testimony · July 23, 1990
Congressional Testimony
Alan Greenspan
CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
(Report of the Federal Reserve Board pursuant to the
FttlT Enrolovment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978,
P.L. 95-523.)
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND
URBAN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED FIRST CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
JULY 24, 1990
Printed for the use of the Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
Serial No. 101-154
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1990
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HOUSE COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
HENRY B. GONZALEZ, Texas, Chairman
FRANK ANNUNZIO, Illinois CHALMERS P. WYLIE, Ohio
WALTER E. FAUNTROY, District of JIM LEACH, Iowa
Columbia NORMAN D. SHUMWAY, California
STEPHEN L. NEAL, North Carolina STAN PARRIS, Virginia
CARROLL HUBBARD, Jr., Kentucky BILL McCOLLUM, Florida
JOHN J. LAFALCE, New York MARGE ROUKEMA, New Jersey
MARY ROSE DAKAR, Ohio DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
BRUCE F. VENTO, Minnesota DAVID DREIER, California
DOUG BARNARD, JR., Georgia JOHN HILER, Indiana
CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York THOMAS J. RIDGE, Pennsylvania
BARNEY FRANK, Massachusetts STEVE BARTLETT, Texas
RICHARD H. LEHMAN, California TOBY ROTH, Wisconsin
BRUCE A. MORRISON, Connecticut ALFRED A. (AL) McCANDLESS, California
MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio JIM SAXTON, New Jersey
BEN ERDREICH. Alabama PATRICIA F. SAIKI, Hawaii
THOMAS R. CARPER, Delaware JIM BUNNING, Kentucky
ESTEBAN EDWARD TORRES, California BICHARD H. BAKER, Louisiana
GERALD D. KLECZKA Wisconsin CLIFF STEARNS, Florida
BILL NELSON, Florida PAUL E. GILLMOR, Ohio
PAUL E. KANJORSKJ Pennsylvania BILL PAXON, New York
ELIZABETH J. PATTERSON, South Carolina
JOSEPH P. KENNEDY II, Massachusetts
FLOYD H. FLAKE, New York
KWEISI MFUME, Maryland
DAVID E. PRICE, Worth Carolina
NANCY PELOSI, California
JIM McDERMOTT, Washington
PETER HOAGLAND, Nebraska
RICHARD E. NEAL, Massachusetts
ELIOT L- ENGEL, New York
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
PSTEPHEN L. NEAL, North Carolina, Chairman
DOUG BARNARD, JR., Georgia BILL McCOLLUM, Florida
HENRY B. GONZALEZ, Texas JIM LEACH, Iowa
FRANK ANNUNZIO.Illinois JIM BUNNING, Kentucky
PETER HOAGLAND, Nebraska
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CONTENTS
Page
Hearing held on:
July 24, 1990 1
Appendix:
July 24, 1990 43
WITNESSES
TUESDAY, JULY 24, 1990
Greenspan, Alan, Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System
APPENDIX
Prepared statement:
Greenspan, Alan.
ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
Monetary Policy Report to the Congress, dated July 18, 1990
(in)
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CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
Tuesday, July 24, 1990
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m., in room
2128, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Stephen L. Neal [chair-
man of the subcommittee] presiding.
Present: Chairman Neal, Representatives Barnard, Hoagland,
McCollum, Leach and Bunning.
Also present: Representatives Weiss, Schumer, Neal of Massa-
chusetts, and Ridge.
Chairman NEAL. I would like to call this meeting of the subcom-
mittee to order.
Today we welcome the Chairman of the Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve System for the presentation of the Federal Re-
serve's monetary policy report to Congress.
Since this report was released last week, we, the public and the
press, have already had an opportunity to look it over. From what I
have seen, general reaction to this report has focused on two issues:
The recent alleged easing by the Fed and the indication that the
Fed might well undertake a more significant shift in policy if we
reach agreement on a major reduction in budget deficits.
These issues are certainly important and relevant, and I will be
posing some questions to the chairman about them. At the outset,
however, I would like to call attention to the enduring question we
should always be asking the Fed.
In October of last year, Chairman Greenspan appeared before
this subcommittee to endorse my legislation, H.J. Res. 409, direct-
ing the Federal Reserve to eliminate inflation over the next 5 years
and then pursue monetary policies that maintain price stability or
zero inflation. Since this legislation has not yet been enacted into
law, it is, of course, not yet binding on Federal policy in a legal or
formal sense.
Nonetheless, Chairman Greenspan has endorsed it as have the
presidents of the Federal Reserve Banks. It is a policy which we
can and should expect the Fed to pursue, even if it is not yet a
legal requirement.
It can't be said often enough that the way, the only way to
ensure low interest rates is to establish and maintain low or zero
inflation.
If we would establish and maintain zero inflation, we could
expect long-term Treasury rates to be 3 or 4 percent, we could
(1)
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expect short-term rates to be even lower, we could expect mortgage
rates at about 6 percent, we could expect consumer and business
rates at about half of today's level, we could significantly reduce
the budget deficit by reducing that amount we pay for interest, and
we would have established the essential condition for maximum
sustained economic growth, maximum sustained employment. We
would have established the essential condition for maximization
and therefore investment, higher productivity in our economy,
higher competitiveness in world trade.
The one policy of zero inflation gives us essentially the other
policies that we want from monetary policy. That being so, the first
inquiry we should pose at these hearings on the Fed's monetary
policy report is simple: What progress have you made toward zero
inflation? Does your outlook for future policy over the next year or
so anticipate progress towards zero inflation? What do you see in
current economic data and in your forecasts that indicate we will
or will not make progress toward zero inflation? If there has been
no discernible progress, why not? These are precisely the questions
that we will be asking of the chairman when he has finished his
testimony.
I will, moreover, want to ask him about the other two issues that
seem to dominate this report, the recent so-called credit crunch
easing and the relevance of a budget deal for monetary policy and
to relate these to our shared long-term goal of eliminating inflation
from the American economy.
It is always a great pleasure to have the distinguished Chairman
of the Federal Reserve Board here with us. Before calling on him,
however, I would like to ask if there are other Members who have
opening statements.
Mr. McCoLLUM. I do, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. McCollum.
Mr. MCCOLLUM. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Always glad to have you with us, Mr. Greenspan. We have over
the years gotten to know you and your philosophy and your steady
hand down at the Federal Reserve with great respect and admira-
tion.
I am always amazed when you come to these hearings how much
attention it not only generates but if you make one little word one
way, the stock market goes up like that or down like this, and it is
just remarkable to me because it seems to me that you have made
your policies so clear to us, and they have not deviated to any sig-
nificant degree that I can determine since we have been holding
these hearings. You have been steady and very forthright in your
determination to control inflation and to help guide the other
Members of the Open Market Committee who obviously do the
voting on all this to that end, and to attempt to balance that out
with the growth in the economy that we have to have, and all of
that in the face of these deficits that we don't control very well up
here on the fiscal side of the matter.
So I know today you are going to elaborate on some of this and
probably follow up with questions that are raised as a result of the
last time you talked to a body on a subject like this, but in the long
run and over the period that we have known you, we know that it
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is a very steady course, a lot of work goes into the market decisions
that are made, a lot of factors to be considered.
Our committee will debate sometimes whether you and not you
yourself but the Open Market Committee perhaps is considering all
the right factors at the moment, but these are very big judgment
calls, and on the whole we think that you have done an admirable
job of balancing those interests, even if we might disagree from
time to time with individual decisions.
So we thank you for coming up, thank you for your patience, and
wish you well in juggling all of this as you continue to come before
these hearings.
Thank you.
Chairman NEAL. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Barnard.
Mr. BARNARD. I have no opening statement.
Chairman NEAL. Are there other Members who have opening
statements?
Mr. Neal.
Mr. NEAL OF MASSACHUSETTS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to congratulate you for having Mr. Greenspan here this
morning, and certainly the idea that you have broached moving
the nation in the direction of zero percent inflation is one of the
most stimulating I have witnessed since I have been a Member of
the House.
I would hope that Mr. Greenspan this morning might speak spe-
cifically in his comments to the credit crunch in New England, real
or perceived. There are many complaints that I receive, particular-
ly from the small business sector, almost on a daily basis now
about their inability to secure credit.
I would hope that you might have the opportunity this morning,
Mr. Greenspan, to speak specifically to that issue.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. Are there other Members who would like to be
recognized at this time?
If not, Mr. Chairman, we will put your entire statement in the
record and ask that you proceed as you will with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF HON. ALAN GREENSPAN, CHAIRMAN OF THE
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Mr. GREENSPAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
When I came before this committee in February, I characterized
the economy as poised for continued moderate expansion in 1990,
and in large measure developments so far this year appear to have
borne that statement out.
There are a number of plusses and minuses in the economic pic-
ture by sector and by region, but on balance the economy still ap-
pears to be growing, and the likelihood of a near-term recession
seems low.
The unemployment rate has remained very low by the standards
of the past 20 years, but the rate of increase in wages appears to
have leveled out from its earlier upward trend, and the core rate of
inflation in consumer prices, which picked up sharply in the first
quarter, has moderated in recent months.
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The June CPI figure, which was boosted by some technical fac-
tors, added a note of caution to this assessment, and a continuation
of inflation at last month's pace clearly would be very troubling.
In 1990 Federal Reserve policy has continued to be directed at
sustaining the economic expansion while making progress toward
price stability. Ultimately the two go hand in hand. A stable price
level sets the stage for the economy to operate at its peak efficien-
cy while high inflation inevitably sows the seeds of recession and
wrenching readjustment.
This year, which has been marked by dramatic changes in the
flow of funds through depository institutions, Federal Reserve has
been paying particularly close attention to conditions in credit
markets. Evidence of a tightening of terms and reduced availability
of credit has gradually accumulated to the point where it became
apparent in recent days that some action by the monetary author-
ity was warranted.
A number of indicators have been pointing in this direction, in-
cluding the behavior of the monetary aggregates, suggesting that
the degree of financial restraint in train might be greater than an-
ticipated or than appropriate to the evolving economic situation.
This restraint is a function of developments in the credit markets
independent of monetary policy.
The recent decline in the Federal funds rate to 8 percent as a
consequence of our action to reduce slightly the pressures in re-
serve markets represents an effort to offset the effects of greater
stringency in credit markets.
M2 growth slowed sharply over the first half of 1990, owing in
some measure to the restructuring of financial flows. Although the
closing of insolvent thrifts by the RTC did not directly affect M2,
the availability of huge blocks of deposits to the remaining thrifts
and banks lessened those institutions' needs to raise rates to draw
in funds, contributing to an unusual degree of inertia in the pric-
ing of retail deposits.
The link between the RTC's activities and the meager growth
this year in the broader monetary aggregate, M3, is clearer. The
RTC closed down a very large number of S&Ls, taking many of
those institutions' assets on to the government's balance sheet, and
thereby effectively reducing the overall funding needs of the depos-
itory system.
The weakness in the monetary aggregates in part signals a
change in the behavior of the depository institutions with potential
for affecting overall credit provision. The conservative pricing of
retail and wholesale deposits represents one aspect of their efforts
to widen profit margins.
In light of concerns about their capital positions, banks and
thrifts also have reined in lending activity and imposed stiffer
terms on loans. The change in credit supply conditions may have
significant implications for borrowing, spending, and policy.
I would not call this change a credit crunch, as those words con-
note a contraction of lending on a major scale with many borrow-
ers effectively shut out of credit markets, regardless of their quali-
fications.
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We are not seeing symptoms of that kind of widespread classic
crunch as in the past when deposit rates ceilings or usury ceilings
limited the market's ability to adjust and forced cutoffs of credit.
But what do we observe? The evidence on this score continues to
grow. Numerous reports indicate that depository institutions and
other lenders have become more selective in extending credit condi-
tions has taken various forms, including tougher standards for
credit approval, higher collateral requirements, increases in inter-
est rates, and in some cases loans have been simply unavailable.
But on some types of credit, including residential mortgages,
changes in price and non-price terms appear to have been relative-
ly minor.
These types of obligations account for a major share of the credit
extended in the economy and hence the slowing of depository credit
and the sluggish behavior of the monetary aggregates while indica-
tive of some tightening of credit likely overstate the impact of the
depositor's behavior on economic activity.
No doubt a sizable portion of lenders' increased reluctance to
commit funds for certain purposes reflects a natural and healthy
reaction to a slowdown in growth, as the economy moves closer to
capacity constraint. But there is more to it than that.
Through one avenue or another, the change in credit standards
has its roots in part in the excesses of the 1980's. Large losses on
soured loans and the financial markets' distaste for providing addi-
tional capital to the institutions taking these losses have interacted
with rising capital requirements for banks and thrifts. This interac-
tion has resulted in strong incentives for depository institutions to
conserve capital.
Partly as a result, the growth of aggregate debt has come down
into closer alignment with the expansion of nominal GNP. This
process, which reflects a somewhat more cautious approach on the
part of borrowers as well, is not an aberrant restrictive phase in
the life of the financial system, but rather a return to what had
been the norm prior to the 1980's.
To be sure, when you go from excess credit creation to normal, it
can feel like a tightening, and in that sense credit conditions have
tightened. Many of the loans made during the 1980's should not, by
historical standards of creditworthiness, have been made. As stand-
ards reverted closer to normal, those weaker borrowers have been
finding it far more difficult to access credit.
In addition, however, depository institutions appear more recent-
ly to be lending with greater caution in general. As a result, even
creditworthy borrowers may have to look harder for a loan, put up
more collateral, or pay a somewhat higher spread. For the nation
as a whole, the tightening of credit standards will leave the finan-
cial system on a sounder footing and contribute to economic stabili-
ty in the long run. Nevertheless, in the here and now, the tighten-
ing is beginning to have very real, unwelcome effects.
It is difficult to discern the dividing line between lending stand-
ards that are still healthy and those that are so restrictive as to be
inconsistent with the borrower's status and the best interests of the
lender in the long run. In recent weeks, however, we may have
slipped over that line.
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As best we can judge, the change in credit conditions currently is
exerting a slight additional degree of restraint on the economy.
The process of credit restraint may not have reached completion,
and some of its effects may not yet have been felt; hence it will
require continued scrutiny. However, the tightening should eventu-
ally unwind as displaced borrowers find alternate sources of funds
and as the banking system rebuilds its capital.
At its meeting earlier this month, the Federal Open Market
Committee reaffirmed the 1990 range of 3 to 7 percent it had set
for the growth of M2. In view of changing credit flows, a slow rate
of expansion in M2 seems consistent with continued moderate
growth in output, but any pronounced weakness in the aggregate
that drops it below this range might represent greater monetary
restraint than is desirable this year.
Looking ahead to 1991, the committee lowered the M2 range by a
half a percentage point on a provisional basis, consistent with the
continuation of measured restraint on aggregate demand, a necessi-
ty in the containment and ultimately elimination of inflation.
FOMC members and other Reserve Bank presidents generally
foresee the policy embodied in the money ranges as leading to both
sustained growth and diminished inflation in the period ahead. For
1990 their expectations center on an inflation rate in the 4.5 to 5
percent range, with real GNP growth about 1.5 to 2 percent, but
with this year's slow growth helping to relieve pressures on re-
sources, expectations for 1991 incorporate both somewhat lower in-
flation and somewhat higher real growth at a rate closer to that of
growth in the potential output.
In judging the outlook for the economy over the next year and a
half, one source of uncertainty is fiscal policy, but the determina-
tion displayed by the Congress and the administration in their ef-
forts to come to an agreement on cutting the deficit has been enor-
mously heartening to all who are concerned about the long-run
health of the U.S. economy.
As a nation, we have been saving too little and borrowing too
much for too long. Significant progress on the Federal deficit would
be an important step in rectifying this situation.
Major substantive credible cuts in the budget deficit would
present the Federal Reserve with a situation that would call for a
careful reconsideration of its policy stance, what adjustment might
be necessary, and how it might be timed cannot be spelled out
before the fact. The actions required will depend on the constella-
tion of other influences on the economy, the nature and magnitude
of the fiscal policy package, and the likely timing of its effects.
I can only offer the assurance that the Federal Reserve will act
as it has in the past to endeavor to keep the economy expansion on
track.
Moreover, concerns that monetary policy would be unable to
offset undesirable macroeconomic effects on a budget pact are, I be-
lieve, largely unfounded. In the final analysis, a major cut in the
budget is unquestionably the right thing to do.
It is well past time to reduce the Government's draw on credit
markets and to free up more resources for enhancing investment
and production by the private sector. In this way, fiscal policy, by
augmenting national savings, will be doing its part to promote
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maximum sustainable economic growth. With monetary policy
similarly keeping sight of its long-run goal of price stability, the
two together will have set a favorable backdrop for vibrant and en-
during economic growth.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Greenspan can be found in the
appendix.]
Chairman NEAL. Now, I quite agree with you about the need to
reduce the budget deficit, and I think everyone does. You see the
difficulties that Congress and the administration seems to have
with it. I know you have expressed yourself on this point a number
of times, but I wonder if you would do it one more time.
In your judgment, and the reason I ask you this question, I just
want to say, is because you have the best economists, I think, that
there are around Washington and among the best in the world,
and you have lots of them, and I think you can be a source of great
economic wisdom for all of us.
Now I want to ask you about in lowering the budget deficits, I
know that you would prefer cuts in spending to tax increases, but
do you think cutting the budget deficit is so important that we
ought to accept some tax increases to do that?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. Chairman, I consider the issue so im-
portant that even though there are divisions on the economic
impact of how one cuts the budget deficit, I think we should be less
concerned at this stage with the actual process, so long as it is rea-
sonably balanced, than we should be with the details.
As I have indicated to this committee many times in the past, I
would far prefer that the heavy emphasis be on the spending side
rather than on the tax side on the grounds that I think it is a more
credible deficit reduction and one that clearly would endure for a
very substantial period into the future. But there is no question
that if a cut in the budget deficit can be made enforceable by the
actions which I gather the budget summit participants are discuss-
ing, then I would say we would need to have somewhat less con-
cern about the longer-term issue. But I certainly would want to em-
phasize that the crucial aspect of this budget agreement is that it
be credible and enforceable.
If the markets do not respond favorably, they are, in effect,
saying that they do not believe that the deficit package is either
credible or enforceable, and I think that the budget summit fully
understands that and is working in the appropriate direction.
Chairman NEAL. Now, the stock market, as you know, went
down 100 points yesterday and came back up some, but closed
down significantly on heavy volume with the losers outnumbering
the gainers significantly, and I have read a number of reports as to
why that might have happened.
It seems to me, though, that the predominant view is that there
are renewed fears of inflation, and as I understand how these mar-
kets work, there is probably nothing worse for high interest rates,
for bad market conditions than renewed inflation, and clearly
there is some fears, it seems to me clear that there is some fears
out there that that is what is going on.
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It seems to me that some of that is being caused by this idea that
there is some kind of an agreement that if the Congress, the ad-
ministration can significantly reduce budget deficits, that the Fed
then is going to ease on the monetary side.
Now, I personally think that would be foolish. The idea of reduc-
ing budget deficits, the economic benefits occur in terms of in-
creased savings and investment in the private sector, it seems to
me, and if the Fed were to offset that by stimulating consumer
spending by lowering short-term interest rates, it would seem to
me to be very counterproductive.
Could you comment on that. Do you take it that if we make some
progress on reducing the budget deficit, that that would be a sign
for the Fed to start easing in some way? Does it run the risk of
more inflation and stimulating consumer spending?
Mr. GREENSPAN. No, I think as I have indicated previously both
to this committee and to your counterparts in the Senate fairly re-
cently, the crucial issue is whether or not this budget-cutting exer-
cise is credible and enforceable, and if it is, in my judgment I think
we will see a very significant response in the financial markets.
To the extent that that occurs, we would be affected and would
respond accordingly, but it would certainly be in the context of not
inducing inflationary pressures because if that were to occur, then
the tremendous benefits from the budget-cutting exercise would be
rapidly dissipated, and we could largely offset the extraordinary
benefits which I see as a consequence were a policy to be inappro-
priate to the particular actions that were taken, and in this sense, I
think we have to very carefully watch how the markets behave be-
cause it is ultimately market structures that will determine exactly
how successful this transition from a very large budget deficit to
hopefully something resembling a surplus will materialize.
I must say, Mr. Chairman, in answer to the issue which you
raised very early on in this hearing, before my testimony, we have
not changed our view with respect to support of your bill. In fact,
looking back we have put entrain a growth in aggregate credit and
money supply that if maintained will, within a few years, reach the
goals of your proposed bill.
Remember also that we are lowering at least tentatively at the
moment our targets for money supply for M2, and since our effect
on inflation is only through the credit markets, I think it is impor-
tant to observe that we have succeeded really since the October
1987 stock market crash in maintaining a degree of restraint that
has brought the 3-year moving average of M2 to the lowest level, I
believe, in more than 3 decades, and in fact it probably goes back
to the early 1950's in any prolonged sense.
So I would think that with a 5 percent or less than 5 percent M2
growth rate, annual rate, we are fairly rapidly approaching the
level of monetary expansion which is consistent with long-term
price stability, and if we don't fritter away the benefits of the last
2l/2 years—and I can assure you we surely do not intend to do
that—then I see no reason to expect other than the achievement of
general price stability as we define it over the next several years.
So that I see nothing in the actions we are taking in recent days
which in any way alters our particular policy path, and I say, look
at what we are doing. I mean, it is not an accident that money
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supply has come down. We have very purposefully, gradually and
in a measured way endeavored to bring the growth rate down, and
so far I think that we have been rather successful.
