a record $71 billion in the first three quarters, reflect- States. U.S. portfolio investors favored foreign stocks
ing numerous mergers and acquisitions of US. com- over bonds. Net purchases in Japan were particularly
panics by foreigners. large in the first half of the year. In addition. U.S.
US. private investors also added rapidly to their dircct invest™-™ abroad <™*«* ««*
holdings of foreign assets in the first thrL qWers of ^*Uoa* ** cononued P™"**""* °f «««•«"
1996. In contrast to foreign investors in the United s"
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79
Growth of Money and Debt
Percent
Domestic
Period M1 M2 M3 nonfindncidl
debt
Annual
1980 7.5 8.7 9.6 9.5
1981 5.4 (2.5)2 9.0 12.4 10.2
1982 8.8 8.8 9.7 9.9
1983 10.3 11.8 9.5 11.9
1984 5.4 8.1 10.8 14.5
1985 12.0 8.6 7.7 14.2
1986 15.5 9.1 9.0 13.2
1987 6.3 4.2 5.8 10.0
1988 4.3 5.7 6.3 9.0
1989 0.5 52 4.0 7.9
1990 4.1 4.1 1.8 6.9
1991 7.9 3.1 12 4.6
1992 14.4 1.8 0.6 4.7
1993 10.6 1.3 1.1 5.1
1994 2.5 0.6 1.7 5.2
1995 -1.6 4.0 6.2 5.5
1996 -4.6 4.6 6.9 5.3
Quarterly
(annual rate)3
1996 Q1 -3.5 5.3 6.6 5.0
Q2 -1.4 4.5 6.3 5.7
Q3 -6.5 3.4 5.4 5.3
Q4 -7.4 5.0 8.5 4.9
1. From average for fourth quarter of preceding year to 3. From average for preceding quarter to average for
average for fourth quarter of year indicated. quarter indicated.
2. Adjusted for shifts to NOW accounts in 1981.
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80
BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
WASHINGTON, 0. C. 20551
ALAN GREENSPAN
CHAIRMAN
April 10, 1997
The Honorable Richard C. Shelby
United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510-0103
Dear Senator:
At the recent hearing on the Federal Reserve's semiannual Humphrey-
Hawkins Report on monetary policy before the Banking Committee, you asked if there
was any evidence to suggest that the reluctance of workers to leave their jobs differed
significantly across industrial sectors or geographical regions. As it turns out, the data on
job leavers needed to make such comparisons are not readily available for individual
industries or regions, and based on our discussions with the Bureau of Labor Statistics, it
would appear that any industry- or region-specific estimates that might be constructed
from the microdata would be based on too small a sample to be of much help in
answering this question.
I have, however, enclosed a set of charts from the Conference Board that
shows their index of consumer confidence separately for each of the nine major Census
regions. Relative to the highs posted in the late 1980s, consumers appear most upbeat in
the Midwest and Mountain regions of the United States, but somewhat less optimistic in
the regions that make up the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Even in this latter set of
regions, however, the consumer confidence indexes are generally still at their highest
levels since 1990.
Enclosures
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81
180
CONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX*
10 10
1981l1982l1983l1984l1985'l986l1987M988'l989T1990ri991T1992T1993'l994'l995T1996'l997ri99
* The Conference Board
" Includes Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Vermont.
130
CONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX
•30
1981' 1982'198311984'1985'1986'1987'1988'1989'1990'1991'1992'1993'1994I1995T1996'1997*199
* The Conference Board
** Includes New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania.
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CONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX*
50 -50
198111982I1983I19B4I1985I1986I1987I1988I1989I1990I1991I1992I1993I1994I1995I1996I199711998
* The Conference Board
** Includes Delaware, the District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Virginia and West Virginia.
140
ONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX4
40 •40
9B1'1982I1983I19B4'1985[1986I1987'1988I1989'1990I1991I1992I1993I1994I1995I1996I1997I199
* The Conference Board
" Includes Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin.
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130
110- -110
90-
1990*199111992I1993I1994'1995I1996T1997'199
* The Conference Board
** Includes Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Mlsssourl, Nebraska, North Dakota and South Dakota.
150
DONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX*
110-
981l1982l1983l1984l1985l19B6l1987l1988l1989l1990l199tl1992l1993'l994l1995l1996l1997'l99
* The Conference Board
** Includes Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi.
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CONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX*
Feb
120- 120
100
-60
-40
198l'l982T1983l1984T1985'l986'l987T1988'l989'l990l199tl1992l1993l1994l1995l1996'l997T199
* The Conference Board
** Includes Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas.
CONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX
150-
-125
1981I1982'1983I1984I1985I1986I1987'1988I19B9!1990'1991T1992I1993I1994I1995I1996I1997I199 '
* The Conference Board
" Includes Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming.
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150 150
. CONSUMER CONFIDENCE INDEX*
125- 125
Feb
-100
75- -75
50- -50
•25
1981'198211983I19B4I19B5I1986I1987I198BI1989I1990I1991I1992I1993I1994I1995I1996I1997I199
* The Conference Board
** Includes Washington, Oregon, California, Arkansas and Hawaii.
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Table 2
Cost of the Leadership Tax Proposals
(in billions of dollars)
Estimate for
Joint Committee on Taxation
Subsequent 10
First Second First Fiscal Year Years (2008-
2017)
5 Years 5 Yeats 10 Years 2007
Child Tax Credit $109.0 $89.9 $198.9 $16.9 $164
Capital Gains 33.1 96.2 129.3 22.1 234
o Estate and Gift 18.4 48.2 66.6 11.7 127
00
IRA 32.6 80.0 112.6 19.4 210
Higher Education 7.1 10.9 18.0 2.6 27
Total $200.5 $325.1 $525.8 $72.7 $763
Source: Figures for the first 10 years are from Joint Committee on Taxation QCT) January 21, 1997. The Bob Dole Education
y
Investment Accounts provision is included in the total for higher education. Estimates of costs for each provision in the
subsequent 10-year period were made by taking the JCT estimate of each provision's average annual rate of growth from 2004
through 2007 and applying this rate of growth to the JCT estimate of the provision's cost In 20D7. All figures are expressed in
current dollars.
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Cite this document
APA
Alan Greenspan (1997, February 25). Congressional Testimony. Testimony, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19970226_chair_federal_reserves_first_monetary_policy
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_testimony_19970226_chair_federal_reserves_first_monetary_policy,
author = {Alan Greenspan},
title = {Congressional Testimony},
year = {1997},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Testimony, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19970226_chair_federal_reserves_first_monetary_policy},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}