Chairman NEAL. I think you are moving in the right direction. I
just want to say in a few words what I think you are saying here,
and that is that you are on a course toward, I call it zero inflation,
you call it price stability, and that you are not moving from that
course and that that is positive for the economy, and I don't know,
the way I read the drop in the stock market yesterday, it is that
people have renewed fears of inflation, and I think you are trying
to allay some of those fears.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, ultimately, Mr. Chairman, inflation is a
monetary phenomena. We have brought the rate of growth in non-
financial debt to the lowest level in two decades, and the monetary
aggregates related to it, the lowest in three decades, and while I
must tell you I am not actually overly enthusiastic about the price
performance to date, as indicated in the charts which you have put
around, I think that that is a lagging phenomenon.
And what it is important for us to do is to keep a very close eye
on making certain that we keep the credit conditions moving to-
wards a noninflationary environment because all history tells us
that if we stick to that trend, we will achieve success.
Chairman NEAL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
My time has expired.
I would yield to Mr. Barnard at this time.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Chairman, you just said that you were lower-
ing the M2 targets. Isn't that sort of reactive to what is actually
happening, though?
I mean, it looks like to me—haven't we had an unusual change
in M2 in the last 13 weeks? Is that unusual to what we have expe-
rienced?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, it is, and in fact it is because it is unusual
and in fact it has dipped below our calculated gradual downward
trend.
We responded a couple of weeks ago to sort of give it a mid-
course correction, so to speak. The slowdown in the 13-week aver-
age which you have got here is substantially the result of the reso-
lutions of the S&Ls which, as you may recall, accelerated very sub-
stantially during the spring, and as I indicated in my prepared tes-
timony, that had the effect of essentially reducing the growth rate
in M2, but it was only part of the change.
In other words, it explained only a substantial but not all of the
change, and it was the remainder of that change, so to speak, the
implied tightening which we think is occurring currently in the
banks and in the thrifts, it is in response to that that we thought
that we needed to make the type of adjustment that we thought
appropriate a couple weeks ago.
Mr. BARNARD. The adjustment you made was in lowering the
Federal funds rate, right?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well—yes. The effect of that is essentially to try
to offset what we perceived as a widening in profit margins in the
commercial bank commitments, which tended to create a higher
loan level than had previously been existing, and the consequences
of that was to create credit more than we had intended it to do,
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and as a result of that, so that our actions tend to offset that action
as best we can judge.
Mr. BARNARD. So by lowering the targets of M2, does that mean
that you are going to be lowering the upper range of M2 so that we
will not have an unusual increase in M2 at some point in the near
future?
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is the meaning of the targets. We have
managed to stay over the last several years well within the range
of our targets most of the time. Of course, it ended up reasonably
well within the range over the period of time.
Mr. BARNARD. What significance today is M3?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, it is clearly of less significance than M2
largely because it has a major difference from M2's very significant
amount of funding, purchases of funds which has created a degree
of instability which has, in my judgment, made it a less useful tool
than we have found M2, which we find even with all of its faults,
to be over the long run an excellent measure of the state of our
anti-inflationary posture.
Mr. BARNARD. I agree. I think that M3 at some point in time was
significant, but I think today in what our initiatives should be that
M2 seems to be the best guide to determine where we are going.
Mr. Chairman, the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis publishes
something called the Monetary Trends, and one of the tables pub-
lished is that for adjusted reserves, which is the adjusted monetary
base less currency held by the public. Since February 1987, there
has either been a decline in real or actual terms in this number.
I am curious if you attach any importance to this. I am curious,
as it is undoubtedly true that reserve requirements for banks have
been increasing over this same period of time.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, remember, Congressman, that the reserve
balances to a very substantial extent in recent years reflect the
holdings of demand deposits, and the importance of the reserve bal-
ance slowing down is a mirrored reflection in the slowing down in
the growth of demand deposits, and as best we can judge from the
various surveys which we have taken, there is a structural shift
away from demand deposits towards fees.
That is, instead of requiring compensating balances which would
be the large, fairly substantial chunk of demand deposits, banks
have increasingly gone to direct fees and have eliminated to an in-
creasing extent the requirement for compensating balances.
The consequences of that has been to slow the growth in demand
deposits and therefore significantly slow the growth rate in the
monetary—rather, in the reserve base as well.
Mr. BARNARD. How is that going to affect Fed decisions on mone-
tary control because reserves—the Fed has always said that bank
reserves was a very important ingredient or in the past it has been
an important ingredient in controlling monetary supply.
How will that have any effect on Fed decisions?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, we have obviously incorporated what we
observe in the markets and have adjusted our policy and proce-
dures to accommodate what we perceive as the changes which are
not material to affecting the financial system at the margin, so ob-
viously it does affect us, we do react to it, but I think we make the
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appropriate adjustments. At least I have seen no evidence to sug-
gest otherwise.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Chairman, it is generally agreed that the U.S.
banks are having a difficult time attracting capital. Recent testimo-
ny before the Senate indicated that the U.S. commercial banks
have almost $600 billion committed to high-risk lending activities,
composed of LDC debt that has not yet been written off as well as
highly leveraged transactions in commercial real estate loans. Over
the last 4 years absolute charge-offs have totaled $75 billion.
Given your near-term view of the economy, can we sustain this
level of write-offs, and where will the capital come from to replen-
ish that which is expended? And also, what if there were a reces-
sion?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, first, Mr. Barnard, I mean clearly we have
seen very significant reserving by the commercial banks, and
indeed the larger banks, where the major LDC commitments are,
have very substantially increased their reserves, and as a conse-
quence, obviously their primary capital has risen quite appreciably.
I testified before the Senate Banking Committee a couple of
weeks ago and outlined our view that capital requirements should
be gradually raised in time. And one of the reasons largely is the
notion that we have come off this period of rather significant diffi-
culties and clearly increased capital is a solution not only to loan
portfolio and loan quality problems, but also raises some very sub-
stantial benefits with respect to the issue of deposit insurance, the
threats to the safety net, and the types of subsidies which that
safety net creates for the depository institutions.
So I should think and hope that we will continue to see accumu-
lation of capital as we move to the 1992 standards required by the
Basel agreement, and it strikes me that having gone through the
1980's, I would certainly trust that the 1990's, as they proceed, will
show trends in capital ratios of our depository institutions which
are up and up sufficiently to ameliorate the types of concerns
which your question implies.
Mr. BARNARD. Thank you.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Bunning.
Mr. BUNNING. Thank you.
Mr. Greenspan, you mentioned history in responding to one of
my colleague's questions. I would like to ask you kind of a history
question as far as budget summitry is concerned.
Do you have an opinion that if a tax increase is included in any
type of budget summitry agreement that it will actually reduce the
deficit?
Mr. GREENSPAN. It would, Congressman, if as the Members of the
budget summit apparently are committed to enact or make recom-
mendations of means of enforcement.
In other words, I think the question of merely putting a budget
forecast or asset of budget intentions out from a summit is recog-
nized as not sufficient by those who are engaged in this activity,
and they recognize that in order to capture market's response that
some budget process structural changes that will cement or create
credibility for the long-term budget agreement must be part of the
package.
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Mr. BUNNING. Can I go back to 1982 when TEFRA was passed,
when there was a budget agreement that for every tax dollar that
was increased in that increase that was passed, that there would be
$3 of spending reductions, and of course the dollar of tax increase
was passed, and we are still waiting presently to get one cent of
those spending reductions.
In other words, that type of an agreement would not be one that
you would be in favor of.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, whether I would be in favor or not I don't
think is relevant. I think what is relevant
Mr. BUNNING. It is relevant in this committee room.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No, I think what is relevant is whether the mar-
kets would react favorably to an agreement which didn't have
some form of enforcement mechanism in it. My judgment is that
the market would not.
Mr. BUNNING. It would not. Let me refer to your prior statement
about the credit crunch. You said you didn't feel that there was a
credit crunch of sorts in our economy presently.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes. I must admit it is a semantic issue and
there are those who are sitting out there with great difficulty ob-
taining financing who would find the nicety of my language rather
inappropriate, but in a technical sense credit crunch is really more
applicable to what happened when in years past, we used to have
ceilings on depository interest rates from Reg. Q, for example, and
ran into massive disintermediation with immediate impact on the
economy.
That is not what we are having today, and I think it is better
described in terms as I put it as a tightening in the market as a
result of depository institutions in an endeavor to appreciate their
capital position pulling back more than would be involved in the
normal interrelationship between money market conditions and
commercial bank activities.
Mr. BUNNING. But isn't that a direct effect of the scrutiny of the
regulators or the people that are out there overseeing the banks,
the thrifts and other lending institutions?
Mr. GREENSPAN. It is very difficult to disentangle some of the
motives. I think there are certain things which have got to be evi-
dent.
As I have said to this committee previously, the fact that there
are a number of banks that have gone through a period of what is
clearly in retrospect lax lending standards, it is virtually inevitable
unless human nature has been repealed for them to be pulling
back and be cautious.
Similarly, the examiners who were involved in that same process
and in retrospect have had to have had the same reaction are in-
variably more cautious. Now, I am saying that that is not necessar-
ily bad. Most of that, in fact in most cases, I think it is good, not
bad.
The one issue which I raise is that I think in recent weeks the
evidence suggests that we tilted, that the degree of tightening has
gone perhaps a little bit more towards the undesirable than it had
been, and I would certainly not say as far as I can judge talking
with the Comptroller of the Currency, with the head of the FDIC,
with my colleagues at the Fed, I see no evidence of any policy
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stance on the regulators' part to tighten up in a manner which cre-
ates the phenomenon we are looking at.
I think it is largely a response to the lax standards that existed,
and to me I would not want to say that I have any really firm evi-
dence which suggests that other than the normal psychological re-
action that every human being would have, whether he is a banker
or an examiner, I don't see anything which suggests to me that
there is any program or certainly no policy which would endeavor
to create what other people have called crunch.
Mr. RUNNING. Well, my time has almost expired, but I disagree
because in dealing with those that have legitimate borrowing needs
and that have been very successful businessmen, they are running
into a brick wall on a daily basis trying to go out and borrow
money to finance legitimate enterprises in this economy.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No. As a result of the regulants?
Mr. RUNNING. As a result of those overseeing banks and regula-
tors and those banks reacting to those people who have come in.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I don't disagree with some of the conclusions
you are reaching with respect to what some customers of banks are
having. I think the cause of the problem, however, is what more
complex than really the regulators putting pressure on the banks.
I think that their own capital positions and their own awareness
of the best—of the actions required for purposes of maintaining
safety and soundness has induced those actions wholly independ-
ently of what the examiners have done.
In fact, I would be inclined to say that the vast majority of the
actions are initiated, in my judgment, appropriately by the com-
mercial banks themselves independent and actions taken by the ex-
aminers.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Hoagland.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Well, it is certainly a pleasure, Mr. Chairman, to
have you before the committee again today.
I would like to join the chairman and my colleagues on welcom-
ing you and for congratulating you on your steady hand and for
the fine job you have done.
In order to help us read your crystal ball a little bit more clearly,
I would like to ask you a question about the importance of the vari-
ous variables to you and the decision making of you and your col-
leagues. One can construct multiple scenarios for the U.S. economy
using different combinations of the kind of variables you have dis-
cussed today.
Most importantly, inflation rate and economic growth rate: What
combinations of real growth and inflation are likely to lead to
easing, steady or tightening monetary policy? For example, would
you ease if real GNP growth slowed to under 1 percent as long as
inflation were under 5 percent? Conversely, if inflation fell in the
3.5 to 4 percent range, would you be willing to ease even if the
GNP growth rate were around 2 percent? In other words, what are
the critical thresholds for your priority variables?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, the problems are I think requiring far
more detail to evidence than just the hypotheticals which you sug-
gested.
I would also want to mention that there are slightly different
priorities amongst members of the FOMC, but I would say in gen-
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eral we have the basic view that there is no tradeoff, in a sense,
between inflation and real growth. It is not sort of how does one
balance those things, because I think that we are all pretty much
committed, as I have indicated here numerous times in the past, to
the proposition that a necessary condition for sustaining long-term
growth is a noninflationary environment, and that in fact the
quickest way to induce a recession, if one were really trying to do
that, would be allow inflation to accelerate because it would surely
undercut the economy very rapidly, and the instabilities that
would occur as a consequence of that would create the type of eco-
nomic contraction which would be very difficult to deal with.
I don't want to respond to your question in the detail that you
give it to me not only because I think they are hypothetical issues,
but I do think we don't have a simple rule which I could infer by
polling the FOMC in a manner which would be responsive to your
question.
Mr. HOAGLAND. But it sounds from your answer as if the most
equal of all of the variables is inflation and that what the inflation
rate is is the first variable that you look to. Is that fair?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, in an odd way we really look at credit con-
ditions first because that is an earlier version of the inflationary
process. Often when we see the effects in the price levels, the pub-
lished price levels, that is an historical fact, and we may look at a
period in which the published inflation rates are rather low for a
protracted period.
But if we are in the process of rapidly expanding credit in this
country and the money supply is moving at a pace which is incon-
sistent with the recently historical level of prices, what history
tells us is that it is just a matter of time before inflation published
statistics begin to rise to in many respects the elements of the pub-
lished growth rates in GNP.
And the inflation rates are history. They tell us where we have
been, but of necessity monetary policy must be forward looking,
whether we like it or not, because if we tend to react to the data of
the past, we will whip-saw the credit markets inevitably, and it is
that process which we try as best we can, and we recognize that it
is not easy.
We try to maintain a degree of stability consistent with long-
term price stability on the grounds that that is the best way to get
long-term stable economic growth, stable exchange rates, stable fi-
nancial elements of all types, and it is the type of economy which
is the most efficient and is most likely to have the highest degree
of productivity growth.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Let me ask you a question on another subject,
Mr, Chairman.
There is concern in business and economic forecasting circles
about the quality of economic statistics prepared by the Govern-
ment which are used for planning in the economy.
Revisions are often substantial and cause reasonable men to radi-
cally alter their assumptions about the future.
What statistics do you feel are most timely and accurate for cap-
turing how the overall economy is performing at the margin; and if
you could see only three numbers each week, which would they be?
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Hoagland, I would suspect that I would
choose three, and then three weeks later, I would decide that I
needed a fourth.
At any particular time, there are only a few very important vari-
ables which you look at.
The trouble is that that continues to change, and the reason it
changes is that at the margin where the economy is changing and
where the forces of strength and weakness are continually altering,
and so what you do is you find yourself continuously shifting what
you are watching and what you are looking at, and as a conse-
quence, while it is true there are only relatively few key indicators
at any time, I think you will find that over a year's time, that what
those particular key indicators were have probably changed three
or four times.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Is there anything the United States should do,
Mr. Chairman, to improve the quality of our economic statistic re-
porting? Should we sacrifice timeliness, for instance, for more accu-
racy, as some analysts have suggested?
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is a very difficult decision. I think it really
gets to the question of how we use the numbers and how we adjust
in our own minds what we know to be the degree of inaccuracy.
I think it varies, frankly, with individual analysts. I myself
prefer early data even though it is to a large extent inaccurate in
an exact sense because I think the order of magnitude of what is
happening can usually be picked up by advanced data even if they
are substantially revised.
I find that even after the revision your initial judgment as to
what it signifies does not materially change, although in the statis-
tical sense it looks like a major revision.
It is very important, for example, to know whether a figure is
going up or going down.
It is far more important than how much it is going up or how
much it is going down, and it is that type of growing judgment
which is crucial to policymaking which require that we have time-
liness even at the expense, if necessary, of significant subsequent
revisions.
Mr. HOAGLAND. My time is up, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you very much for yours today.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Ridge.
Mr. RIDGE. Thank you.
Good morning, Mr. Chairman.
I want to just follow up very briefly on some of the observations
made by my colleague, Mr. Running, with regard to your assess-
ment of the tightening of credit.
In discussing this matter with many financial leaders in Pennsyl-
vania, there is a sense, at least in my mind, that there are a varie-
ty of factors that have been involved in what appears to be a volun-
tary—somewhat of a voluntary restriction of credit.
There is a whole psychology that follows after FIRREA. There is
a psychology of the auditors coming in and taking a look at the
books and assessing loans more critically than they have done
before.
There is a move to get to the 1992 capital standards and we want
them to continue to move in that direction.
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I think there is a recognition that maybe they were a little lax in
the eighties and they do have to tighten.
Is there anything that you have seen that would suggest that all
of these have resulted in an overreaction or do you see that this
restriction of credit, and I think it is out there, has nothing to do
with its availability?
I mean, there is money to be lent. It just seems to many of us
that the institutions are more reluctant to do so.
Is there any concern that you have that there has been an over-
reaction in this regard?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Up until fairly recently, there wasn't, but as I
have indicated in my prepared testimony, I think we may have
gone over the line on that, and I do think from the evidence which
seems to be accumulating of late that the answer to your question
is partly, yes.
Mr. RIDGE. What initiatives, what countermeasures, what do we
do to get it back into balance?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I think the first thing we chose to do was
to see whether we could offset the negative effects in the money
markets that occur as a consequence of that pulling back by easing
slightly, as we did a short while ago, which is an offsetting action
for purposes of trying to at least offset the credit stringency impli-
cations of going into too far.
Aside from that, there is not very much that one can do because
what you are dealing with is human nature and human psycholo-
gy, and you have to ask yourself if you hear a commercial banker
or a thrift executive sitting in today's environment after what has
occurred, would you be more inclined to be cautious than other-
wise? The answer to that has invariably got to be yes.
Now, short of confronting that problem, there is not very much
we can dp except to try to create an environment in which the
economy is in a healthy state, but the customers of the depository
institutions are clearly creditworthy and have sensible projects be-
cause it is only a matter of time before the trauma of the eighties
will wear off, and the reason that will wear off is that if there is an
overreaction on the part, say, of a commercial banker who is pull-
ing back more than he really should, he is going to find that one of
his competitors is going to move in there and take over that busi-
ness.
The balancing of risks is what banking is all about, and if you
overdo it, you will go belly up, but if you are too restrictive, you
will be out of business as well.
Mr. RIDGE. Mr. Chairman, I want to shift gears just a little bit.
If we can do something significant, you call it credible and en-
forceable in terms of reducing our deficit, in reducing the govern-
mental component in the aggregate economy, then clearly we want
to stimulate private consumption, private investment, and net ex-
ports.
Exports have been an increasingly significant factor, I think, in
economic growth, particular over the past 2 or 3 years.
Would you agree that the continued improvement in our Na-
tion's ability to export goods and services is a necessary component
of the transition from a reduced government component to the pri-
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vate sector component, and would you have any specific recommen-
dations to accelerate export promotion?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Congressman, I wouldn't say it is a neces-
sary condition, but there is no doubt it is a very important element
in that transition, and indeed, one of the reasons why the economy,
which is rather sluggish, obviously, currently is still growing is the
export order pattern.
In other words, if we look at the structure of manufacturing
orders, it is fairly clear that the share of export orders in the total
continues to rise and that it is supporting what is a very sluggish
order pattern, and it continues to be a factor which I think contin-
ues to move us forward.
I am not sure we have to go through export promotion in the
Government-sponsored sense, but I do think that we have observed
and increasing propensity to look at foreign markets on the part of
U.S. manufacturers who have clearly become more competitive in
recent years and capable of dealing with those markets in an in-
creasingly impressive way.
Would I like to see it expand much further? The answer is most
certainly yes, and I think if we are able to significantly improve or
continue to improve our export competitiveness, I think it will be a
very important element in economic growth in this country.
Mr. RIDGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Neal.
Mr. NEAL OF MASSACHUSETTS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Greenspan, you speak appropriately to the credit crunch
questions that I had raised earlier, and I think as a follow up to
what Mr. Bunning and to what Mr. Ridge have suggested this
morning, that in New England there is a perceived credit crunch,
and it seems to me that the small business person is the individual
who is really getting hurt at the moment.
I think that you can see that in an overreaction from the bank-
ing community which has contributed to a significant downturn in
the New England economy.
Mr. Butterfield's piece on the front of The New York Times, I
think, spoke eloquently to that issue.
Maybe you can give us a synopsis on what you think has gone
wrong with the New England economy.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. Neal, I think that it is important to
look at different regions in the country.
There is no question that New England is under significant strin-
gency with respect to its overall economy from what was clearly a
booming economy for a number of years, the rate of growth first
slipped very dramatically and now it is clearly in some difficulty.
We are aware of that and have been monitoring it in some con-
siderable detail.
The hot line up in Boston, I think, has been useful. We have to
recognize that a very substantial part of the contraction in in
credit availability is reflective of the weakness in the economy
itself.
It is a decline in demand, and so what we are observing in the
issue of softness is to a large extent the economic structure of New
England.
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Nonetheless, I do think it is important to emphasize that the un-
derlying structure of New England remains healthy.
I mean, it is competitive, it is a strong competitive environment,
and I think that this is an adjustment process which will take a
while to get through.
It is clearly—it is very difficult, and I think a number of people
are in trouble, but it is nothing, as I see, that is fundamental to the
structure of the New England economy that strikes me as suggest-
ing that this is other than a temporary phenomenon.
Mr. NEAL OF MASSACHUSETTS. OK.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Leach.
Mr. LEACH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
One question about the budget, Mr. Chairman.
The Fed has taken a risk, kind of an invitation to Congress in
just slightly lowering interest rates in anticipation that Congress
might have a successful budget conference with the executive
branch.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Let me just interrupt on that. That is not the
reason for our action, Mr. Leach.
I mean, the reason basically is we are endeavoring to offset what
we perceive of as independent tightening in the markets by the de-
pository institutions, and we in no way even remotely contemplat-
ed that action as being in any way associated with
Mr. LEACH. I stand corrected.
I think it is always presumptuous to apply motives to someone
else.
You are the only one who knows your own motives. Your asser-
tions must obviously be correct, so I apologize. But can you tell us
what happens if there is no budget agreement between the leader-
ship of Congress and the executive branch?
Would you say interest rates are likely to go up? Would you say
there will be a shaking of confidence in the economy?
Can you tell us what your judgment is on that?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Leach, I wish I could give you an exact sce-
nario of what would happen. I can't because I frankly don't know,
but it is not fraught with benevolent events.
Mr. LEACH. Just to flush this out a bit, nonbenevolence is an in-
teresting thought, but it would be a danger to the economy, would
you say?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would say that we should not risk failure in
this respect.
Mr. LEACH. Well, I would like to flush that further, but I think
you would rather I didn't, so let me just move to a couple of com-
ments you made earlier in response to questions, and to flog a
horse that maybe I flog too often.
You notice that banks have moved on their own to reserve cer-
tain things unrelated to what regulators might have insisted upon,
in effect a self-regulatory effort in commercial banking.
Let me just say that I don't take enormous solace in that fact,
even though the Fed has helped instigate some leadership in this
area. Let me just make four or five quick observations.
With some exceptions, most of the larger banks have not re-
served their foreign loans to levels reflecting their secondary
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market values. They haven't reserved them to levels that outside
observers like Moody's or the GAO have suggested would be appro-
priate.
Second, a portion of these loan loss reserves can be counted as
part of tier-two capital.
Now maybe in an instance or two, like Morgan, this is appropri-
ate, but the fact is for most banks that defies common sense.
Third, the lesson of the thrift debacle was that the only prudent
curtailment of excessive growth is adequate capital ratios based,
and here I would stress, on prudent accounting. One has to have an
accurate way to measure capital ratios. If one doesn't have an ap-
propriate reference, excessive growth can occur. I would like to just
stress here for a second both in relationship to the thrift issues as
well as the LDC issue that when you have different standards be-
tween similar kinds of institutions, you impel growth in the institu-
tions with the weaker standards. That is what we had with the
thrifts.
When you have different standards between States, you impel
growth in the weaker regulated States. And when you have differ-
ent standards between similar kinds of institutions, in this case be-
tween one kind of bank and another kind of bank, you impel
growth in the weaker regulated banks.
As the fourth point, one of the lessons of the LDC misjudgment
is, if anything, that bigness deserves tougher appraisal than small-
ness.
If you remember in the late seventies, every major bank testified
that because of the breadth of their loan portfolios, because of sov-
ereign guarantees, they were in a more prudential position to le-
verage capital than smaller institutions.
If you look at the economy growth has occurred in the small
business sector, which relates to small banks rather than large
ones. Furthermore, it is easier to attach 100 acres of Iowa farm
land than Brazil. If anything, the case at a minimum is for compa-
rable standards between big banks and small banks. I think quite
rationally someone might argue as they look at the rationalization
for big banks' existence, which has changed dramatically in the
last decade, that big banks ought to have tougher capital standards
than small ones because they are more dangerous entities to run.
What we need is not just a Basel accord where we see the lowest
common denominator for foreign standards applied, but maybe a
Des Moines accord where we apply Iowa internal standards to com-
mercial banking instead of foreign. If you did that, you would find
the banking system propelled towards a little higher capital ratio,
especially tier 1 capital, instead of what I think is going to become
internally a race to have capital standards erode a bit from those
banks which are more prudentially regulated in the domestic bank-
ing system, particularly banks in rural States. Whereas the larger
banks may come under a little greater pressure to upgrade their
capital position.
Can you give us a little more indication on the direction the Fed
is going to take with regard to capital ratios?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. Leach, we are obviously looking at
this whole question in some considerable detail, and indeed it is
our increasing awareness that capital solves a lot of problems that
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has led us to the conclusion that it would be useful over time to
have equity asset and capital asset ratios generally moving
upward.
The risk-based standards which are embodied in the Basel accord
do come to grips with some of the issues you raise, the Iowa stand-
ard versus the international standard, and I think we are all acute-
ly aware that the mix of assets and liabilities and the collateral un-
derlying them are clearly quite crucial to the issue of what capital
requirements should be.
While we don't believe that the Basel accord at this particular
point encompasses all of the risks that we ultimately would like to
monitor, I mean, for example, interest rate risk is not there. It is a
major advance in getting sensible standards.
Mr. LEACH. Well, I concur. I don't want to take more time, Mr.
Chairman.
In fact, it is up, but if I could comment for 10 seconds. I think it
is a step forward, but whether or not it is a sufficient step, one
might have some questions based upon definition of reserves. If
banks can self-define their levels of reserves, then they have the
capacity to say that they meet a given, let's say 4 percent, tier 1
capital leveraging ratio. If that self-definition is less than every
prudent outside observer thinks is honest accounting, then one of
the interesting questions is whether you have accounting gimmick-
ry.
Certainly not to the degree that it occurred in the thrift indus-
try, but to the degree that warrants attention. I think it has to be
considered the responsibility of the regulators to ensure consistent
accounting practices. In that regard, everything begins with num-
bers. I just hope that first, there is concern on whether the Basel
accords are only a great first step and not a final step.
Second, that the numbers or the accounting practices that go
into the numbers are very important.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No, I would agree with that, Mr. Leach, and in
fact, while it is certainly the case that each individual bank sets its
own reserves and its own reserve standards, examiners do oversee
what is being done and is part of the examination process.
I mean, there are reasons in certain instances. They may be in-
correct, but it is not just arbitrary that in some cases reserves for
particular LDC loans do not seem in any way close to the discount-
ed value of some of those related assets in the secondary markets,
and I think the reason on many respects is that the individual in-
stitution does not envisage itself as having loans that are short-
term investments that will be rapidly turned over, but rather looks
at their commitment in a particular geographical area or country
as a permanent type and do not think it is appropriate to write
down to the particular marginal market value of all of its assets to
get an appropriate view of what the portfolio is actually worth in
the same manner that individual bankers on domestic loans don't
evaluate each individual loan to a long-term customer by market
changes which could be the result of market interest rates or other
things, but they look at it over a longer term time table.
Nonetheless, it is certainly required of and indeed examiners do
look closely at the reasons why reserves are set as they are, and as
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you know in the ICERT process, there is actually mandated write-
offs in certain instances.
Chairman NEAL. I want to recognize Mr. Schumer at this time.
I want to say we want to welcome several Members of the full
Banking Committee who are not Members of this subcommittee. I
don't know which Mr. Schumer this is. I think there must be three
Mr. Schumers in the Congress. I don't think I have ever known
anyone so hard working and active on so many committees.
Chuck, you are welcome. I recognize you.
Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you, Steve.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Once again, your testimony is welcome. You are getting very,
very good at the art of testifying before Congress, walking all those
little tight ropes. I guess you can judge it by the number of people
who rush out of the room after you have said something.
I take it that wasn't because they served a bad breakfast this
morning.
Anyway, on the weakness of the economy, you said last week
that were were a shade more—those are your words—in the direc-
tion of recession. My question relates to the fact that—about the
depth of a recession, if it should occur.
Given the S&L crisis, problems in the banking industry, the
greater leverage our companies have, that our corporations have,
do we have to worry that if we were unfortunately to go into reces-
sion, that it would be a deeper and stronger recession than one we
have known in a long time, particularly in financial services and
led by financial services?
Let me start with that.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Schumer, that is very difficult to judge. I
think we know several things. We know that in the past, specifical-
ly in the post-World War II period, recessions were to a large
extent inventory recessions, and that in recent years, there has
been unquestionably significant increasing management of invento-
ries to the point while at the moment there are very modest areas
of excess in general, there is not.
In addition, an increasing part of our inventories that we hold
are imported goods rather than domestically produced goods, which
means to the extent they are inventory directions, they are backed
out of both imports and production.
I would say at the moment, even though we have a very sluggish
economy—and it is really quite soft, as we have seen in the last 6
months or so—the inventory imbalances do not seem to have
arisen, which suggests—as they often did in the past—the begin-
nings of a tilt over.
This suggests that if we are to have a recession, or if a recession
takes place—and clearly we at the Federal Reserve are not seeking
that, because we do not believe it serves any useful purpose—but
there are markets out there—and there are—there is nothing out
that I can imagine which has said we have somehow repealed the
business cycle.
So in the event that we do have a recession, it is clearly going to
be a somewhat different type. I am not sure that one can reason-
ably make judgments as to what the nature of it is, since we
haven't really observed that sort of phenomenon in recent decades.
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Mr. SCHUMER. Does it mean we should, perhaps, be a little
more—given there is sort of the unknown out there, and given
these other factors which do trouble me significantly, the weakness
in the financial sector, the over-leveraging, all the effects of the
eighties, should we be a little more careful than we otherwise
would be in avoiding recession because of the potential unknown or
the potential depth of it?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I am not sure how one does that.
In other words, as I indicated to you on many occasions and here
earlier, I am not sure whether the solution—so far as monetary
policy—to that problem is whether you tighten or whether you
ease.
I think what we have done, which certainly is quite helpful, is
we have brought the rate of growth in credit and money supply
down quite significantly from its high points several years ago, and
the best thing that we can do to insulate the economy from the ex-
cesses and the imbalances of the past is to try to create an environ-
ment in which what you have got is a less dramatic growth in
credit, more caution, because having said—as I have said to your
colleagues here—that the contraction of credit has been a problem
for a lot of people,
A substantial part of that contraction in the rate of growth is
healthy. In fact, I think it buttresses the financial system and alle-
viates some of the distortions that clearly exist and the types of
problems which you find worrisome and so do I.
Mr. SCHUMER. You know, there is a lot of speculation that if we
come to a budget agreement because of the squishiness of the econ-
omy, that we ought not to reduce the deficit by too much, and
hence, perversely plunge the country into recession.
I guess we are in the same situation as you are. We don't know
how much is enough, and so forth.
There has been speculation that I have heard from various
people, various parties, we ought not to reduce the deficit whether
by revenues, or cuts, by more than $50 billion even if that means
we have to revise the Gramm-Rudman targets upward.
What is your view?
Is there a limit to how much we should cut?
Mr. GREENSPAN. There is a limit, Mr. Schumer.
Mr. SCHUMER. Is $50 billion an appropriate amount?
Mr. GREENSPAN. $50-to-60 billion, as best we can judge, is handle-
able. I think we have to be very careful, however, to allow our con-
cerns to undercut our resolve to get this issue done, because it is a
very tough process.
As I indicated earlier to Mr. Leach, I think that if we don't do
this, there are problems out there. I can't forecast to you what the
short-term problems are, but I certainly know what the long-term
problems are.
They clearly are inadequate savings, inadequate investment, in-
adequate growth in productivity and living standards, and if we
find reason after reason not to act, we will end up with the worst
of all worlds in that respect.
Mr. SCHUMER. A question on credit, the credit crunch which you
have talked about.
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I am troubled as I study the banking industry in the way credit
decisions are made, in the fact that it doesn't seem—and this is to
an outside observer. I am not in the room when they are making
these decisions.
But it doesn't seem the banks rely on the old fundamentals as
much as they used to. Look at the numbers, say we will lend here,
we won't lend there, we will lend here, we won't lend there.
Instead, there seems to be more of a—well, it is referred to as a
herd instinct. I don't mean that unkindly. It is hard not to mean it
unkindly.
Let me think of a better word. Sort of a trendiness in banking as
opposed to looking at the fundamentals.
One of the things that hit home to me on this—and I want to
relate it then to a specific question—when I read about the foibles
of Donald Trump, I saw two of the smartest banks or groups, banks
that were alleged to be the smartest banks around had given him
large amounts of unsecured loans after others had given him lots
of secured loans.
This was not recently, but before his trouble began.
Also related to this credit issue and how banks make credit deci-
sions is the fact that I hear in my area, just like in Mr. Neal's, that
small businesses—I had a small businessman in my district come
to me the other day. It is a pretty significant business.
He showed me a statement. It said profits were as good as last
year, prospects are very good, his bank just cut him off. Big New
York bank.
While I certainly understand, say, in real estate there has been
over-building and the banks are serving a very worthwhile function
in cutting off credit, small business, it seems to me, these types of
small businesses are in as good shape as they ever were.
They are getting credit cut-off, too.
My fundamental question that underlies all of this is are you—
have banks changed? Has this new free world changed the way
they make credit decisions?
Are they less able to make fundamental credit decisions?
Is there more trendiness in this area?
Is there anything that can be done about it?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I think to the extent that there was, as
you put it, trendiness in the mid-eighties, I think it is back to fun-
damentals now.
I think one of the things that we are seeing and one of the ele-
ments which I suspect of causing a lot of borrowers great difficulty
is we are wrenching our way back to what is normal and in certain
respects, as I indicated earlier, I think some have gone over the
line.
There is more retrenchment than is probably desirable in the
long-term interests of the particular depository institution.
The trouble with lending standards and lending is that it is not
easy. It is a very difficult process to try to evaluate what the risks
of a particular venture are and there is no way to avoid that be-
cause banking is an evaluation of risk.
I think that not only do the data and the hard numbers make a
difference, but there has always been in banking the issue of the
bankers' perception of the individual with whom he is dealing.
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You know, these wonderful, historical anecdotes of banker X
lending to a young, new entrepreneur strictly on the grounds of he
thought the person very capable and was investing in the person,
something great occurred as a consequence of that, that still hap-
pens.
I think appropriately so.
It is not a simple, numerical activity. Lending activity is partly
art form, partly psychologist-related.
Mr. SCHUMER. My worry is there is more psychology and more
art and less numerical fundamental mathematics, than there was
20 years ago.
Mr. GREENSPAN. No- I am not sure that is true. I think there
may have been less somewhere between 20 years ago and now, but
I think now we are OK.
Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. I would like to recognize Mr. Weiss at this time.
Mr. WEISS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
If I may, Mr. Chairman, and Chairman Greenspan, just follow up
on one of the questions Mr. Schumer asked. Recognizing this fine
line that you are constantly working between or around as to the
dangers of inflation, the dangers of recession, and cognizant of the
answer you gave about the long-term consequences of not bringing
the deficit down, what do you say to these economists who argue
that as a percentage of GNP, in fact, the deficit is no great shakes
and that the efforts and the concern about the size of the deficit
has been over-stated and, in fact, made by trying to bring it down,
even the $50 or $60 billion you are talking about, we may, in fact,
be moving toward a recession much more quickly than otherwise
would be the case?
Mr. GREENSPAN. First, Mr. Weiss, I think that the issue of the
size of the deficit relative to GNP is something which must always
be related to the savings rate within the economy.
Were our savings rate, let's say, higher than what it currently is,
I think we would have little difficulty with the deficit.
The reason we have problems, the reason we find we have prob-
lems in financing it, the reason we are concerned about it is our
savings rate, domestic savings rate, is too low to sustain the level of
deficit that we have.
We do not have the lowest—the highest deficit as a percent of
GNP of the major industrial countries. On the contrary, we are
somewhere in the middle to the lower end. But our savings rate is
substantially below the average and the consequence of that means
that that deficit is—has a first claim on domestic savings and what
is left is clearly inadequate to create enough domestic investment
to maintain economic growth or at least economic growth to
which—to levels which are desirable.
I don't think—I am aware of the people who argue it is an ac-
counting problem and that we are over-emphasizing this issue. I
don't want to get into the details of the elements of that argument,
merely just to say I do not agree with it.
I think the deficit is a real problem, that it is—has a corrosive
effect on long-term economic growth in this country; and that
while unquestionably if we reduce the deficit, we do remove pur-
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chasing power from the economy and other things equal, clearly
that would create additional strain.
But to the extent that you lower the deficit and it is, in fact,
really reducing purchasing power, not just a paper transaction, it
almost surely would also be reducing long-term interest rates
which would galvanize demand in other areas of the economy, and
as a consequence of that, it is not clear to what extent the reduc-
tion in the deficit is a net reduction in aggregate demand.
I am reasonably certain that a large deficit reduction net on bal-
ance will be some reduction in demand, and to that extent, I think
the long-term financial markets would respond and we would prob-
ably be responding to the long-term financial markets to try to
maintain continued stability in the economy.
Mr. WEISS. I guess implicit in your response also is the expecta-
tion that if, in fact, the path that you suggest and that was suggest-
ed for reducing the deficit just right will, in fact, encourage in-
creased savings, but I must tell you—and I have not looked at the
numbers, and I don't know the answer, and I ask it of you: it seems
to me for as long as I have been in this Congress—about 14 years—
there have been expressions of concern about the fact that we as a
society simply do not save and that we compare ourselves to the
Japanese, with the Germans and we don't save.
Now, what is your real world expectation that, in fact, that is
going to turn around and why do you think that it is going to turn
around?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Weiss, I think you are raising the issue,
which bedevils economists in this country more than any other
issue of considerable importance.
I would consider that our inadequate savings is the number one
long-term problem that this economy has. While we have engaged
upon a number of different tax-related initiatives to try to improve
it, it is not clear that they have been very successful.
Some have been partly, but there has not been a major change.
That is the reason why I have argued that if you cannot increase
privatization appreciably, that at least we should reduce the drain
on the privatization which the Government deficit creates. Even
better, to run a surplus in the Federal Government accounts so
that rather than subtracting from domestic savings, one is adding
to it and creating a larger pool of savings from which domestic in-
vestment can flow with the consequent improvements in productiv-
ity and standards of living.
Mr. WEISS. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Chairman, I want to change subjects for a
moment here. As you know, since our foreign exchange system
intervention is sterilized, that is to say its impact on aggregates is
offset by open market interventions so it has no impact on mone-
tary policy, why should the Fed be conducting such intervention at
all?
That is the first part of the question. I would like to go ahead
and finish and add something to it before you respond.
The point is why not let the Treasury do all the intervening out
of its Exchange Stabilization Fund? I mean adjust out of the Ex-
change Stabilization Fund's own funds not using funds obtained
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from the Federal Reserve through the practice of warehousing, as
they do now.
The Treasury would then have to come to the Congress to get
more funds for the Exchange Stabilization Fund if it wants to go
beyond the amount already in that fund.
Since intervention is a risky undertaking with potential for
losses to the taxpayer and since its effectiveness is very much in
question—in fact, I don't think it is effective at all—shouldn't the
Treasury be required to come to the Congress and justify its re-
quest to gamble on the foreign exchange markets with additional
taxpayers' money?
Through its current warehousing arrangements with the Fed,
the Treasury has access to funds without any accountability to the
Congress and to the American taxpayer. So you can see the ques-
tion is in several parts.
I would like to yield to you now for a response.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. Chairman, I think you are raising
issues which are very thoroughly debated by economists, interna-
tional economists, domestic economists, and I think at this particu-
lar stage, the consensus, if one can conceivably draw such a notion,
is that the evidence is that intervention solely on its own can at
best only stabilize short term situations and does not have a per-
manent effect on exchange rates.
There are, nonetheless, those—and I must admit many of my col-
leagues—who believe that it is worthwhile at the margin to do
intervention and thereby stabilize, to a certain extent, the normal
volatilities that do exist in exchange rates.
They do not, and I do not perceive it as any sort of speculation. It
is an endeavor to add an element of stability to the system.
I think that there is a growing awareness that it is far better for
central banks to try to move towards a general non-inflationary en-
vironment so that the long-term stability of exchange rates is as-
sured and then allow that process to be the major factor in stabiliz-
ing rates.
I think that issue is evolving, but it is still a debatable question
as to whether it is strongly useful, marginally useful, or not useful
at all.
I think at this particular stage, the majority, if one could put it
that way, is that intervention is marginally useful.
On the issue of restricting the Treasury from borrowing until
they came back, if they needed additional funds to increase their
balances, I would recommend against that on the grounds that to
the extent that the activity is pursued at all, it cannot await the
process of congressional action to essentially specify more funds.
My judgment basically is that the system is working reasonably
well.
I think that the Federal Reserve should be involved with the
Treasury because I think the combination of our constant activities
with respect to those actions, in my judgment, have been helpful
rather than a hindrance in the sense that we bring to bear sources
of information not only that those which the Treasury has in its
international dealings but our information which is collateral in-
formation and even though Treasury takes the lead in the underly-
ing policy with respect to the process, we at the Fed are strongly
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influential on what actions are taken, when they are taken, and
the processes that are involved such as warehousing or the size of
the Reserve balances that we build up.
So I would suggest to you that many of the issues that you raise
are issues which are in current debate, and I think significant
debate, but at the moment, I would recommend against any sub-
stantive change in the process because my impression is that it will
evolve in a way which will reflect the underlying market forces
which we are obviously endeavoring to affect.
Chairman NEAL. What you are saying is the intervention is only
marginally useful, which I agree with. I guess the argument there
would be whether it ought to be done at all in the real world.
You are moving toward that. I couldn't agree with you more
what we ought to do in terms of coordination is each run its own
economy in a sensible way and that would be the best possible co-
ordination.
And I am delighted, I must tell you, the Treasury is calling on
you, your economists, and so on, for your wisdom in dealing in this
area. My concern goes a bit beyond that, however.
As I understand it, you have something like $26 billion now of
your
Mr. GREENSPAN. Talking about the Federal Reserve System?
Chairman NEAL. The Federal Reserve. I didn't mean your pocket
change. I know you could do it.
As I understand, you have something like $26 billion worth of
Federal Reserve money at risk here. The degree of risk is probably
not great. Anyway, it is engaged in this kind of activity which we
have both said is of marginal usefulness.
It is being done at the request of the Treasury. The Treasury has
its own taxpayers money at risk. At least there are some—ulti-
mately, there is a little accountability there. There is no account-
ability here at all.
As I say, it is a marginal utility. I personally don't think it
should be done. I know the leaders of governments love to engage
in this grand foreign policy strategy and so on and put the taxpay-
ers' money at risk doing it.
As I say, I think we ought to put as many limits on that as we
can.
Beyond that, we have the situation where they are telling you
what to do. They are not subject to any oversight, any accountabil-
ity in this area.
You have to do it. I just must say I think it is a mistake. I don't
think you fully commented on this aspect of it. You commented on
several important points.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Chairman, let me say that it is no! an issue
of the Treasury really giving us instructions, we being their fiscal
agent.
In this regard, the actions to engage in foreign exchange trading
are implemented at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and
the instructions that occur are the result of discussions which exist
between officers of the Treasury and officers of the Federal Re-
serve.
When there are major policy issues that come up with respect to
significant changes, the Treasury Secretary and myself discuss
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them at length. I do not recall an instance in which we were in a
sense, instructed to do something without our getting one to com-
ment on it and actually to alter its nature. So it is a consultative
process.
It is a partnership. I think it is working reasonably well. I do ac-
knowledge the fact that there are elements of risk involved, but
the odds actually favor us in the market, so that what occurs usu-
ally is that there is a net profit in the particular process.
But even granting that, I think that it is important that we
make available as we do the full detail of our activities periodical-
ly, and I think that we endeavor to make certain that through
these reports that Congress and the public know in detail what it is
we are doing.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Chairman, my time is expiring. I want to
point out, as you probably know, the chairman of the full commit-
tee has noticed this activity and he intends a set of hearings on it.
I know I will be trying to attend those hearings, as well. I hope
you all are aware of that and will help us again with your wisdom.
I don't think the public is going to be too happy about the vast
amounts of money involved. I think these hearings will attract
more public attention to these activities.
One of the worries that I have along these lines is that it might
lead to some other—some remedies that might be not beneficial to
the Fed's continuing conduct of its most important responsibilities.
One of the recommendations that the hearings will be held on is
a scheme to get in and audit the foreign exchange operations which
would lead to an audit of the open market operations and so on,
which I personally think would be unfortunate. I will try to ward
that off.
Again, this is another aspect of it. I hope you are fully aware of
it.
Thank you for your comments.
Mr. BARNARD. Shifting gears again, Mr. Chairman, throughout
the discussion of the savings and loan and bank failures through-
out the eighties, there has been a criticism of the quality of the
bank regulatory supervisory agencies. Can you give us any encour-
agement that this has improved?
Mr. GREENSPAN. You mean whether the supervisory and exami-
nation process has improved?
Mr. BARNARD, [presiding.] Yes.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would say most certainly.
Mr. BARNARD. What changes have taken place to cause that im-
provement?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would say the extraordinarily large amount of
soured loans which has not only got the attention of the depository
institution thrift, but also those involved in examination and over-
sight. So I am saying it is, in a sense, almost an automatic response
when one is confronted with activities which didn't work and cre-
ates problems.
Mr. BARNARD. Are you saying it was done internally within the
bank more so than it was done through the supervisory agencies?
Mr. GREENSPAN. You mean the changes?
Mr. BARNARD. Yes.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. If we are talking about commercial banks, I
would say yes. That is, commercial banks—the commercial bank in
today's environment confronted with the increasing loan losses it
has had in recent years has very carefully reevaluated its loan poli-
cies and its processes all for the good, in my view.
Mr. BARNARD. When we go back and see some of the reasons for
the tremendous failures in banks, do you see there is any place in
the future for credit allocation?
And I mean particularly a lot of the banks funded these LBOs
and now they are having to either—they are having to extend the
loans, they are having to re-finance the interest on the loans. Does
that cause you some concern that we might need to go to allocation
of credit?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would be most resistant to do that, because I
think it would be extraordinarily inefficient and it presupposes
that examiners or regulators have greater insight into the risk bal-
ance in particular loans than commercial bankers.
I would far prefer to allow those judgments of allocation to be
made by bankers rather than by examiners who, I do not think,
have the skills.
Mr. BARNARD. Congress has taken note as to whether or not that
is the best use of bank credit. Do you think it is Congress' province
to give consideration as to where banks should be making their
loans?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Obviously, Congress can do what it chooses. I
would just merely say in my judgment it would be ill-advised.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Chairman, as a member of the RTC Oversight
Board, what is your reaction to the fact that by December, we may
be having as many as 900 savings and loans in conservatorship?
Being run by the RTC?
Mr. GREENSPAN. My reaction is that that number had better
come down sooner rather than later because the extent to which
we in government have to run these institutions is not in the best
interests either of the institution's financial system or the economy
as a whole.
So I should certainly hope that the RTC, whose basic job is to
essentially resolve the troubled institutions, do so sooner rather
than later.
Mr. BARNARD. Are you pleased with the pace of resolution of
these problems?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I am at the moment, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. BARNARD, You do not think we need any particular changes
in FIRREA to accomplish a more speedy or more efficient resolving
of savings and loans?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I don't think so at the moment. I think we were
slow getting up to the starting line, but I think there has been
clear acceleration at this stage.
So far as the speed and pace of resolution, I don't think I envis-
age the need for any particular legislative initiatives.
Mr. BARNARD. Are you comfortable—not comfortable, but are
you in agreement with the current estimates of the additional cost
to the RTC which is now up to around $147 billion?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I believe the estimate that the Secretary of the
Treasury testified to was a range of between 90 and $130 billion.
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Now, that is the cost of the losses since FIRREA. It does not in-
clude interest.
That is the reason why it is a smaller number than some have
employed, but it will take a while to get firm estimates and exact
estimates will not be known until the assets are sold in the market
rather than merely allowing them to accumulate in receiverships
and be priced for purposes of this loss evaluation in a rather proxi-
mate way.
So we will not really know what the full cost is, but I have seen
the estimates that are being made and the 90-to-130 billion dollar
range is roughly in the appropriate area.
Mr. BARNARD. Do you think that we ought to include this cost on
budget?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think the crucial question is do we—is the fi-
nancing of the RTC—does it have similar effects on the economy as
regular Treasury financing? And the answer is not quite. There is
a big difference between whether or not you raise money in the
capital markets and create financial transactions or whether you
raise money in the financial markets to fund military expendi-
tures, say. The first one does not affect savings and investment, the
second one does.
It is probably likely—as I have testified here before—that the
overall rate of interest is probably not materially affected by bor-
rowings to fund the RTC, although the yield expressed between
Government issues and private issues probably narrows in the
sense that the U.S. Government rates move higher relative to the
private rates.
But the average interest rate is probably not significantly al-
tered. That is not the case in borrowing for goods and services, so
to speak.
So in this context, I would be inclined to think of the RTC bor-
rowing as off-budget and especially the case when we consider the
working capital requirements of the RTC if for no other reason
than by the way we construct that borrowing.
Of necessity, every cent is repaid.
So we have a period when Treasury borrowings go up as the
working capital goes up, then it goes down when it is liquidated. I
am concerned not about the going up as much as I am when it is
going down, and it makes the deficit appear less than it really is.
So in that sense, I would be far more comfortable if the RTC bor-
rowing requirements were kept separate, whether you call it off-
budget or not. That is an accounting notion, but clearly one should
separate that in evaluating both the elements involved in the
budget summit and in the subsequent reporting of our progress to-
wards a balanced budget.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Hoagland.
Mr. HOAGLAND. I would like to ask you a question, if I might,
Mr. Chairman, about service sector price inflation.
On page 3 of your statement, you notice that it has shown little
sign of abating. As I understand it, senior administration officials
talking about the desirability of lower interest rates have on sever-
al recent occasions suggested that monetary policy is not an effec-
tive tool for combatting inflation in the service sector.
What is your view as to the merit of those arguments?
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Mr. GREENSPAN. I disagree with that point of view. I think the
way in which monetary policy affects service prices is usually
through the wage component, and to the extent that monetary
policy slows unit costs in general, but very specifically, the growth
in unit labor costs, then it will feed over into service prices.
It is certainly the case that goods prices have been far—have
shown far less increase than service prices in large part because
there is an additional element involved in goods prices, namely, the
competition from abroad and the significant increase in import
competition which has tended to lower the general rate of increase
in goods prices in a way it works through, in part at least, improv-
ing productivity or inducing improved productivity in the United
States where that clearly is of only marginal assistance with re-
spect to service prices.
But since there is a single labor market, the competition that
exists between service prices, or the service sector, and the goods
sector of the economy, inevitably induces a spill-over from the re-
straining inflationary effects in goods onto services, as well as the
basic direct effect of monetary policy on wage inflation and, hence,
prices.
So, overall, while it may appear to be slower working or have
certain different characteristics from goods pricing, service prices
do respond to monetary policy, and indeed, our view is that we look
at the aggregate price level as the crucial element involved in the
economy because it is the aggregate price level which basically af-
fects risk premiums in financial markets.
It is the aggregate price level which creates the degree of insta-
bility or lack there of in the investment markets, I mean capital
investment. And that we should not be separating for purposes of
monetary policy the endeavor to suppress inflationary pressures in
the goods markets as distinct from the service markets.
Mr, HOAGLAND. Let me, if I might, ask you a question about
international capital flows. One risk of the United States becoming
a large debtor nation in our global economy is that we may lose
control of our own monetary policy because of international capital
flows.
If the next 12 months' inflation is stable at 4 percent, but the
economy weakens further—and let's say you and your colleagues
decide to ease—isn't it possible that any addition to the Reserves
would be offset or could be offset by capital flowing out of the
United States because interest rates are higher elsewhere and the
dollar is perceived weak?
I wonder what your policy alternatives are in that scenario?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I don't think there is any question that as
the global isolation of monetary policy increases., that we at the
Federal Reserve and our colleagues in the other central banks find
that we must increasingly react to international forces and to that
extent there is an element of also certain control, but it is not a
major issue. It is actually quite minor. It nonetheless does under-
score the need for central bankers to coordinate as we do.
We meet periodically to exchange views on policies and try to,
where appropriate, endeavor to coordinate.
But while there are problems—and I think you correctly identify
the nature of where the problems are coming from—I would scarce-
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ly argue that it undercuts the Federal Reserve's ability to do the
job they are required to do.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Have there been any periods since you have been
Chairman where your moves have been offset or partially offset by
international capital flows and if there were any such periods, is
there any specific action you took about that?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I don't think so. Trouble with respect to knowl-
edge of capital flows is late. We don't get the data as rapidly in full
detail as one would like to make the types of judgment you suggest,
Mr. Hoagland.
But I think that our knowledge of those flows in a very general
way is adequate for the purposes of monetary policy domestically.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman NEAL. [presiding.] Mr. McCollum.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I am sorry I couldn't have been here for all the questioning this
morning. I had a markup in another committee.
I know you are asked inevitably questions. I heard you were
again this morning about the budget, about deficits, questions, of
course, that should be asked here about the M's, Ml, M2, M3 and
all the factors that go into monetary policy.
I guess I have a bottom line question after all is said and done.
It isn't one to ask you what you are going to do, which I don't
think you should be answering and you won't in here.
But every time that we get into these discussions, I guess some-
body comes off and is a reporter and writes, as I mentioned in my
opening comments to you, Chairman Greenspan said so-and-so, and
they run off and put that on the wires.
A few minutes later it is something else. I never know which one
it is they think is important.
Is there anything that you see on the blip screen other than your
comments you made earlier in your written testimony and so on
that would lead you to believe that the economy is not generally in
pretty good shape?
Are things going generally in the right direction?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. McCollum, I think we clearly have a
sluggish economy, one which is growing more slowly than it has in
the past and that, in part, is a function—as I indicated in my pre-
pared testimony—of a surprising slowdown in the labor force, but
to the extent that one can evaluate the quality of an economy, it is
clearly better than it was in the sense that we do not have the fre-
netic credit expansion nor double digit money supply growth.
It is a more measured change that is occurring in the expansion
of the financial system, and that is gradually improving some of
the balances in our financial system which I have in past testimo-
nies here been concerned about.
In other words, the increased leveraging of the corporate sector,
the effect that has on the ratio of interest payments to corporate
cash flow, the various elements within the banking system and its
problems.
All of these issues are likely to be ameliorated, at least in part,
by this gradual reduction in gross credit expansion and monetary
growth, and in that sense, I am feeling somewhat more comfortable
about the broad underlying base of the economy.
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It is nonetheless true that the economy is not vibrant. It is not
moving forward in a very rapid pace. I am not sure—considering
the fact that we have a 5.2 percent unemployment rate—that that
is all bad.
Mr. McCoLLUM. You would be worried if it were right now, I
would think. You would be worried about the economy were burst-
ing forward?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would. I would say were that the case, I think
it would create very considerable difficulties for us.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Inflationary difficulties, in particular?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, I would—I don't want to hypothecate all
the various different things that can happen from here, but I think
we have come a long way without the economy tilting into reces-
sion and in that process, I think that we have ameliorated a
number of the imbalances—not all—but a number of the imbal-
ances which were engendered during the mid-1980's.
Mr. MCCOLLUM. I know you would like to get to zero inflation
some day, as would Mr. Neal like to. I think everybody would in
principle. But I gather from your comments that generally speak-
ing, the policies that you have had that you have seen implement-
ed and what is going on in the economy today kind of mesh with at
least the concept that for the moment inflation is steady, it is not
out of control, it is under control, it could be better, but it is, in
light of the sluggishness in the economy, I assume, around where it
is at the better end of your expectations for the present period?
Mr. GREENSPAN. No. I wouldn't quite say that. I would say as I
indicated to you before we think the inflation rate is higher cur-
rently than we would like. We do, however, believe that with the
changes in the rate of growth of the overall credit materials and,
more specifically, the money supply rates of growth that have oc-
curred in the last several years, plus what we envisage for the
future, that that rate will come down.
We don't like to see it where it is because it is very easy to accel-
erate from there, as I have indicated to this committee on many
occasions in the past.
We would be far, far better off at a significantly lower rate ideal-
ly to a non-inflationary rate. Whether that is literally zero or a
small plus, I don't think is all that relevant, so as long as we effec-
tively remove the expectations of inflation as a significant factor
for business decisionmaking.
Mr. MCCOLLUM. Your objective, of course, is to slowly and gradu-
ally get there, which is without unduly disrupting the economy,
which is essentially the past you described we are on except you
think the economy is a little more sluggish than you would like.
Obviously, you don't want us to be getting there quite—in other
words, in too draconian a fashion. You can be too sluggish to get
there is what I am saying.
Mr. GREENSPAN. We are trying to balance the various forces in
the economy, recognizing that they interact in a manner in which
the correct policy, if one could find such a policy, will create not
only the best inflation environment, but, as a consequence of that,
the maximum potential long-term growth, as well.
Mr. McCoLLUM. I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I thank you, Mr. Neal.
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Chairman NEAL. Schumer.
Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
My first question relates—we had talked about before the—bad
lunch—we talked about the effects of recession on New England.
New England had such low growth, the West Coast seems to have
very high growth, 4, 4.5 percent.
My question is, is our economy becoming more regionalized?
I don't recall a time when there seemed to be such disparities in
different ways in the last while. Have things changed so that we
are going to live with most of one part of the economy in recession,
another part of the economy in boom, and other parts in degrees in
between?
Is that more prevalent now than it was 15, 20, or even 10 years
ago?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I haven't looked at the data in any systematic
way, Mr. Schumer. I would suspect not.
Remember, in 1986, or 1985, 1986—1986, really, the spread be-
tween New England and the Southwest was about as large as I re-
member.
Mr. SCHUMER. I don't mean in the last two years. I mean in the
last decade, in the last 15, in the last 20?
Mr. GREENSPAN. In principle, if you go back long enough, clearly
it couldn't be the case. Obviously, the—in the 1850's, for example,
California was always disassociated as far as economic activity was
concerned from the East; and one would have expected rather sig-
nificant differences.
Obviously, at some point it may have turned around. I am not
sufficiently familiar with it. I would not necessarily argue that
there is increased regionalization. One would assume actually oth-
erwise as a consequence.
Mr. SCHUMER. You this so?
The second question relates to income distribution. Kevin Phil-
lips' book has taken this town by storm. He in his book talks about
how the middle class economically and in other ways is getting
squeezed; in the eighties the well-to-do, the very wealthy, did much
better.
Do the numbers you have bear that out?
In other words, that in the eighties, the middle income people
lost proportionately compared to, say, the top one percent of the
population?
Second, does it have effects for the economy?
I know many economists, or at least some, believe that the great
depression, in a sense, was caused by the fact that wealth became
too concentrated in the upper reaches in the late twenties. There
wasn't enough money in the rest of society.
When the downturn occurred, it just kept going down and down
and down.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I don't know how to answer that question specif-
ically. See if you can re-phrase it for me.
Mr. SCHUMER. The first part is: in the 1980's, the first one you
could answer, specifically, the first part of the question was has—
do your numbers, the Federal Reserve Board's numbers
Mr. GREENSPAN. That is one of my problems. We don't have Fed-
eral Reserve Board numbers.
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Mr, SCHUMER. On income distribution?
Mr. GREENSPAN. No. These are Census Bureau data. The data
that we have are really secondary source data.
Mr. SCHUMER. And not to be trusted?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I wouldn't want to, you know
Mr. SCHUMER. What is your view?
Mr. GREENSPAN. The reason I am having a problem with this
question
Mr. SCHUMER. You haven't had problems with very many.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I understand that.
Mr. SCHUMER. This one wasn't intended to be a difficult one.
Mr. GREENSPAN. It is difficult because I haven't looked at these
data in adequate detail in recent years. While I grant you I am
aware of Kevin Phillips' remarks and I am aware of what other
people are saying about this issue, I hesitate at this point to come
to any conclusions because my recollection of the data is that there
are very substantial amounts of interpretation required to draw
various different conclusions.
So I am trying essentially to avoid an answer from—largely be-
cause I am uncomfortable with the data themselves and I am
trying to remember myself what the short-falls in the data are. I
am having difficulty recollecting it at this stage.
Chairman NEAL. Will the gentleman yield?
I am sort of curious, too. Let's say we had absolutely perfect data
that suggested the top one percent of our society controlled roughly
the same amount of financial assets as the bottom 40 percent,
would that be troubling?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I think there are obviously effects when
you have very sharp differences in distribution of either income or
wealth, largely because it tends to fragmentize the markets.
That is, you do not get large, big consumer markets for specific
goods, leaving the equity issue aside.
My impression, basically, is that it does create some difficulties.
On the other hand, it is also the case that large distributions of
income do create probably a higher savings rate than would ordi-
narily occur in a society, and other things equal—I emphasize
other things equal—that is a positive element.
So as far as the functioning of the economy is concerned, I think
that the—it is difficult to make a judgment as to whether mal-dis-
tributions of income or wealth net on balance have significant neg-
ative impacts upon the economy, and one thing I am reasonably
sure of is one cannot attribute the 1929-1932 contraction to that.
There may be effects, and I think there are people who do argue
there are effects. I find the evidence myself or at least I found it
over the years inconclusive either way, wholly independent of the
equity question.
I would not want to argue that—certainly monetary policy
shouldn't be responding to this, because I am not sure which direc-
tion we respond.
Mr. SCHUMER. OK.
Chairman NEAL. May I just comment?
You are commending clearly on—in terms of the overall econom-
ic effect of such a mal-distribution of wealth. Of course, we have a
big concern with issues other than that also.
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Even on those grounds, it strikes me as strange that our savings
rate is so bad—in fact, as you pointed out earlier, even in relation-
ship to our major trading partners, it is among the worst in the
world, yet I imagine the mal-distribution of wealth here is probably
more pronounced than it is in most of those other countries we are
comparing ourselves to.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Chairman, I would say the distribution of
income and wealth is only one element in the savings equation.
Chairman NEAL. You mentioned it. That is why I pursued it.
Mr. SCHUMER. In evaluating a specific economy, it is important
to look at both sides of the issue. The differences between econo-
mies with respect to culture, attitudes, and the like, are far more
important elements in defining the difference, the difference in the
underlying savings rate than, as best I can judge, distribution of
income and wealth.
Chairman NEAL. I thank the gentleman for yield.
Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you.
I am surprised, though, the Fed doesn't have data on the distri-
bution.
Mr. GREENSPAN. We have data from the Bureau of the Census. It
is not our information. We do not do anything separately in that
respect except we do have a survey of consumer finances in which,
as part of it, we do collect income by income class, but that is no-
where near as good as the underlying data the Census uses.
Mr. SCHUMER. On the question of the savings rate which is a con-
versation you and I have had for a year or two, I am becoming
more and more convinced the answer why we save so little is sort
of the opposite side of the coin that America has become the great-
est merchandiser around.
We are the best, far and away—how are we different than the
Germans, the Japanese?
God knows anyone else?
We can sell a product better than any of them. Television, every-
thing else.
I think we have sort of encouraged because of our merchandising
bent, we have sort of encouraged our people, our government, our
businesses, all of them in a sense, you know, to have a dollar's
worth of life on 90 cents worth of income, if you will.
Now, I don't know what you do with that. Maybe you can give
preferential advertising rates to banks. I don't know. I don't have
a—for the record, that is a facetious suggestion.
We have looked at all the tax benefits. We have talked about
those. We have looked at IRAs.
We Looked at all the various things. They may make some mar-
ginal difference. I agree with you, it is the number one question for
the American economy.
It is the number one reason that the Japanese, say, buy Rockefel-
ler Center or the British buy whatever they buy. Yet, we can't
seem to change it.
We are sort of locked in. No one even has suggestions about what
to do about it. That is where my thinking has evolved.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Congressman, I couldn't agree with you more. I
think it is very frustrating. It is a very crucial issue which we
cannot merely set aside for another day. We have to keep pursuing
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this issue, try to find a means to resolve it. You don't have the
choice not to.
Chairman NEAL. Will the gentleman yield to me on this?
Isn't it clear, though, our tax laws, especially, encourage con-
sumption and discourage savings?
We do a lot of those things in the name of consumers, but in the
macro economic terms, the net effect of it is to discourage savings?
Also, when you compare our savings rate with that of Japan,
there are some significant differences. We have a much higher de-
veloped Social Security system than do the Japanese. As I under-
stand it, it says to our people you don't have to save as much for
old age as maybe the Japanese person understands about his or her
future.
Is that not correct?
I am not an expert on this. I understood some of these things
make a big difference.
Also, I would point out to my friend, as I understand the way our
economy works, there is hardly anything that encourages savings
more than to know that the value of the savings will remain con-
stant, that is, zero inflation.
I had an interesting experience many years ago. I was in China
before the so-called normalization of relations between our coun-
tries. The Chinese, under a rigid communist system, were very
proud of the fact that the value of their currency had not changed
in, oh, decades.
It was a promise they had made to their own people that the cur-
rency wouldn't change. The Chinese, almost one of the most pover-
ty-stricken people in the world, saved. Out of their meager income,
they saved. The knew the value would remain constant.
Let me tell you an aside on that. I will tell you how strictly they
enforced this. My son was young at the time and collected. When I
was leaving the country, another thing they were proud of was
there was essentially no crime. We would leave our hotel rooms
open, there would be no worry about that.
At the time I was ready to leave, I was ready to change the
money back, except I wanted to keep a few coins and bills and so
on to bring home to my son. The money changer there in the lobby
saw that, made the change for me. I didn't say anything. I took the
coins and bills back and put them in my suitcase.
When I got home, back to the United States, those coins and bills
weren't there. They had an absolute rule they were going to pro-
tect the value of their currency which meant protecting the supply
of it, controlling the supply of it. They had a rule against taking
coins and currency out of the country. I guess they knew I was pre-
pared to commit this great crime. They went in there and got
them.
Does the gentleman have further questions or comments?
Mr. SCHUMER. I was just going to say this is why I guess we don't
get anywhere on the savings issue. Mr. Neal thinks the zero infla-
tion bill would do it. I think abolishing advertising or something
would do it. There must be some truth in between.
I have one more question, but if there is no time? It is another
one a little far afield.
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Chairman NEAL. Let me go to Mr. Hoagland. I will come back to
you.
I have just a couple of quick ones, if I may.
Mr. Chairman, what would happen if, back to this question of
foreign exchange intervention, what would happen if you just
stopped? There just weren't any more?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, we substantially stopped the intervention
during the early part of the 1980's.
Chairman NEAL. Was there any harm?
Mr. GREENSPAN. There have been innumerable periods when we
stopped.
Chairman NEAL. Was any harm done by that?
Mr. GREENSPAN. There are those who think there was, yes. This
is part, Mr. Chairman, of the ongoing debate.
In fact, we at the Fed, a number of months ago, had a very elabo-
rate evaluation and discussion amongst the participants of the
FOMC on very many of the points you raise. It is interesting to see
there are differences, legitimate differences, which still fairly
markedly occur.
Chairman NEAL. I don't want to pursue this too much. In your
opinion, if we stopped, would there be great damage done?
Mr. GREENSPAN. If we did not intervene?
Chairman NEAL. Right. Just stop doing it.
Mr. GREENSPAN. My own personal view is that the advantages of
intervention are relatively limited. I do think there are some occa-
sions when I think it probably is helpful to intervene; but I would
probably, on the scale of what my colleagues think, I would prob-
ably be more towards the less rather than towards the more inter-
vention.
Chairman NEAL. I just have a final question, if I may.
Let me direct your attention to the chart on the table there enti-
tled Bank Reserves and Federal Funds. It is the one to your right.
What is interesting to note is that the Federal funds rate has re-
mained pretty stable over this year and the reserves have come
down. That leads me to think that the emphasis is on maintaining
Federal funds rate stability, or maintaining the Federal funds
within some range of stability.
It seems to me that we engaged in a magnificent experiment in
this country under the leadership of Chairman Volcker that was
successful. It seems to me he demonstrated conclusively you can
control inflation by controlling the monetary aggregates; and he
did it. It was a shame that we let inflation go to the point that it
took so much disruption in the economy to do it. But in any case,
he did it. I think he saved the country.
As you know, I complimented you many times on your leader-
ship at the Fed because you are continuing to target inflation and
control it. It does such great harm to our country.
I just wonder if you would help clarify my own thinking. It ap-
pears to me there is some emphasis here on the Federal funds rate
again that if that is so, it would be troubling to me. It would indi-
cate to me we are moving away from controlling the aggregates,
controlling inflation to trying to accomplish something else which
might lead us down a dangerous road again.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Mr. Chairman, I think we look at the purpose of
monetary policy to affect financial elements within the system.
Very specifically, we target M2, M3 and the credit aggregate; and
we are very careful to observe the interrelationship between vari-
ous different levels of the Federal funds rate and the movements in
these other aggregates which obviously is where the overall long-
term effects as well as some short-term effects occur.
So while it is certainly the case that on a day-by-day basis we are
acutely aware of what the Federal funds rate is, we are not wedded
to that in the sense that that is all we do.
We are very acutely aware of what a funds rate is doing to the
credit aggregates, to money supply; and, indeed, it is exactly that
issue which created responses on our part a couple of weeks ago
when, in effect, we were getting a response different from that
which we had intended.
That did require an adjustment in the Federal funds rate in
order to keep the other elements in the system on the tracks that
we wanted, which is—as we view it—the fundamental thrust of
monetary policy.
Chairman NEAL. Well, I don't know whether you are encourag-
ing this or whether it is something that is just inevitable. If it is, I
don't quite understand why. There is certainly in the financial
press, it seems to me, an emphasis on the Federal funds rate that—
I don't know how useful it is. It is a great country. People can do
whatever they want.
It would seem to me if you talked more about these other ele-
ments of monetary policy, it might focus public attention more on
that, with the result that the public would have a more accurate
understanding of what is really going on.
Is that right or not?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think you may be raising an interesting issue.
Let me think about that.
Our job as the public sees it seems complicated enough. I don't
want to make it appear to be utterly abstruse.
Chairman NEAL. That wasn't my intention either. It just seemed
to me there is a greater likelihood of misunderstanding with all the
attention on the Federal funds rate than if the attention was on
the longer term.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think it is a colloquy such as we are having,
Mr. Chairman, where we can make our views of these elements
better known. But I will certainly take under advisement your no-
tions which I think are—it is an interesting issue.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Hoagland.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would just like, Mr. Chairman, to ask three more questions, if
possible. I know we are holding you well into the lunch hour. The
information that you give us is so interesting and important that I
will try to make these as quick as I can.
First, Mr. Schumer's question that he was unable to ask because
he had to leave, which he also said was somewhat far-fetched, I
think is very much worth putting to you in light particularly of our
situation in Omaha where our unemployment rate is so low now
that we are actually losing businesses that are considering locating
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in Omaha but going elsewhere, because there is not the labor
market.
That is, is immigration any kind of a solution to our labor short-
age problems in parts of the country? Do you see opening our gates
a little wider, particularly in light of the talent in East Europe and
the Soviet Union that would like very much to come here as help-
ing our economy and as something that you would recommend?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, it is scarcely in the area of Federal Re-
serve interests, but it is nonetheless the case that we are looking at
a labor force growth which seems inordinately slow; granted the
last 6 months are probably a temporary aberration.
Even having said that, it does look as though the extraordinary
growth in female participation in the labor force, which had been a
major factor in the net addition to the labor force, is beginning to
slow its pace in one form or the other.
Obviously, immigration can offset that, immigration obviously of
skilled workers and those in the various age and cohort categories
which are major participants in the labor force.
But there is no question that certainly our history underscores
the extraordinary consideration that immigration has made to our
economic vitality and growth, and should we begin to become con-
cerned about an inadequate labor force growth which in turn cre-
ates, in a broad policy sense, an inadequate economic growth poten-
tial, then clearly one should evaluate this issue because it makes
an obvious difference in the outcome.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Can immigration involve enough numbers of
people to make a significant impact?
Mr. GREENSPAN. As far as I understand it, the United States still
attracts vast quantities of people who would be delighted to come
to our shores and participate in what they perceive as unbelievable
prosperity.
Mr. HOAGLAND. And such talented people, too?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Indeed.
Mr. HOAGLAND. The FMOC in its mid-year review raised the esti-
mate of inflation for the current year compared with the February
estimate which means that for about two years now, we have been
having trouble with inflation, as I understand it.
At the same time, our economy seems to be performing below
what the Fed considers to be non-inflationary potential real growth
of about 2.5 percent.
What are your thoughts? I know you have addressed this subject
before this morning repeatedly. I wonder if you might be able to
capsulize for us how you might approach dealing with the problem
of having inflation somewhat higher than we would like, having
growth somewhat lower than we would like?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think the solution to that is clearly a lower
budget deficit. To the extent that budget deficit comes down in a
significant way, I would suspect real long-term interest rates will
fall accordingly, and that would create an increased mix towards
capital investment, presumably productivity-inducing capital in-
vestment, and that would be a major factor in bringing our growth
rate up from its current sluggish levels.
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Mr. HOAGLAND. I missed some of your earlier testimony. Do you
agree the summit target of $50 to $55 billion in deficit reduction is
appropriate?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think that that is the appropriate order of
magnitude, all things considered; $50 to $55, $55 to $60, somewhere
in this area.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Mr. Chairman, on previous occasions we talked
about my mother.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I remember.
Mr. HOAGLAND. She recently has been asking me about the risk
of a debt liquidation cycle. She notes junk bonds have been marked
down in price. S&L assets are going to be sold at big discounts by
the RTC. Real estate prices are falling in several parts of the coun-
try.
There is even a question about government support for some
agency securities which are not full faith and credible obligations
of the U.S. Government. Total debt is now about 1.8 times the size
of GNP, at least in 1989 it was, which is way above past levels.
This all has meaning in the Midwest, in Omaha.
How can we bring individual corporate and government debt
levels down without encouraging the harsh consequences of a debt
liquidation panic, she wants to know.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Congressman, I had no difficulty even with my
little colloquy with Representative Schumer on answering ques-
tions put by this panel. Your mother is creating a problem for me.
In all seriousness, though, I think that these are hypothetical
types of things. You can set up all different forms of scenarios, con-
cerns that we have. Fortunately, the vast majority of the concerns
that we have don't materialize.
I do think it is important for us to focus on getting the budget
deficit down in a stable monetary environment and much of those
other distortions which are created by inflationary processes gener-
ally I think would be significantly subdued.
We do have a very dynamic economy. Lots of things happen.
While most of it is good, there are clearly negatives that are occur-
ring all the time.
I think one of the great things about a market economy is it is a
self-curing process and what I think policy is for government is to
create the environment which enables the markets to work most
efficiently to do that.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Well, thank you for your patience and giving as
much time this morning as you have.
Mr. GREENSPAN. My regards to your mother.
Mr. HOAGLAND. Thank you, Mr. Chairman,
I want to pass that on.
Chairman NEAL. I want to invite your mother to come testify one
of these days. I think she might be the only person I am aware of
that would equal the distinguished Chairman of the Federal Re-
serve Board and the previous Chairman of the Federal Reserve
Board in confusing the Members of this panel.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I can assure you, Mr. Chairman, if she comes to
testify, I will come into the audience and watch.
Chairman NEAL. Learn a few lessons.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for being with us this morning.
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The subcommittee stands adjourned subject to the call of the
Chair.
[Whereupon, at 12:50 p.m., the hearing adjourned, subject to the
call of the Chair.]
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
APPENDIX
July 24, 1990
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Statement by
Alan Greenspan
Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
U.S. House of Representatives
July 24, 1990
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Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, I am pleased to be
here today to testify in connection with our semiannual Monetary Policy
Report to the Congress. In my prepared remarks this morning I shall
discuss, as is customary on such occasions, current and prospective
economic conditions and the Federal Reserve's objectives for money and
credit growth over the period ahead. Two areas of particular note at
present, with potential implications for the conduct of monetary policy,
are the ongoing restructuring of credit flows in the U.S. economy and
the prospects for a significant cut in the federal budget deficit,
shall pay special attention to these topics in my statement.
Economic and Financial Developments Thus far in 1990
When I came before this Committee in February, I characterized
the economy as poised for continued moderate expansion in 1990, and, in
large measure, developments so far this year appear to have borne that
statement out. Real GBP grew at a 2 percent annual rate in the first
quarter, and indicators of economic activity for the second quarter
suggest a further rise, though perhaps at a somewhat slower rate.
Within this whole, however, the various sectors have moved along at
different paces.
On the distinctly positive side, exports have shown solid
gains, buoyed by expanding markets abroad. The impetus from
international trade has been important in the pickup in industrial
production this year.
In contrast, the news coming from the household sector in
recent months has had a softer cast to it. Consumers appear to have
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pulled back a bit, as the slower overall pace of expansion and the more
pronounced weakness in certain parts of the country—especially the
Northeast—seem to have taken some toll on confidence in the economic
outlook. Moreover, having accumulated large stocks of automobiles and
other consumer durables earlier in the expansion, consumers could be
more selective about when to purchase replacements. Sales of new homes
also have weakened, deterring building activity.
There are other pluses and minuses, as well, in the economic
picture—by sector and By region. But, on balance, the economy still
appears to be growing, and the likelihood of a near-term recession seems
low, in part because businesses have been working hard to keep their
inventories in line with sales trends.
Although output overall grew rather modestly over the first
half, the unemployment rate remained at its lowest level in almost 20
years. Over the past year, as employment has decelerated, so too has
the labor force, in part reflecting a surprising decline in labor force
participation rates for young people. Some flattening in the aggregate
participation rate would be consistent with evidence that many
individuals now perceive job opportunities as less abundant.
Differences from past cyclical experiences, however, suggest that other
factors also must be at work—if, in fact, the current pattern
represents something more than noise in the data. This development
certainly bears watching, for it may have implications for potential
output growth.
Be that as it may, with hiring proceeding at a Less rapid, pace,
the rate of increase in wages appears to have leveled out from its
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earlier upward trend. The core rate of inflation in consumer prices,
proxied by abstracting from movements in food and energy prices, picked
up aharply in the first quarter, but hag moderated in recent months.
This moderation has been concentrated in the prices of goods, perhaps
reflecting the ebbing of capacity pressures in a number of industries,
while service price inflation hag shown little sign of abating.
In 1990, Federal Reserve policy has continued to be directed at
sustaining the economic expansion while making progress toward price
stability. Ultimately, the two go hand in hand: A stable price level
sets the stage for the economy to operate at its peak efficiency, while
high inflation inevitably sows the seeds of recession and wrenching
readjustment. In the short run, however, the risks of inflation, on the
one hand, and of an economic downturn, on the other, must be weighed in
the policymaking process. The Federal Reserve saw those risks as about
evenly balanced over the. first half of the year and made no adjustments
in monetary policy.
Throughout this period, which has been marked by dramatic
changes in the flow of funds through depository institutions, the
Federal Reserve has been paying particularly close attention to
conditions in credit markets. Evidence of a tightening of terms and
reduced availability of credit has gradually accumulated, to the point
where it became apparent in recent days that some action by the monetary
authority waa warranted. A number of indicators have been pointing in
this direction, including the behavior of the monetary aggregates.
Growth in M2, for example, which stalled out in the spring, has failed
to strengthen materially, suggesting that the degree of financial
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restraint in train might be greater than anticipated or than appropriate
to the evolving economic situation. This restraint is a function of
developments in the credit markets, independent o£ monetary policy. The
recent decline in the federal funds rate to 8 percent, as a consequence
of our action to reduce slightly the pressures in reserve markets,
represents an effort to offset the effects of greater stringency in
credit markets.
Other market interest rates generally rose early in 1990, as it
became apparent that the economy was not as weak as many had thought.
Long-term yields were most affected, increasing a full percentage point
by early May. Subsequently, however, signs of a softening of activity
prompted a reversal of much of that runup. Rates on long-term
securities remain about 1/2 percentage point above their year-end
levels, but money market quotes are now little changed on balance.
Throughout this period, rates on Treasury bills have remained somewhat
higher than usual relative to those on private instruments, probably in
part reflecting the large amount of bill issuance necessary to fund
working capital for the RTC.
The runup in market, interest rates early in the year was one
factor behind the sharp slowing in money growth over the first half of
1990. M2, which had been running close to the top of its target range
in February, posted no net increase between March and June. This
weakness, which moved the aggregate close to the bottom of its range,
was too abrupt to be accounted for fully by the rise in market rates,
however. Another of the factors at work was the restructuring of
financial flows. One aspect of this restructuring was the closing of
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insolvent thrifts by the RTC and sale of their deposit bases. Although
the RTC's activities do not directly affect M2, the availability of huge
blocks of deposits to the remaining thrifts and banks lessened their
need to raise rates to draw in funds. In combination with the more
cautious attitude depositories have exhibited toward expanding their
balance sheets, the deposit transfers contributed to an unusual degree
of inertia in the pricing of retail deposits. Households responded to
the relatively low returns on deposits by looking elsewhere, as
suggested by heavy flows into stock and bond mutual funds and sizable
noncompetitive tenders at Treasury auctions, nevertheless, while the
movements in yield spreads can account for a good share of the slump in
M2 growth, a portion of it still requires explanation.
The cause for the meager growth this year in the broader
monetary aggregate, M3, is clearer: The RTC closed down a very large
number of S&Ls, taking many of those institutions' assets onto the
government's balance sheet and thereby effectively reducing the overall
funding needs of the depository system. In addition, increased loan
losses and the phasing-in of tighter capital requirements circumscribed
the expansion of credit at many other thrifts and banks. With
depository credit growth limited, M3—which contains much of the
associated funding—essentially stalled. By June, M3 growth was well
below the 2-1/2 percent lower bound of the target range the FOMC had set
in February.
That range had itself been reduced a full percentage point from
the target provisionally set last July in recognition of the potential
effects of the ongoing contraction of the thrift industry. Lacking
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historical experience with a financial restructuring like the current
one, however, it was unclear exactly how the flows would end up being
redirected through the financial system and, in particular, how much of
the thrift lending would be picked up by commercial banks. While the
economy more broadly is about where we expected it to be, the
configuration of the financial system is somewhat different, leading to
less M3 growth than had been anticipated.
Credit Conditions
The weakness in the monetary aggregates in part signals a
change in the behavior of depository institutions, with potential for
affecting overall credit provision. The conservative pricing of retail
and wholesale deposits represents one aspect of their efforts to widen
profit margins. In light of concerns about their capital positions,
banks and thrifts also have reined in lending activity and imposed
stiffer terms on loans.
The change in. credit supply conditions may have significant
implications for borrowing, spending, and policy. I would not call this
change a "credit crunch," as those words connote a contraction of
lending on a major scale, with many borrowers effectively shut out of
credit marfceta, regardless of their gualifications. We are not seeing
symptoms of that kind of widespread, classic crunch, as in the past when
deposit rate ceilings or usury ceilings limited the market's ability to
adjust and forced cutoffs o£ credit. But I can well appreciate that my
view on this topic may be perceived as a semantic nicety by a borrower
who today is suddenly unable to get a loan on the terms formerly
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available. To the borrower, it makes little difference why the lender
is pulling back or how pervasive the change in credit conditions is.
From a policymaker's perspective, however, it is essential to
sort the issues out. This means discerning the breadth and depth of the
shift in credit conditions, its causes, its effects, and the extent to
which it may ultimately be a desirable development. Clearly, the
verdict is not yet in on the current episode; in economics we are seldom
able to make a definitive diagnosis until well after the fact, but to do
our job we must hazard some answers.
First, what do we observe? The evidence on this score
continues to grow; numerous reports indicate that depository
institutions and other lenders have become more selective in extending
credit. In addition, Federal Reserve surveys of large banks support
this sense that terms have been tightened in particular parts of the
country and on certain types of loans. Especially hard-hit have been
financings for mergers and LBOs, commercial real estate, and
construction and development. There also is evidence that small and
medium-size companies, as well as the poorer quality credits among the
larger firms, have faced some tightening of credit availability. The
change in credit conditions has taken various forms, including tougher
standards for credit approval, higher collateral requirements, increases
in interest rates, and, in some cases, loans have been simply
unavailable. Even investment-grade corporations appear to be facing
slightly higher costs in accessing bank credit facilities. At the same
time, a huge widening of spreads on less-than-investment-grade bonds has
effectively shut down that market to most new issues.
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But on a number of other types of credit, changes in price and
non-price terms appear to have been relatively minor. For example, the
rates on residential mortgages, consumer loans, and the debt of
investment-grade corporations have remained about in their usual
alignment with other market interest rates. Because these credits may
trade on securities markets and thereby access a broad range of
investors, the interest of banks and thrifts in holding the obligations
in portfolio has little, if any, effect on the cost to borrowers. These
obligations account for a major share of the credit extended in the
economy, and hence the slowing of depository credit and the sluggish
behavior of the monetary aggregates—while indicative of some tightening
of credit—likely overstate the impact of the depositories' behavior on
economic activity.
No doubt a sizable portion of lenders' increased reluctance to
commit funds for certain purposes reflects a natural and healthy
reaction to a slowdown in growth as the economy moves closer to capacity
constraints. Prospects for continued strong production and sales
increases fade, and the odds rise that some borrowers will prove unable
to meet their obligations, In other words, part of the. ongoing shift in
credit conditions is what amounts to a regular cyclical event. But
there is more to it than that. Through one avenue or another, the
change in credit standards has its roots in part in the excesses of the
1980s. The weaker credits extended during that decade have come home to
roost, and in so doing have impinged to varying degrees on the current
availability of credit.
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Perhaps the clearest example is the real estate sector and its
principal lender, the thrift industry. Those SSLg that were the freest
with their funds exist no longer, having been closed by the RTC, and the
remaining S&Ls face tighter regulations constraining their lending. The
resulting void has been filled quite effectively for home mortgage
borrowers, with highly developed secondary markets drawing funds in from
elsewhere. For these borrowers, the shrinkage of the thrift industry
does not represent a significant decline in intermediation services.
But many other clients of thrifts, whose debt is less easily
securitized, have been hard-pressed to find alternative sources of
funds. Moreover, lax lending standards by both thrifts and banks
contributed to overbuilding in commercial real estate, which has added
to problems for lenders to this industry.
Rising capital requirements for banks and thrifts have
interacted with large losses on soured loans and the financial market's
distaste for providing additional capital to the institutions taking
these losses. This interaction has resulted in strong incentives for
depository institutions to conserve capital. Their efforts to build
larger capital cushions, in turn, have been manifest in a somewhat more
cautious approach to lending, aa well as a stepped-up effort to sell off
assets by, for example, securitizing loans. Partly as a result of
tighter credit conditions, th« groxth oi credit, as measured by the
change in the debt of domestic nonfinancial sectors, has come down into
closer alignment with the expansion of nominal GNP. This process, which
reflects a somewhat more cautious approach on the part of borrowers as
well, is not an aberrant restrictive phase in the life of the financial
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system, but rather a return to what had been the norm prior to the
1980s.
To be sure, when you go from excess credit creation to normal,
it can feel like a tightening, And in that sense credit conditions have
tightened. Many of the loans made during the 1980s should not, by
historical standards of creditworthinesa, have been made. As standards
reverted closer to normal, those weaker borrowers have been finding it
far more difficult to access credit.
In addition, however, depository institutions appear more
recently to be lending with greater caution in general. As a result,
even creditworthy borrowers may have to look harder for a loan, put up
more collateral, or pay a somewhat higher spread. For the nation as a
whole, the tightening of credit standards will leave the financial
system on a sounder footing and contribute to economic stability in the
long run. Nevertheless, in the here and now, the tightening is
beginning to have very real, unwelcome effects. Diminished credit
availability can constrain firms' spending, for example, limiting more
of them to internally generated funds. It is difficult to discern the
dividing line between lending standards that are still healthy and those
that are so restrictive aa to be inconsistent with the borrower's status
and the best interests of the lender in the long run. In recent weeks,
however, we may have slipped over that line. Such developments can, and
do, occur independently of central ban* actions, and can have important
influences on spending and output. Thus the Federal Reserve must remain
alert to the possibility that an adjustment to its posture in reserve
markets might be needed to maintain stable overall financial conditions.
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As beat we can judge, the change in credit conditions currently
is exerting a slight additional degree of restraint on the economy.
The process of credit restraint may not have reached completion and some
of its effects may not yet have been felt; hence it will require
continued scrutiny. However, the tightening should eventually unwind as
displaced borrowers find alternative sources of funds and as the banking
system rebuilds its capital.
This restraint has implications for monetary policy at present,
and the ongoing restructuring of the financial system has implications
for the conduct of policy over the foreseeable future. It is clear that
the financial restructuring will affect the channels through which
policy actions are transmitted ultimately to economic growth and
inflation; some will be diminished and others augmented. In these
circumstances, the Federal Reserve hag emphasized a flexible approach to
policymaking, which includes attention to a wide range of economic and
financial indicators.
Ranges for Money and Debt Growth in 1990 and 1991
At its meeting earlier this month, the FOMC reaffirmed the 1990
range of 3 to 7 percent it had set for the growth of M2. With the
thrift industry likely to continue to shrink at a good clip and
commercial banks expanding more circumspectly, depository institutions
are not expected to be bidding aggressively for funds. As a result,
although banXs may replace more of their managed liabilities with retail
deposits, M2 could well remain in the lower half of its target range
through year-end. In view of changing credit flows, a slow rate of
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expansion in M2 seems consistent with continued moderate growth in
output, but any pronounced weakness in the aggregate that drops it below
its current range might represent greater monetary restraint than is
desirable this year.
Looking ahead to 1991, the Committee lowered the M2 range by
1/2 percentage point on a provisional basis. We believe that this range
is consistent with the continuation of measured restraint on aggregate
demand—a necessity in the containment, and ultimate elimination, of
inflation. Such restraint need not be a barrier to sustained growth.
Indeed, it is a crucial requirement. As I suggested earlier, one thing
that surely would jeopardize the current expansion would be for
inflation to move upward, rather than downward, from the recent plateau.
FOMC members and other Reserve Bank Presidents generally
foresee the policy embodied in the money ranges as leading to both
sustained growth and diminished inflation in the period ahead. For
1990, their expectations center on an inflation rate in the 4-1/2 to 5
percent range, with real GNP growth of about 1-1/2 to 2 percent. But
with this year's slow growth helping to relieve pressures on resources,
expectations for 1991 incorporate both somewhat lower inflation and
somewhat higher real growth, at a rats closer to that of growth in
potential output.
The path of W3 consistent with these projections has been
heavily affected by the changes in financial intermediation in recent
quarters. Taking into account the current lending posture of the
commercial banks and remaining thrifts, ve now expect the closures of
insolvent thrifts to show through in very subdued growth in M3.
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Accordingly, the FOMC voted to lower the 1990 range for growth of this
aggregate to 1 to 5 percent. This action does not signal a tighter
policy stance, but rather our recognition that financial markets have
been adjusting to the RTC's activities in a somewhat different manner
than we had anticipated, making the lower M3 target appropriate. In
view of the considerable uncertainties about both the scale of RTC
activities next year and the speed with which the banking industry will
approach a more comfortable capital position, the new 1990 range was
carried forward unchanged into 1991 on a tentative basis.
Overall debt growth during the rest of this year is expected to
remain around the midpoint of its reaffirmed 5 to 9 percent monitoring
range. The nonfederal sectors now appear to be increasing their debt
about in line with nominal income growth, with the rapid pace of
mortgage borrowing in recent years slowing into the single digits and
corporate leveraging activity slackening. Growth of total debt in 1990
is likely to exceed that of nominal GNP, however, as the federal
government's borrowing to fund RTC activities is expected to boost the
total by roughly 3/4 percentage point.
For 1991, the FOMC has provisionally reduced the monitoring
range for domestic nonfinancial sector debt to 4-1/2 to 8-1/2 percent.
Debt growth in this range should be adeguate to support continued
economic expansion, while avoiding the excessive leveraging that
characterized much of the 1980s.
A number of uncertainties come into play in the process of
judging the outlook for the economy over the next year and a half. Of
particular concern in the context of monetary policy are the likely
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extent and persistence of the tightening of credit terms, the
prospective path of potential output growth—especially in view of the
recent glowing in the labor £orce—and the outlook for fiscal policy.
It is the last of these that is the focus of the remainder of my
comments today.
Fiscal and Monetary Policy Interaction
The determination displayed by the Congress and the
Administration in their efforts to come to an agreement on cutting the
deficit has been enormously heartening to all who are concerned about
the long-run health of the U.S. economy. As a nation, we have been
saving too little and borrowing too much; significant progress on the
federal deficit would be an important step in rectifying this situation.
As you know, I favor not only eliminating the deficit, but also
ultimately bringing the government's accounts into surplus over time to
compensate for the private sector's tendency to save relatively little.
In the long run, the nation's saving and investment behavior is crucial
in determining its productivity and hence its standard of living.
Major, substantive, credible cuts in the budget deficit would
present the Federal Reserve with a situation that would call for a
careful reconsideration of its policy stance. What adjustment might be
necessary/ and how it might be timed, cannot be spelled out before the
fact. The actions reguired will depend on the constellation of other
influences on the economy, the nature and magnitude of the fiscal policy
package, and the likely timing of its effects. I can only offer the
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assurance that the Federal Reserve will act, as it has in the past/ to
endeavor to keep the economic expansion on track.
Concerns that the Federal Reserve would be unable to offset
undesirable macroeconomic effects of a budget pact are, I believe,
largely unfounded. It is true that, in general, monetary policy cannot
be calibrated extremely finely in response to economic developments, as
we are all subject to imperfect data and an imperfect understanding of
the myriad economic interrelationships of the real world. However, some
doubts seem to focus on whether the various lags involved permit
monetary policy to catch up to a change in the fiscal stance. I am less
concerned on this point. We can decide that a policy adjustment is
appropriate and implement it fully, all in the same morning if need be,
and the effects of the change will show through to interest rates and
financial asset prices almost immediately. Granted, the impact on
economic growth and inflation will be spread out over several quarters,
but this is true of changes in fiscal policy as well.
In the final analysis, no one can guarantee that growth in the
economy will proceed smoothly, without a hitch on a quarter-to-quarter
basis. Nevertheless, a major cut in the budget is unquestionably
the right thing to do. Because the federal government has been
borrowing too much for too long, it is well past time to reduce the
government's draw on credit markets and to free up more resources for
enhancing investment and production by the private sector. In this way,
fiscal policy, by augmenting national saving, will be doing its part to
promote maximum sustainable economic growth. With monetary policy
similarly keeping sight of its long-run goal of price stability, the two
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together will have set a favorable backdrop for vibrant and enduring
economic growth.
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For use at 9:45 a.m., E.D.T.
Wednesday
July 18, 1990
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Monetary Policy Report to the Congress
Pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978
July 18, 1990
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Letter of Transmittal
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
WdShmgton. D.C . July 18, 1990
THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE
THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The Board of Governors is pleased to submit its Monetary Policy Report to the Congress, pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978.
Sincerely,
Alan Greenspan, Chairman
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Table of Contents
Page
Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook for 1990 and 1991 1
Section 2: The Performance of the Economy During the First Half of 1990 6
Section 3: Monetary and Financial Developments During !he First Half of 1990 17
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Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook for 1990 and 1991
The Federal Reserve deliveredits initial Humphrey- appeared consistent with the anticipated effects of the
Hawkins report of 1990 to the Congress in February, restructuring of the thrift industry.
and the period since then has been an especially The Federal Reserve maintained a steady pressure
challenging one for monetary policy decisionmaking. on reserve positions during the first quarter, rather than
The already difficult task of moving a quite fully extending the sequence of easing steps that had fostered
employed economy toward price stability without con- a drop in the federal funds rate of 1 Vi percentage points
tractionary mishap has been complicated by a variety between June and December of 1989. However, in
of disturbances to business activity and financial mar- keeping with the tenor of most of the economic data
kets-among them developments that distorted some released during the quarter, other interest rates gener-
of the basic indicators of the Federal Reserve's influ- ally moved higher, particularly at the long end of the
ence on the economic system. yield curve. This shift suggested that market partici-
On the whole, events in the economy have been pants had reevaluated the prospects for moderating
broadly in line with the projections for 1990 contained inflation and a further easing of monetary policy. Early
in the February monetary policy report. Inflation has in the year, bond yields in the United States rose along
been somewhai greater on average man tnosi members with rates in Japan and Western Europe, as develop-
of the Federal Open Market Committee and other ments in Eastern Europe suggested a further spur to
Reserve Bank president expected in February; how- worldwide economic activity, carrying the potential
ever, this mainly reflected the influence of transitory for greater inflation and heightened pressures on a
factors early in the year, and price increases recently limited international pool of savings.
have been more moderate. Meanwhile, the economy In the second quarter, some of the weather-related
has continued to expand, but apparently rather slug-
increases in food and energy prices that had caused
gishly overall since the winter. inflation to pick up earlier in the year were reversed,
While these aspects of the economic situation were and price increases for many other goods and services
important elements in the FOMC's review of its policy moderated. Inflation trends remained in the range
plans earlier this month, the Committee also gave prevailing over the previous three years, though price
careful attention to developments in financial markets. pressures in the industrial sector gave signs of some
Although market interest rates had changed little on nel easing. The incoming information pointed toasluggish
since February, slow growth of the monetary stock and pace of economic expansion; most notably, growth in
other evidence in hand pointed to a small but significant private sector employment slackened, consumer spend-
tightening of credit supplies. This implied greater ing flattened, and real estate markets weakened. More-
effective restrain! on aggregate demand in the months over, advance indicators in some sectors - particularly
ahead than was thought desirable, and in the past week durable goods orders and construction contracts—gave
the System shifted to a slightly more accommodative no evidence of a significant pickup in the second half.
stance in the provision of reserves to depository insti- With the economy appearing somewhat less buoyant,
tutions. As a result, the overnight federal funds rate, over May and June bond yields in the United States
which had fluctuated narrowly around 8W percent retraced some of their earlier increases. Long-term
throughout the first half of the year, has declined to rates in Japan and West Germany also declined, but by
about 8 percent, and other market rates of interest also much less, with the result that yields in those countries
have cased a hit in recent days. have risen appreciably this year relative to those in the
United States.
Developments Thus Far in 1990 In foreign exchange markets, the dollar has depreci-
In the early part of 1990, economic activity appeared ated somewhat on balance thus far this year, under the
to be regaining momentum, a development mat re- influence of a diverse set of economic, financial, and
duced previous concerns about recessionary risks. At political developments around the world. The dollar
the same time, even discounting weather-related spurts has appreciated slightly in terms of the yen, while
in food and energy prices and an unusual bunching of depreciating somewhat in terms of the German mark
price increases for some other items, there appeared to and other currencies of the EMS exchange rate mech-
be no abatement in underlying inflationary pressures. anism and somewhat more in terms of the Swiss franc
and pound sterling.
Through the first quarter, M2 remained near the top of
the annual range set by the FOMC, and although M3 The monetary aggregates flattened out during the
was near the lower bound of its range, this weakness second quarter, and by midyear M2 was in the lower
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half of its annual range and M3 had fallen below the June, M3 grew at an annual rate of only 1W percent
lower bound of its annual range. The weakness in the from its fourth-quarter 1989 base.
monetary aggregates mainly, though not wholly, re- Barring a marked slowdown in RTC activity or a
flected a rechannelling of credit flows away from
significant strengthening in bank credit, M3 growth is
depository institutions. Total borrowing by domestic likely to remain sluggish over the balance of the year.
nonfmancial sectors moderated only a little in the first As in the first half, the weakness in M3 growth is
half of 1990 from the pace of 1989, and growth in the expected to be associated with a further substantial
aggregate debt of these sectors WPS in the middle of the increase in velocity—the ratio of nominal GNP to
FOMC's monitoring range. However, the proportion money—rather than with substantial restraint on over-
of lending accounted for by depositories was down all credit supplies. Recognizing this unusual behavior
substantially. Much of the decrease related to the of M3 velocity, the FOMC voted in early July to
shrinkage of savings and loan associations: Marginal reduce the M3 range for 1990 lo 1 to 5 percent. At the
institutions continued to retrench, and the Resolution same lime, the Committee reaffirmed its range of 5 to
Trust Corporation transferred large volumes of assets 9 percent for total growth in the debt of domestic
to banks and onto its own books in the course of closing nonfinancial sectors. The Committee seeks to ensure
failed thrift institutions. Meanwhile, concerns about that credit will remain available in amounts and at
credit quality and pressures on capital positions led terms compatible with moderate expansion of the
banks to adopt more cautious lending postures and to economy, and it will continue to assess the implications
hold down asset growth. of developments at depositories for credit conditions
The weakness in lending by depositories was re- more generally.
flected dramatically in the behavior of M3; this aggre-
As noted above, the contraction of the thrift industry
gate, encompassing managed liabilities as well as M2
and the moderate growth in bank credit also has
deposits, comprises most of the liabilities used by these
affected the growth of M2, as potential inflows of retail
institutions to fund credit extensions. With depository
deposits have outpaced the needs of depository institu-
credit damped, not only were managed liabilities weak,
tions for such funds. The velocity of this aggregate has
but banks and thrifts did not bid aggressively for retail
risen, unexpectedly, but less than that of M3: Growth
funds -thereby contributing to reduced growth of M2.
of M2 from its fourth-quarter base through June was at
In addition, increases in expected returns on stocks and
a 3M percent annual rate, within its annual range,
bonds may have restrained expansion of this aggre-
though in the lower half. M2 velocity is likely to
gate, although some portion of the slowdown in M2
increase further over the second half of the year;
remains unexplained by changes in relative yields or
however, a substantial slowing of M2 could suggest
income. The weakness in depository credit and the
more restraint than would be consistent with sustained
monetary aggregates likely has had, to date, only
upward momentum of the economy, and thus the
limited effects on spending: The bulk of the credit
Committee reaffirmed the established range for M2
formerly supplied by depositories has been provided
growth for 1990.
by other lenders, in part through the securities mar-
kets, with little change in the terms to most borrowers. In setting tentative ranges for 1991, the Committee
faced more than the usual uncertainty about the growlh
of money that would foster its objectives of sustained
Monetary Objectives for 1990 and 1991 expansion and a gradual abatement of inflation. Devel-
opments in credit markets will be shaped not only by
In Devaluating its ranges for money and credit for
the special factors that have altered patterns of interme-
1990 and in establishing tentative ranges for 1991, the
diation thus far this year, bui also by the outcome of the
FOMC had to take account of the redirection of credit
current deliberations regarding the federal budget. Ai
flows away from depository institutions and the result-
this point, the forces thai recently have diminished the
ing effect on the growth of the financial aggregates
role of depository credit seem likely to persist for some
relative to spending and prices. In February, the Com-
time, and they may foster further upward shifts in
mittee expected that the continued shrinkage of the
monetary velocities, albeit probably smaller ones than
thrift industry would damp growth in M3; to take
now appear in train for 1990. To be sure, though,
account of this, it lowered the M3 range for 1990 to 2'A
subsequent events may dictate adjustments to the ranges
to 6'/2 percent, one percentage point below the range
nexl February, when they are reexamined in light of
set tentatively in July 1989. However, the contraction
developments over the second half of this year.
of thrift assets has been faster than anticipated, in pan
because of the step-up in RTC activity, and bank credit For growth in M2, the Committee tentatively adopted
has expanded less rapidly. As a consequence, through a range of 2Vi to 61A percent-one-half percentage
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Ranges for Growth of Monetary and Credit Aggregates
Percent changs, 1990
fourth quarter to Adopted In Adopted In
fourth quarter 1989 F*brwry1990 July 1990 ProvWorwl for 1991
M2 3to7 3W7 3to7 2K to e1^
M3 y/2 to 7'A 2V4 to 6Vi 1 to 5 1to5
D«bt 6Vito10Vi 5 to 9 5to9 4«i.m
point below the 1990 range. The adjustment is consis- and a reduction of inflation over time. Most of them
tent with the Committee's intention to move over lime expect that the pace of expansion will be moderate over
toward the low trend rates of monetary expansion that the remainder of 1990 and through next year, with the
would be consistent with price stability. At the same central tendency of their forecasts of real GNP growth
time, the range is expected to allow for sufficient being 1V4 to 2 percent over the four quarters of 1990
expansion of money to sustain moderate growth in the and 13i to 2 W percent over the course of 1991.
economy. There may be some further upward shift in
Demand from abroad is likely to provide support for
velocity, but the range should be wide enough to
continued growth in U.S. production and employment.
accommodate considerable variation in credit market
At current exchange rates, U. S. producers appear to be
conditions.
in a position lo compete effectively in most interna-
The range for growth of M3 was tentatively set at tional markets, and economic activity is growing rela-
I Co 5 percent, the same as that now in effect for 1990. tively rapidly on average in other major industrial
Growth of this aggregate is especially sensitive to the countries. In time, export demand should be bolstered
pattern of credit flows. Thus, the continuing down- by the shift loward more open, market-based economic
sizing of the thrift industry is likely lo result in slower systems in Eastern Europe; although the continental
growth of M3 than of M2 again next year, as managed European nations may be most immediately affected by
liabilities in [he broader aggregate run off. It also is these developments, given the high rates of capacity
likely to mean a substantial further increase in M3 utilization in those economies, the United States is
velocity. Given that growth of this aggregate currently likely to benefit both directly and indirectly from the
is running along the lower bound of the new range for increased demand for consumer and capital goods.
1990, even if the pace of credit flows at banks and
In the aggregate, demands from sectors outside of
thrifts were to pick up somewhat, M3 growth between
exports are unlikely to provide much impetus to man-
1 and 5 percent should be consistent with the Commit-
ufacturing activity. Defense procurement is declining
tee's basic objectives.
in real terms. And there is little prospect of a substan-
For debt, the FOMC adopted a tentative monitoring tial resurgence in motor vehicle production: High
range of 4W lo S1A percent, a half percentage point levels of auto sales in the past several years appear to
below the range for 1990. The Committee viewed have satisfied demands that were pent up during the
slower growth of debt, more in line with the expansion deep economic slump of the early 1980s. Demand for
of nominal income, as a healthy development for the construction materials and equipment probably also
economy. The rapid expansion of debt over the past will remain subdued, because building activity will be
decade, relative to the ability to service it, occasioned damped by the current overhang of vacant residential
many of the difficulties with asset quality now facing and commercial space. That overhang, more than any
our lending institutions. disruption of credit Hows, explains Die current weak-
ness in construction, and, especially in the case of
Economic Projections for 1990 and 1991 office building, it will take some time for existing space
lo be absorbed and to lay the base for a solid upturn in
The members of the FOMC and the Reserve Bank
activity.
presidents not currently serving as members believe
that the monetary ranges for 1990 and 1991 are consis- In sum, the growth of total output projected for 1990
tent with achievement of sustainable economic growth and 1991 probably will involve rather slow gains for
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Economic Projections for 1990 and 1991
FOMC Members and Other FRB Presidents Administration
Range Central Tendency
1990
Percent change,
fourth quarter to fourth quarter
Nominal GNP 5 to 6V2 5Vz to 6Vz 6.8
Real GNP 1 to 2 11/z to 2 2.2
Consumer price Index 4 to 5 4'/z to 5 4.81
Average level in the
fourth quarter, percent
Civilian unemployment rate 5Y? to 6V2 5V« to 53/4
1991
Percent change,
fourth quarter to fourth quarter
Nominal GNP 3Vz to 7 S'A to 6V2 7.2
Real GNP Oto3 1 % to 2'/z 2.9
Consumer price Index 3W to 5 3% to 4Va 4.2'
Average level in the
fourth quarter, percent
Civilian unemployment rate 5'/4 to 7 5V2 to 6 5.62
1 CPI-W FOMC forecasts are for CPI-U.
2 Percenl of total labor force, including a ed forces residing in me United Stales.
the goods-producing sectors of the economy. The producer prices for intermediate and finished goodi.
service-producing industries are likely to continue to which were, respectively, virtually unchanged and up
be the locus of important increases in outpu! and, just 3 percent in the past twelve months.
especially, employment. Demands for a wide range of Inflation at the retail level also should be damped
services have remained robust thus far this year, and over the remainder of this year by favorable develop-
demographic trends suggest that such sectors as medi- ments in the energy sector. Despite the very rixcni
cal care and education will continue to experience upturn in crude oil prices, gasoline prices are wijjlv
app rec iab 1 e gro wth. expected to decline in coming months, as [he return of
The overall growth in economic activity forecast by refinery output to normal levels alleviates the tightMss
the Board members and Bank presidents for the period that has characterized the product market With infla-
ahead is expected to be consistent with a slight easing of tion for other goods and services expected to remain
pressures on resources and a diminution of inflation. below the first-quarter pace, the central tendency
With respect to the labor market, the central tendency of the policymakers' forecasts of the overall consumer
of the forecasts for the civilian unemployment rale is price index is for an increase of between 41/: and
5 'A to5W percent in the fourth quarter of this year and 5 percent over the four quarters of 1990-compared
5W to 6 percent in the final quarter of 1991; the job- with the 534 percent annual rate of increase recorded
isss rate has fluctuated narrowly at a little below during the first five months of the year. The lower
5'A percent since late 1988. Moderate growth in trajectory of the CPI is projected to be sustained in
demands on industrial capacity should be conducive to 1991, with forecasts for the year centering on the 3 !A to
an extension of the recent more favorable trends in 4V4 percent range.
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The Administration's economic projections, pre- degree of uncertainty that attaches to any prediction of
sented in connection with its mid-session update of the the economy—and, in particular, of the short-run
budget, indicate similar expectations about inflation relation between growth in GNP and money stock.
trends but a more favorable outlook for real GNP. As a More important, the differences do not signal any basic
result, the Administration's projection of nominal GNP inconsistency between the goals of the Federal Reserve
growth is somewhat above the central tendency of and the Administration, for the Federal Reserve would
those of the FOMC participants, and might imply the welcome a more rapid expansion of output that oc-
need for faster monetary growth than is currently curred in the context of solid progress toward price
contemplated by the Committee. These differences stability.
must be regarded as small, however, relative to the
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Section 2: The Performance of the Economy During the First Half of 1990
Activity in many sectors of the economy followed an 1989-and seem largely to reflect replacement demand
erratic course during the first half of the year, in part and growth in the driving age population.
because of transitory factors, such as lasi winter's Abstracting from the swings in outlays on home
unusual weather. On balance, production expanded heating and motor vehicles, consumption spending
further during the first half of 1990, but evidently no appears to have stagnated this spring after posting a
faster than the reduced pace of 1989. The compara- moderate gain in the first quarter of 1990. The recent
tively slow rate of growth largely reflected weaker sluggishness in spending reflects declines in outlays for
spending by domestic businesses and households, while a wide variety of consumer goods, including furniture
merchandise exports apparently remained on a fairly and other household durables. In contrast, spending
strong growth path. Although job creation in the for services other than energy, especially medical
private sector of the economy has slowed this year, services, continues to outpace real income growth.
the civilian unemployment rate has remained near
Growth of consumption has slowed this year against
5 % percent, the lowest level in nearly twenty years.
a backdrop of somewhat smaller gains in real dispos-
Prices rose sharply early in the year, but the in-
able personal income. But consumption has slowed
creases moderated this spring. In the first quarter, there even more than income, and the personal saving rate
were large weather-related surges in food and energy rose above 6 percent in the spring. Consumers may be
prices and a bunching of increases in prices of some
spending more cautiously as they reassess their income
other goods and services. Given the character of the
and wealth prospects in light of the slower growth of
spurt, most analysts—and policymakers in the Federal the economy and a softening of residential property
Reserve—judged that the runup in aggregate price values in many parts of the country. These factors •
indexes overstated underlying inflation trends. In the probably have been particularly important in me North-
event, some of the transitory elements of the earlier east, where consumer sentiment has deteriorated mark-
spurt were reversed in the spring and inflation moved
edly. However, other indicators, such as delinquency
down. Despite the recent slowing, however, the twelve- rates on consumer loans, do not reveal broad pressure
month change in the CPI as of May, at4.4 percent, was
on household finances. Nor are there signs that credit
about the same as that recorded for each of the past
availability has been reduced: Federal Reserve surveys
three years. In part, the persistence of inflation during a of bank lending officers suggest no change in the
period of slower economic growth reflects continued
willingness to lend to consumers.
cost pressures from relatively light labor markets and
weak productivity performance. However, there have Residential investment spending also was affected
been encouraging signs, particularly at the earlier by unusual weather patterns this winter. Housing starts
stages of processing, that an easing of resource con- were strong in the first two months of the year, as mild
straints in the manufacturing sector is reducing some of temperatures allowed builders to catch up on work
the pressures that had boosted prices from 1987 to delayed by cold weather in late 1989 and to begin
early 1989. projects that normally would have been started later in
the year. Then starts slumped this spring, in part
reflecting a "payback" for the winter activity. Averag-
The Household Sector ing over this period, residential construction appears to
Total personal consumption expenditures were buf- have weakened; in the first five months of the year,
feted this winter by large swings in outlays for energy housing starts totaled 1.36 million units (annual rate),
items and motor vehicles. Expenditures for home somewhat below the pace of activity in 1989. By
heating declined sharply in the first quarter as unsea- region, housing markets have been very weak in the
sonably warm temperatures in January and February Northeast, while homebuilding has been better main-
followed a December that had been colder than usual. tained, albeit at moderate levels, in the North Central
This influence was largely offset by a rise in motor and Western regions of the country.
vehicle sales. In late 1989 sales of cars and light trucks Both demand and supply factors have contributed to
had been depressed by a scaling back of incentives and the recent weakness in housing construction. Sales of
by large price increases for new model-year vehicles. new and existing homes generally have been moving
Around the turn of the year, enriched incentive pro- lower for more than a year; in part, demand may have
grams revived these sales. To date this year, sales of been restrained by slower growth in income and re-
cars and light trucks have averaged 14 million units duced investment motivation for home purchase be-
(annual rate)—a pace not far below the total for cause of softening house prices. Demand also may
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Real GNP
Percent change from end of previous period, annual rate
Drought-Ad|ustod
Ql
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Industrial Production
Index 1987. )00
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Implicit Deflator for GNP
Percent change from end of previous period, annual rale
Q1 _
1984 5985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
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Real Income and Consumption
Percent change from end of previous period, annual rate
| | Real Disposable Personal Income
[_n Real Personal Consumption Expenditures
Q1
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Personal Saving
Percent of disposable Income
April-
May
Average
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Private Housing Starts
Annual rale, millions of units, quarterly average
Single-family
April-
May
Average
1984 1985 1966 1987 1988 1989 1990
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have been tempered this spring by some edging up in November at Boeing. Excluding these transitory
mortgage rates. Since early May, however, mortgage swings, real equipment spending slowed further in the
rates have moved down about Vz percentage point, and first quarter, and shipments of most types of capital
there is no evidence that access to home loans has been goods — especially industrial machinery — remained soft
curtailed. in April and May. One bright spot in the equipment
On ihe supply side, building is being deterred in picture, however, has been the growth in outlays for
some pans of the country by an overhang of unsold or computers and other information-processing equip-
unrented housing units. In addition, it appears that a ment, after some slowing during the second half of
reduction in credit availability for construction may be 1989.
playing some role in damping building activity. To a Nonresidential construction was boosted by favor-
degree, this less favorable credit climate is attributable able weather early in the year, but most of the gain has
to the cutback in financing supplied by thrift institu- since been reversed. The weakness is most evident in
tions owing to the closure of savings and loans as well office and commercial real estate, for which vacancy
as the more stringent capital requirements and lending rates are high and data on contracts and permits suggest
limits mandated by the Financial Institutions Reform, the outlook for building remains decidedly negative. In
Recovery, and Enforcement Act, At the same time, some areas, this reflects sluggish growth in the regional
other institutions do not appear to be filling the void economies. However, activity also may be hindered by
completely. In part, the shift in credit availability the shift in the credit climate, as more speculative
reflects the elimination of the imprudently aggressive projects that previously might have been financed no
lending that capsized so many thrift institutions. A longer qualify. An exception to the weakness in busi-
number of commercial banks also have recently expe- ness construction has been in the industrial sector; lead
rienced reductions in their lending capacity as they times can be quite long for these projects, however, and
have written off, or reserved against, bad loans. But. in much of the continued strength undoubtedly reflects in
addition, the number of sound lending opportunities large'part decisions made when capacity pressures
undoubtedly has shrunk as a consequence of economic were mounting in 1988 and early 1989. Indeed, con-
weakness and soft property values in specific locales. tracts and permits for new industrial construction have
been trending down for about a year.
The emergence of uncomfortably high inventories
The Business Sector
in some sectors in late 1989 led to corrective actions in
The financial position of the business sector deterio- the first part of this year. Most prominently, manufac-
rated further during the early part of 1990. Before-tax turers of motor vehicles cut production sharply and
profits from current operations of nonfinancial corpo- reinstated widespread sales incentives to eliminate an
rations edged down in the first quarter after falling overhang of stocks on dealer lots. In most other
nearly 18 percent over the four quarters of 1989. sectors, stocks have been trimmed or have been in-
Profits have been squeezed by a combination of marked creased only modestly this year, and they appear to be
increases in wages and benefits during a period of weak in good alignment with sales trends. Among the possi-
growth in productivity, competitive pressures from ble exceptions are wholesale distributors of machinery
both home and abroad that have prevented firms from and nonauto retailers, where some mild overhangs
completely passing increases in labor costs through to appear to have developed this spring; these could
prices, and higher debt-servicing costs associated in precipitate further adjustments, probably affecting both
part with increased leverage. domestic and foreign producers,
Shrinking profits, which have reduced the availabil-
ity of internal funds, along widi the slower growth of The Government Sector
final sales and easing of capacity pressures over the
The federal budget deficit over the first eight months
past year, have muted the demand for new plant and
of the fiscal year was $152 billion, up from $ 113 billion
equipment. Reflecting these developments, real busi-
in the year earlier period. About $15 billion of this
ness fixed investment has decelerated considerably
increase resulted from spending by the Resolution
since the first half of 1989.
Trust Corporation, and further RTC outlays during
Although total real spending on producers' durable June imply that the year-to-year increase in the defici!
equipment rose at an annual rate of about 7 percent in is likely to widen. Most of the RTC spending reflects
the first quarter, spending was boosted by a rebound in financial transactions in which existing federal insur-
outlays for motor vehicles and a resurgence in aircraft ance obligations to thrift depositors are being recog-
shipments following the settlement of the strike last nized in the government's budget outlay and public
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Real Business Fixed Investment
Paroont change 1rom end ol previous period, annual rate
| | Structures
t I Pvoduceta' DutaWs Equlpmem
r
O1
Jl
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Changes in Real Nonfarm Business Inventories
Annual late, billions o( 1982 dollars
u
Q1
25
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
After-tax Profit Share of Gross Domestic Product *
petce
Nonflnancial Corporations
1984 1985 1986 1987 1966 1989 1990
Ralio of profits from domestic operations with inventory valuation and capital
consumption adjustments to gross domestic product of nonfinancial corporate sector.
10
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debt accounts. The RTC's borrowing and spending similar amount between last summer and this past
thus should have little effect on real economic activity February. The dollar appreciated approximately 2 per-
or interest rates. cent between February and March this year, but has
However, several other budget components have since declined about 4 percent, partly in response to
contributed to the higher deficit. Spending on Medi- publication of weaker data on U.S. economic activity
care and other health care programs, and some discre- and the associated washing out of expected increases in
tionary spending for the space and other programs, has interest rates.
surged. During the same period, revenue growth has While the value of the dollar has not changed
lagged as weak corporate profits have cut into receipts dramatically on a trade-weighted average basis against
and last year's surprisingly large personal income tax the other G-10 currencies this year, there have been
colleclions have not been sustained. The latter suggests some divergences in bilateral exchange rales. On
that some of last year's receipts reflected special fac- balance, the dollar has depreciated significantly against
tors, such as the deferral of tax liabilities in response to sterling and the Swiss franc, and somewhat less against
the phased reduction of income tax rates under the Tax the German mark and related currencies. In contrast,
Reform Act of 1986, and the capital gains realized the dollar has appreciated against the yen, despite
during sharp movements in financial markets. exchange market intervention by the Bank of Japan and
Federal purchases of goods and services, (he part of other central banks to support the value of the yen early
expenditures that is included directly in GNP, fell in in the year. AgainsI the currencies of our other major
real terms over 1988 and 1989, owing mainly to trading partners in the Pacific Basin, the dollar has
declines in defense spending. Real defense purchases depreciated against the Singapore dollar, but appreci-
continued to move lower in the first quarter of 1990; ated in terms of the South Korean won and the new
however, the downtrend in total purchases was inter- Taiwan dollar.
rupted by a pickup in nondefense spending, mainly a Prices of non-oil imports, which fell at about a
transitory surge in space expenditures. In the second 3 percent annual rate between the first and third
quarter, compensation for temporary Census workers quarters of last year, rose at a similar pace between the
added to federal purchases. third quarter of 1989 and the first quarter of 1990,
Real state and local government purchases increased partly in response to the drop in the dollar between last
at an annual rale of 4W percent in the first quarter, summer and the early pan of this year. Prices of
compared with the 3 to 3 Vi percent pace recorded over imported oil surged around the turn of the year, moving
the past three years. Revenue growth generally has not above $20 per barrel in January, but since then they
kept up with gains in spending, however, and an have more than retraced this runup. On the export side,
increasing number of stale and local governments face prices rose at an annual rate of just 1H percent in the
significant budgetary difficulties; indeed, the overall first quarter of 1990 after recording little change, on
deficit of the sector (excluding social insurance funds) balance, over 1989 as a whole. In the first quarter,
was about $45 billion (annual rate) in the first quarter of prices for agricultural exports fell somewhat, but there
1990, almost $11 billion greater than the deficit re- was an acceleration in prices for exported consumer
corded in the 1989 calendar year. These difficulties are and capital goods that appears to have been related to
compounded by growing spending requirements in some pickup in prices for these items in domestic
several important areas. An increase in the number of markets around the turn of the year.
school-age children has boosted public school enroll-
Merchandise exports continue to provide an impor-
ments, the number of medicaid recipients has in-
tant impetus to growth in the domestic economy,
creased, and prison populations have risen rapidly.
although the increases in exports have slowed some-
Meanwhile, legislatures have been reluctant to in-
what from the very rapid advances recorded in the
crease personal income taxes, and federal grants and
latter part of the 1980s. So far this year, exports have
increases in state excise taxes have failed to prevent the
been boosted by strong shipments of aircraft with the
widening of the gap between spending and revenues.
rebound in activity at Boeing, as well as by notable
increases in other classes of machinery, agricultural
The External Sector products, industrial supplies, and consumer goods.
Two factors have contributed to further large gains
Movements in the exchange rate have been smaller in the quantity of U.S. exports: Many of our major
than those in 1989, when the dollar appreciated about trading partners abroad have continued to register
12 percent in terms of the other G-10 currencies over strong economic growth, and the average dollar prices
the first half of the year and then depreciated by a of U.S. exports have declined somewhat relative to
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Foreign Exchange Value of the U.S. Dollar *
Index. March 1873-100
Juris
1964 1985 1966 1987 1968 1989 1990
U.S. Real Merchandise Trade . . ,_„„ .„„ , „
Annual rate, billions of 1982 dollars
600
Imports 475
350
Exports
225
100
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
U.S. Current Account . , „
Annual rate, billions of dollars
1964 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Index of weighted average foreign exchange value of U.S. dollar in terms of
currencies °(other G-10 countries. Weights are 1972-76 global trade of each of the
10 countries
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76
average prices abroad. Movements in nominal ex- Census; private payrolls have increased less than 20,000
change rates do not appear to have contributed signifi- per month. Manufacturing employment has continued
cantly lo either export growth or overall U.S. external to shrink this year at about the same rate as in the
adjustment in recent quarters; the effects of the large second half of 1989, and construction payrolls also
depreciation of the dollar through 1987 have waned, have declined since the winter. Meanwhile, job growth
and any residual positive effects probably have been in the service-producing industries has slowed in re-
offset by the average strengthening of the dollar last cent months. Although hiring gains have continued
year. However, the depreciation of the dollar since last strong for health services, growth in jobs in business
summer should lend some stimulus to external adjust- services has moderated, and there have been only small
ment in coming quarters. gains in employment at retail establishments.
Meanwhile, slower import growth has accompanied Growth in the labor force also has been subdued in
the slackening pace of activity in the United States. recent months. To an extent, this reflects longer-run
Total imports were boosted by a surge in oil imports in
demographic trends; but it may also reflect a tendency
the first quarter, but, on balance, non-oil merchandise
for fewer people to seek jobs when the growth of
imports have edged down this year. The slowdown in
employment opportunities is perceived to have slack-
imports has been pronounced in automotive products
ened. Survey data suggest that individuals have increas-
and consumer goods, reflecting both weaker domestic
ingly viewed jobs as harder to find.
final demands and the inventory adjustments in these
sectors of the U.S. economy. The slower rates of growth in employment and the
labor force have been roughly matching, and the
Together, the continued growth in exports and the
civilian unemployment rate has remained near 5 'A per-
slowdown in imports narrowed the merchandise trade
cent throughout the year. While unemployment rates
balance to $105 billion at an annual rate in the first
quarter of 1990, its lowest rale since early 1985. The have risen noticeably in the Northeast and moved up in
current account deficit was reduced to $92 billion at an some Midwestern states, jobless rates in other regions
annual rate. of the country either have changed little or have edged
down.
Net private capita! inflows, and a large statistical
discrepancy, provided the counterpart to the current With labor markets remaining relatively tight by
account deficit in the first quarter of 1990, as they did historical standards, pressures on labor costs have not
for 1989 as a whole. Most of the private capital inflow abated. Although the rate of increase in straight-time
in the first quarter came through the banking sector. wages has changed little over the past year and a half,
Private foreign investors continued to acquire U.S. benefit costs, which currently constitute roughly one-
corporate bonds in the first quarter; however, they fourth of compensation, have picked up markedly. In
sold a small amount of U.S. Treasury securities, and part, this increase reflected the higher social security
they continued to sell U.S. corporate stocks as they taxes that went into effect in January, but benefits also
have since last October. Foreign direct investment have been boosted by the continued rise of health
flows into the United States slowed markedly in the insurance costs and an acceleration of lump-sum pay-
first quarter to a rate well below that recorded in ments and bonuses. All told, employee compensation
recent years. Official capital showed a net outflow in in private nonfarm industry rose 5 'A percent over the
the first quarter, as it did throughout most of 1989, twelve months ended in March, a bit above the pace
reflecting the net sale of dollars in exchange market recorded in the year ended last December.
intervention.
In addition to gains in hourly compensation, unit
labor costs have been boosted by a poor performance in
Labor Markets labor productivity, as output per hour in the nonfarm
business sector rose just M percent between the first
Job growth was strong early in the year, but has quarter of 1989 and the first quarter of 1990. While
softened recently. In January and February, increases productivity has remained strong in the manufacturing
in nonfarm payroll employment averaged more than sector, rising almost 5 percent at an annual rate in the
350,000, fueled by large increases in service-producing first quarter, productivity performance outside of man-
industries as well as by robust hiring in construction ufacturing has been quite weak. As a consequence, unit
during the wanner than normal winter weather. Since labor costs in the first quarter of 1990 were 5 percent
March, however, job growth has averaged about above their level a year earlier, about the same increase
125,000 per month, despite the net addition of about as recorded over 1989 as a whole, but well above the
300,000 temporary workers to help carry out the 1990 rates that prevailed earlier in the expansion.
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Nonfarm Payroll Employment
Net change, millions of persona, annual rale
CH Total
[ | Manufacturing
H1 _
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Civilian Unemployment Rate
Quarterly average, percent
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Employment Cost Index *
12-month percent change
Total Compensation
1864 1985 1986 1987 198S 1989 1990
Employment cost index lor private industry, excluding (arm and household workers
" Percent change trom Q1 1989 to Q1 1990
14
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78
Price Developments The CPI excluding food and energy rose about
434 percent over the twelve months ending in May,
After surging in the first quarter of 1990, price near the upper end of the range experienced during the
increases moderated this spring. Food and energy current expansion. Price increases for consumer goods,
prices were boosted early in the year by weather- particularly apparel, rose sharply early in the year.
related developments, and prices for a wide range of However, the burst in prices did not carry through to
other goods and services also picked up sharply. the second quarter, as prices for commodities exclud-
However, by May, the transitory effects of the weather ing food and energy changed little in April add May.
on inflation largely had been reversed, and price
In the service sector, inflation rose markedly in the
increases for many other items slowed significantly.
first quarter, in pan reflecting some bunching of in-
Energy prices surged this past winler, as a result of creases for items whose prices tend to change in
demand pressures from the unseasonably cold weather irregular jumps, such as public transportation fares and
in December and supply disruptions at U.S. refineries auto registration fees. Although inflation in service
and in Eastern Europe. The posted price of West Texas prices moderated in the spring, there was little retrac-
Intermediate oil, the benchmark for U.S. crude prices, ing of the earlier increases; indeed, in May, the CPI for
rose aboul $3 per barrel to a peak of $22 in January. nonenergy services was 5V£ percent above its level
Since early February, on balance, the posted price for twelve months earlier, the upper end of the range of
WT1 has moved down substantially, in large part increases seen over the past three and a half years. As in
reflecting the effects on crude markets of increased 1989, increases in prices of rents and medical services
output by OPEC nations. Movements in energy prices contributed importantly to the rise in overall service
at the consumer level normally follow developments in prices so far this year. However, there also have been
crude oil prices. Gasoline prices, however, remain widespread pickups in prices for a variety of labor-
higher than in December. In part, pump prices have intensive services, and it is likely that, in addition to
been boosted by the additional costs lo refiners of strong consumer demands, higher labor costs have
complying wlch environmental standards. lu addition, boosted service prices,
inventories of gasoline were relatively low during the
The signs of moderating inflation for goods at earlier
first half of the year as a result of a variety of supply
stages of processing, which had surfaced as capacity
disruptions at refineries.
utilization rates moved down during 1989, appear to
Overall, consumer food prices were boosted by have continued into 1990. After rising 4!4 percent in
sharp increases in prices for fresh fruits and vegetables 1989, the FPI for finished goods excluding food and
after the freeze in December, but during the spring energy has increased at an annual rate of about 334 per-
these prices retraced most of their earlier climb. The cent during the first six months of 1990. Producer
prices for other foods for home consumption have prices for intermediate materials excluding food and
continued on an upward course. In addition, the prices energy increased at an annual rate of just *& percent
of foods and beverages purchased at restaurants between December and June, roughly the same rate of
have risen at a 6 percent annual rate so far this year, increase as recorded over 1989 as a whole. The
about 1 ]A percentage points above the average rate moderation of inflation for goods at the producer level
of increase over the past two years; these prices is perhaps one indication that earlier moves toward
probably have reflected a dwindling supply of entry- monetary restraint and the slower pace of economic
level workers and related increases in labor costs, activity have worked to ease the resource constraints
and perhaps in some regions by the higher federal mat had pushed up materials prices between 1987 and
minimum wage. early 1989.
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Consumer Prices
12-month percent change
I I I I
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Consumer Prices Excluding Food and Energy
12-month percent change
Services less Energy
\ r"*. J Commodffleo less Food and Energy
V "
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Producer Prices for Intermediate Materials
Excluding Food and Energy 12-month percenl change
10
I I
1964 1985 1986 1987 1088 1989 1990
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80
Section 3: Monetary and Financial Developments During the First Half of 1990
Shifts in financial intermediation and credit flows, mortgage lending, with little attendant effect on the
stemming from the continued restructuring of the thrift cost or availability of residential mortgage credit to
industry and a more cautious attitude of banks toward households. Both banks and thrifts have cut back on
certain credit extensions, exerted a major influence on other types of lending that can less easily be rechan-
the monetary aggregates and their relation to economic nelled, however, including construction and nonresi-
activity during the first half of 1990. In anticipation of dential real estate loans, loans to highly leveraged
further contraction in the thrift industry, and its associ- borrowers, and loans to small and medium-sized busi-
ated effects on depository intermediation, the Commii- nesses. To offset tighter credit market conditions,
tee reduced the annual growth range for M3 by a full which could exert undue restraint on aggregate de-
percentage point in February. In the event, M3 has mand, the Federal Reserve has recently adopted a
slowed even more dramatically than had been antici- slightly more accommodative stance with regard to
pated, leaving this aggregate below the lower bound of reserve provision, fostering a small decline in market
its reduced range. Not only has the thrift industry interest rates.
contracted more rapidly than expected, but commer-
cial banks have picked up little of the lending forgone
The Implementation of Monetary Policy
by thrifts and, in fact, have curtailed their own lending
in some sectors, thus further depressing depository The FOMC maintained a steady degree of pressure
credit. With little need to fund asset growth, banks and in reserve markets during the first six months of the
thrifts have pursued retail deposits less aggressively, year. Policy had been eased in the second half of 1989
leading to the opening of a sizable gap between yields amid concerns dial the economic slowdown might
available in the open market and those on such depos- cumulate and thereby threaten the expansion. In the
its. Partly as a result, M2 also has slowed, moving first half of 1990, however, the Committee viewed the
down into the lower portion of its annual growth range. balance of evidence as suggesting that underlying
trends were generally consistent with its objectives of
The deceleration of the monetary aggregates mainly
sustaining economic growth while containing and even-
reflects a reduction in the share of credit provided by
tually reducing inflationary pressures.
deposiiories, rather than a sharp slowing of income or
total credit flows. The velocities of both M2 and M3 In the opening months of the year, incoming infor-
posted sizable increases, particularly in the second mation on spending and prices caused markets to
quarter. Total debt of domestic nonfinancial sectors reevaluaie the prospects for a near-term reduction of
grew at an annual rate of 7 percent over the first half of inflationary pressures and further easing of monetary
the year—down only slightly from its pace in the latter policy. As a result, market interest rates rose, despite a
halfof 1989 and in the middle of its monitoring range. steady federal funds rate. The rise was most pro-
However, growth of total debt was boosted by federal nounced at the longer end of the maturity spectrum,
government borrowing to support thrift resolutions; and it restored the usual upward tilt to the yield curve
ihe debt of nonfederal sectors grew somewhat less that had been absent much of last year. Developments
rapidly than it did last year. Uncertainty about ihe in Eastern Europe, which portended increases in de-
effects of the restructuring of credit flows, and about mands on the world's limited pool of savings, also
the reasons for the extent of the slowdown in money contributed to increases in long-term rates in the
growth, underlined the need for the FOMC to assess United States and abroad. By late April, market partic-
the behavior of the aggregates in light of information ipants expected a near-term tightening of U.S. mone-
on spending and prices and the likely course of mone- tary policy.
tary velocities.
In early May, the pendulum of market opinion began
The somewhat more cautious lending posture that to swing away from the view that a tightening of U.S.
commercial banks have recently adopted is mainly a monetary policy was in the offing. Beginning with a
response 10 heightened credit risks caused by the more lackluster employment report on May 4, economic
moderate pace of economic expansion overall and a data have pointed lo a somewhat slower pace of activity
downturn in several sectors. The resulting loan write- and reduced price pressures. In addition, a pronounced
offs and pressures on capital positions may also have slowdown in the monetary aggregates began in April,
induced some tightening of standards. Growing mar- followed by outright declines in May. Although both
kets for securitized loans largely have filled the vac- M2 and M3 recovered a litde in June, they remained
uum created by the retrenchment of thrifts in the area of below the midpoint and the lower bound, respectively,
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81
Short-Term Interest Rates
Monthly
Three-month Treasury bill l.-t\
Coupon equivalent
1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1969 1990
Long-Term Interest Rates
Monthly
1982 1983 1964 1985 1986 1987 1968 1989 1990
ObsBivaooos are monthly averages of daily data
last observallon tor June. 1990
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82
M2 and M3: Target Ranges Adopted in February and Actual Growth
M2
Billions of dollars
1 3600
Rate at growth
3500 Q41989toQ21990
4.2 percent
O4 1989 to June
3.6 percent
J I
3000
O N D J F M A M J J A S O ND
1969 1990
M3
Billions of dollars
Rate of growth
4350 O4 1989 to O2 1990
6.5% 1.6 percent
Q4 1989 to June
1.2 percent
3950
J I r i i i i j i lt
O N DJ F M A U J J A S O ND
1909 1990
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83
of their annual ranges at midyear. Evidence also sug- to decelerate in the first quarter, slowing to a pace of
gested that restricted credit availability, in part the less than 4 percent from the 5X percent rate seen in the
result of tightened credit standards, may have spread fourth quarter of 1989. The effects of this slowdown on
beyond commercial real estate, construction, and M2 were partially masked, however, by a surge in
merger-related lending. In response to this finning of currency growth—apparently owing in part to in-
credit conditions, the Federal Reserve began providing creased demand from overseas—and a bulge in some of
reserves slightly more generously through open mar- M2's wholesale components, mainly overnight RPs
ket operations in mid-July. and Eurodollars. By the second quarter, a steep runoff
Market interest rates, which already had receded in retail money market mutual fund (MMMF) shares
somewhat from their early spring highs, declined and a sharp decline in demand deposits reinforced
further with the Federal Reserve's recent easing, though weakness in core deposits in damping growth in aggre-
intermediate and long-term rates remained above the gate M2.
levels seen last December. Lower interest rates also Increases in the opportunity costs of holding M2
bolstered the stock market, and some share price balances—that is, the rise in other interest rates relative
indexes reached record highs this month. to those on M2—retarded growth in this aggregate
Spreads between high-quality private instruments during the first half of the year. This was particularly
and Treasury issues narrowed slightly over the first evident for retail MMMFs. Through much of 1989, the
half of 1989. This narrowing reflected the continued yield curve was inverted, and MMMFs, whose portfo-
availability of funds for investment-grade borrowing lios typically average about 30 to 40 days in maturity,
as well as increases in the borrowing needs of the RTC, had historically large yield advantages relative to
which are met partly through the Treasury. The pickup longer-term Treasury bills and short-dated Treasury
in Treasury borrowing for the RTC was necessitated notes. As a result, MMMFs expanded briskly. As the
by the faster pace of thrift resolutions, which require yield curve began to flatten towards year-end, flows
the government to carry thrift assets on its own balance into MMMFs ebbed, though they remained a key
sheet pending their disposition. The market for element of overall M2 growth. With the steepening of
in vestment-grade issues continued to function reason- the yield curve in the early part of 1990, MMMF
ably well, with stable rate spreads between quality tiers growth stopped in March. The recent rally in the slock
and generally well-maintained issuance volumes. On market also may have depressed MMMFs, as data
average, however, the business sector faced somewhat through May indicate strong inflows to equity mutual
higher borrowing costs, largely as the result of numer- funds, a substantial portion of which may have been
ous downgradings of debt issues. The collapse of transferred from MMMFs.
Drexel Burnham Lambert had a marginal impact on an
When yield curves have become more steeply up-
already debilitated market for below-investment-grade
ward sloping in the past, the effect on M2 of weakness
issues, widening spreads somewhat more between
in MMMFs and other liquid balances often has been
yields on such bonds and those on other long-term
partially offset by strength in retail time deposits, as
securities.
households lengthen the maturity of their assets, This
year, however, retail CD rates were unusually slow to
Monetary and Credit Flows respond to the rise in market rates through April,
Growth of the monetary aggregates was sluggish contributing to unexpected weakness hi M2. The reluc-
over the first half of 1990, with M2 and M3 expanding tance of banks to raise deposit rates in response to
at annual rates of only 3*/i percent and 1& percent, rising market rates was particularly evident in the
respectively, from the fourth quarter of 1989 through intermediate-term area where, for example, the rise of
June. The weakness in money growth primarily re- 100 basis points in the yield on the three-year Treasury
flected a redirection of credit extensions away from note during the first four months of the year elicited an
depository institutions owing to the continued down- increase of less than 20 basis points in rates on bank
sizing of the thrift industry and a more cautious lending retail CDs of comparable maturity. Evidence of the
posture of commercial banks. rising opportunity cost of holding M2 can be seen in the
unusually heavy volume of noncompetilive tenders in
The deceleration of M2 growth did not begin until
Treasury bill and note auctions, which suggest a shift
the second quarter of 1990, when growth slowed to a
out of M2 balances.
1 'A percent annual rate from the 6 to 7 percent range
seen in the previous three quarters. Retail deposits The unwillingness of banks to price their deposits as
(which include NOW accounts as well as savings, aggressively as in the past is partly an indirect result
small time deposits, and similar instruments) had begun of the contraction of the thrift industry. During the
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Growth of Money and Debt (Percentage change)
Debt of
domestic
nonflnancial
M1 M2 M3 sectors
Fourth Quarter to fourth quarter
1980 7.4 8.9 9.5 9.5
1981 5.4(2.5)* 9.3 12.3 10.2
1982 8.8 9.1 9.9 9.1
1983 10.4 12.2 9.8 11.2
1984 5.4 7.9 10.6 14.2
1985 12.0 8.9 7.8 13.1
1986 15.5 9.3 9.1 13.2
1987 6.3 4.3 5.8 9.9
1988 4.3 5.2 6.3 9.1
1989 0.6 4.5 3.3 8.1
Quarterly
(annual rate)
1990 01 4.8 6.0 2.7 6.9
Q2 3.6 2.3 0.4 7.0a
Semiannually
(annual rate)
1990 H1 4.2 4.2 1.6 7.0
• Figure in parentheses a adjusted for Wiifts 10 NOW accounts in 1
e- estimated
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3-year Treasury Note and 2.5-year Commercial Bank CD Rales
Monthly
3-year Treasury Note
---...,-"2.5-year CD
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
NOTE1 Rates laken on coupon-equvvalen!. 365-day basis
Preliminary data for Juris. 1990 CO ralg
M2 Velocity
Quarterly
I960 1965 1970 1975 1985 1990
NOTE: M2 QJ 1990 vetcdty based on projeclad GNP lot Q2 1990.
22
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86
first six months of 1990, commercial banks enjoyed banks fully to pick up the slack has already resulted in a
$62 billion in retail deposii inflows -aboutalOpercent significant slowdown in growth of depository credit
increase at an annual rale—while thrifts were shedding relative to that of aggregate nonfinancial sector debt
$28 billion in retail deposits—about a 5 percent annual and a concomitant increase in M3 velocity. This trend
rale of contraction. Much of this deflection of deposits continued into the first half of 1990, as growth in
toward commercial banks was the direct result of RTC depository credit all but ceased - though overall debt
resolutions. In the first half of the year, the RTC growth continued at a moderate pace — and M3 fell well
resolved 170 thrifts holding S32 billion of non- below the lower bound of its annual growth cone.
brokered retail deposits, much of which was immedi-
Although the FOMC foresaw some significant damp-
ately assumed by commercial banks.
ing effects on M3 growth in 1990 in association with
Although deposit transfers do noi directly depress the continued shrinkage of the thrift industry, the actual
M2, they may have contributed to the weakness in this weakness in M3 so far this year has been more pro-
aggregate by reducing banks' need lo raise iheir of- nounced than anticipated. In setting out its expectations
fering rates to attract additional deposits at a lime when for M3 in 1990, the Committee recognized that consid-
growth in bank credit was slow. Through the first half erable uncertainties surrounded the thrift industry con-
of 1990, commercial banks were able to fund nearly traction in terms of the pace of RTC resolutions, the
80 percent of their total credit growth with retail extent of asset shrinkage at capital-impaired thrifts,
deposits—almost double the proportion seen in recent and the desire of commercial banks to step into the
years —even though they allowed spreads between breach. To this point, a faster-than-expected shrinkage
market rates and their retail offering rates to widen of thrift assets has been manifested not only in weaker
substantially. M.2 deposit inflows, but also in faster runoffs of large
time deposits and other M3 managed liabilities at
Widening opportunity casts of holding M2 can
thrifts. In addition, commercial banks apparently have
explain only some of the moderation in this aggregate
filled less of the void left by thrifts than was originally
in the first half of" 1990, however. M2 may also have
anticipated. As a result, they too have pared iheir M3
been responding to slower spendinf., and other factors,
managed liabilities, further depressing this aggregate.
some of which may have been associated with deposit
restructuring under the RTC. Brokered deposits Rates on large time deposits, like those on retail
formerly attracted to thrifts by relatively high yields deposits, have remained low relative to yields on
may have been particularly sensitive to the recent Treasury bills. Facing a substantial deterioration in the
sluggishness in deposit pricing; about $7 billion of quality of iheir assets and constraints on capital, banks
brokered deposits were held at thrifts that were re- apparently have attempted to bolster profit margins and
solved in the first six months of the year, and many of have not aggressively pursued new lending opportuni-
these high- rate contracts were subsequently abrogated ties. Not only have deposit rates been held down, but
or not rolled over by the acquiring institutions. Evi- loan rates also appear to have been raised slightly
dence also suggests that, in light of large deposii relative to market rates and non-price terms have
inflows from thrifts, banks have curtailed marketing tightened for certain types of credils.
and promotional activity designed to attract retail
The pullback in credit supplies, together with some
deposits. Finally, the issuance of short-term Treasury
levelling oui of demands for credit, likely contributed
paper to fund RTC holdings of former thrift assets has
to a deceleration of bank asset growth. Over the second
boosted the supply of, and raised the rates on, a close
quarter, growth of bank credit slowed to a 5 % percent
M2 substitute just when depositories were becoming
pace from the near 7 percent rate of growth seen over
less aggressive in seeking retail deposits. The rise in
the first quarter of 1990 and the second half of 1989,
opportunity costs and these other factors contribuled to
with much of the deceleration centered in real estate
an increase in the velocity of M2 in the first half of
and consumer lending. Although the slowdown in real
1990, though some of this increase remains difficult to
estate lending has been especially pronounced in New
explain.
England, this type of lending remains sluggish in
The link between changes in depository intermedia- several other regions as well. Some of the deceleration
tion and M3 is somewhat more direct. This aggregate in consumer lending represents sales of loans by banks
encompasses managed liabilities, as well as deposits attempting to bolster capital-asset ratios. Even ad-
and other sources of funds in M2, and is thus a better justed for these sales, however, growth of consumer
barometer of the overall funding needs of banks and loans at banks slowed further in the second quarter
thrifts. As has been evident since lasi summer, the from an already reduced first-quarter pace. The weak-
contraction of the thrift industry and the failure of ness in consumer borrowing this year is due primarily
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Weakness in Depository Credit
Domestic Nonfinancial Debt and Depository Credit
Four-Quarter Percent Cfiange
M3 Velocity Debt Velocity
Quarterly Quarterly
1961 1968 1975 1932 1969 1961 196& 1975 1982 1989
NOTES O2 1990 velocities basad on pio|ecledGNP for Q2 1990 Debt for O2 1990 partially estimated
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88
to sluggish retail sales, particularly of automobiles and to be largely the result of reduced demand, owing to
other durable goods; banks evidently have remained increases in interest rates earlier in the year and
willing lenders lo households, and interest rates on weakening economic activity in some regions of the
consumer loans have changed little. country. Although banks have picked up only some of
Bank lending to businesses also has been depressed the slack for thrifts in the area of mortgage lending, the
this year. Surveys of commercial bank lending officers expanding market for securitized mortgages has facil-
through early May suggest that the slowdown in bank itated an orderly flow of mortgage credit. In fact,
credil largely reflects diminished demand for credit spreads of mortgage-backed securities over compara-
and deteriorating conditions in the real estate market, ble Treasury issues remain low by historical standards
although tighter lending terms and more stringent and rates on home loans have not risen noticeably
credit standards were frequently cited for borrowers relative to other long-term rates.
below investment grade, including many small busi- Consistent with households' sluggish spending,
nesses. Banks seem to have raised lending rates some- overall consumer installment credit has risen at a
what to small firms, judging from the slight increase in 234 percent rate from the fourth quarter of 1989
the spread between rateson small business loans and on through May of this year, well below the 5 Vi percent
federal funds. Separate surveys in which small busi- clip in 1989, Some of this deceleration reflects substi-
nesses were queried about general credit availability tution of home equity loans for previously existing
have pointed to some recent increases in the difficulty consumer indebtedness; households apparently con-
these firms face in obtaining credit, though on balance tinue to recognize the lower relative after-tax cost of
they found credit availability little changed from mid- mortgage debt since the 1986 tax reform, which phased
1989. The slowdown in bank business lending this year out the interest deducibility of non-mortgage house-
has mainly reflected reduced merger activity. Bank hold indebtedness. The slowdown in consumer loans
retrenchment in this area is consistent with other on the books of depositories has been even more pro-
private credit judgments, as evidenced by the major nounced, reflecting a marked pickup in securitizations.
slump in the markel for bonds below investment grade. The trend toward securitisation of consumer loans,
The reduced volume of corporate restructurings, which has been evident in the last few years, appears to
coupled with a diminished household demand for have accelerated in 1990, possibly because deposito-
credit, has slowed the growth of the aggregate debt of ries are making efforts to reduce assets in order to meet
domestic nonfinancial sectors to a 7 percent annual rate the new risk-based capital requirements.
from the fourth quarter of 1989 through May of this Through the first half of the year, the total borrowing
year, compared with the 8 percent rate seen last year. of nonfinancial firms has been maintained at about the
Debt growth is currently in the middleof its monitoring same pace as in the last half of 1989 despite a sharp
range and broadly consistent widi growth in nominal drop in equity retirements. Although business lending
GNP. With the increasing leverage and the attendant by banks has slowed, commercial paper issuance picked
dramatic declines in debt velocity witnessed in the up the slack, particularly in the first few months of the
1980s apparently ending, the Committee reduced the year. More recently, in light of declines in bond yields,
1990 monitoring range for debt by 1'A percentage firms have stepped up their issuance of bonds and
points in February. slowed their use of commercial paper. Despite a recent
Debt growth decelerated in the first half of the year slight narrowing of spreads relative to investment-
despite a spike in U.S. government borrowing, which grade securities, issuance of below-investment-grade
owed primarily lo the growing working capital needs bonds has remained in the doldrums. Spreads between
of the RTC. RTC spending, net of capital raised in vestment-grade paper and Treasury issues are still
off-budget by the Resolution Funding Corporation, low by historical standards, held down in part by
jumped to S31 billion in the second quarter, up from the supply pressures in the Treasury market.
$4 to $5 billion levels of the previous two quarters. In the municipal market, the increase in market
This spending is financed through the Treasury and is interest rales and the downgradings of a number of key
therefore included in the debt aggregate. issuers during the first half of 1990 combined to slow
The pace of household borrowing slowed consider- refunding issuance to a crawl. As a result, the total debt
ably in the first six months of 1990, reflecting deceler- of state and local governments expanded at only an
ations in both mortgage and consumer credit. The annual rate of 3 percent in the second quarter, com-
recent slowing of home mortgage borrowing appears pared with 4lfi percent in 1989.
25
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Debt: Monitoring Range Adopted in February and Actual Growth
Debt
Billions of dollars
Rate of growth
04 1989 to Q2 1990
7 0 percent
04 1989 to May
6 9 percent
5%
J I
F M A M J J A S O ND
1990
Ml: Actual Growth
M1
Rateot growth
04 1989 to Q2 1990
4.2 percent
Q4 1989 <o June
4 1 percent
O N DJ F U A MJ J A S O ND
1969 1990
26
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Cite this document
APA
Alan Greenspan (1990, July 23). Congressional Testimony. Testimony, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19900724_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_report_of
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_testimony_19900724_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_report_of,
author = {Alan Greenspan},
title = {Congressional Testimony},
year = {1990},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Testimony, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19900724_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_report_of},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}