testimony · February 21, 1990
Congressional Testimony
Alan Greenspan
FEDERAL RESERVE'S FIRST MONETARY POLICY
REPORT FOR 1990
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON
BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AFFAIKS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED FIRST CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
ON
OVERSIGHT ON THE MONETARY POLICY REPORT TO CONGRESS PURSU-
ANT TO THE FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OF
1978
FEBRUARY 22, 1990
Printed for the use of the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1990
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COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AFFAIRS
DONALD W. RIEGLE, JR., Michigan, Chairman
ALAN CRANSTON, California JAKE GARN, Utah
PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania
CHRISTOPHER J. DODD. Connecticut ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York
ALAN J. DIXON, Illinois PHIL GRAMM. Texas
JIM SASSER. Tennessee CHRISTOPHER S. BOND, Missouri
TERRY SANFORD, North Carolina CONNIE MACK, Florida
RICHARD C. SHELBY, Alabama WILLIAM V. ROTH, JR. Delaware
BOB GRAHAM. Florida NANCY LANDON KASSEBAUM, Kansas
TIMOTHY E. WIRTH, Colorado LARRY PRESSLER, South Dakota
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts
RICHARD H. BRYAN, Nevada
KEVIN C. GOTTLIEB, Staff Director
LAMAR SMITH, Republican Staff Director and Economist
STEVEN B. HARRIS, General Counsel
PATRICK J. LAWLKR, Chief Economist
(lit
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CONTENTS
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1990
Page
Opening statement of Chairman Riegle 1
Opening statements of:
Senator Garn 2
Senator Heinz 3
Senator Shelby 4
Senator D'Amato 5
Senator Graham 6
Senator Dixon 7
Senator Sanford 63
Senator Kerry 65
WITNESS
Alan Greenspan, Chairman, Board of Governors, Federal Reserve System 7
Prepared statement 14
Economic and monetary policy developments in 1989 15
The ultimate objectives and medium-term strategy of monetary
policy 17
Monetary policy and the economic outlook for 1990 20
Risks to the economic outlook 23
International financial markets and monetary policy 25
Considerations regarding immediate release of FOMC operating deci-
sions 30
Monetary policy report to Congress 35
Response to written questions from:
Senator Riegle 98
Senator Kerry 108
Senator Pressler 135
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FEDERAL RESERVE'S FIRST MONETARY
POLICY REPORT FOR 1990
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1990
U.S. SENATE,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AFFAIRS,
Washington, DC.
The committee met at 10 a.m., in room SD-538, Dirksen Senate
Office Building, Senator Donald W. Riegle, Jr. (chairman of the
committee) presiding.
Present: Senators Riegle, Sarbanes, Dixon, Sasser, Sanford,
Shelby, Graham, Kerry, Garn, Heinz, D'Amato, Mack, and Pres-
sler.
OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN RIEGLE
The CHAIRMAN. The committee will come to order.
Let me welcome all in attendance. Today, we have with us Alan
Greenspan, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, who will
discuss the Fed's semiannual report on its monetary policy inten-
tions, as required by the Full Employment and Balance Growth
Act of 1978.
I think it's worth covering a few points and then I will call on
my colleagues before we hear from Chairman Greenspan.
We have now gone some 7 years without a recession and without
a major resurgence in inflation and certainly the Fed has played
an important role during this period. At the same time, we have
suffered through some of the highest interest rates adjusted for in-
flation in our history and even with enormous inflows of foreign
capital, all of which will have to be paid back some day, these high
real interest rates have obviously had the effect of curtailing net
investment in productive capital activity in the United States. In
recent years the share of our net production devoted to new facili-
ties is the lowest since the Great Depression.
Obviously these are alarming trends when one looks at our trade
deficit and the fact that we'd like to continue to consume a large
volume of goods and services, and there's an obvious problem if we
are not producing as much as we are consuming.
High interest rates at home have certainly not helped U.S. firms
compete overseas. Our trade deficits have been huge, turning us
from the world's largest creditor to the world's largest debtor. In
the midst of our current prosperity, such as it is, employment in
manufacturing has been stagnant at best and has declined steadily
over the past year.
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The sudden rise last month of long-term interest rates follows
similar increases overseas, and they raise a serious question, which
we raised with Chairman Greenspan here just several days ago and
postponed discussion until today, and that is the degree to which
our own monetary policy latitude may well be affected in larger
and larger degree by events taking place in the rest of the world.
Financial events and circumstances may now have reached a size
and magnitude in the aggregate that our ability to fine-tune our
own economy through monetary policy may be changing in impor-
tant ways and I think we need to understand the dynamics that
are at work in that area. You were kind enough to respond in your
formal statement to those concerns, and we will have a chance to
discuss that somewhat further today.
I am also interested in hearing your thoughts on the increased
use of debt throughout our economy. Obviously the failure of
Drexel Burnham brings into focus the issue of junk bonds and the
role that they play. But I would be interested in your thoughts on
what other risks there may be out there in our financial institu-
tions—whether in thrifts, insurance companies, pension funds, in-
vestment banks, and possibly others—as a result of the build-up of
debt in general and more particularly some of the effects of recent
problems in the junk bond market that may spill over in other di-
rections.
Those will be some of the areas that we will want to get into
with you this morning.
Let me call on Senator Garn.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR GARN
Senator GARN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan notes in his prepared statement that last
year marked the seventh year of the longest peacetime expansion
of the U.S. economy on record. I think that's a remarkable achieve-
ment which should not be overlooked as we focus on the remaining
macroeconomic problems like inflation and the trade deficit.
While I have sometimes been a critic of monetary policy myself,
I nevertheless recognize the extent to which the by-and-large pru-
dent policies of the Federal Reserve deserve the credit for our eco-
nomic achievements. Far too often the other parts of Government
have complicated the Fed's job rather than helping out.
This was certainly true when Congress in 1986 refused to recapi-
talize FSLIC. It's true today that those responsible for fiscal policy
continue to depress our Nation's saving rate by inflating the Feder-
al deficit. But fiscal policy is not the only place where the Fed
could use some help. While we continue to enjoy the benefits of
this economic expansion that began in 1982, now is the time for us
to be making the structural changes that will enable our economy
to respond as it should to the economic challenges that clearly lie
ahead.
In this regard I certainly want to compliment Chairman Riegle
for his efforts to focus Congress' attention on international com-
petitive challenges before us. He is doing an outstanding job in ar-
ticulating the challenges to the American financial services indus-
try in particular that are continuing to grow both in Europe and in
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Asia. I support Chairman Riegle in his efforts to prepare our finan-
cial institutions and our regulatory structure for the challenges
ahead.
Chairman Greenspan, I know you support these efforts as well
and I hope you will use today's hearing as another opportunity for
you to try to build a sense of urgency that we do need to proceed
with legislative action in these areas. As important as monetary
policy is and the things that you are here to discuss today, I am
sure you know of my frustration after more than a decade of trying
to modernize our domestic financial structure to be competitive in
an increasingly competitive international and global marketplace.
So I would hope you would have some comments today on that
need for modernization within our own country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Garn. Thank you for your
personal comments.
Senator Heinz.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR HEINZ
Senator HEINZ. Mr. Chairman, I commend you on having this
hearing. Of course, we are required to do it. Nonetheless, it's im-
portant to give the public a sense that we are not only interested
in, but concerned about, the management of the economy; particu-
larly the critical role the Federal Reserve plays in it.
I just want to indicate to Chairman Greenspan that I don't know
of a time in the last 4 or 5 years when his stewardship and careful
judgments could be more important to the health of the economy
than they are now. It's my impression that our economy, because
of the situation with interest rates, is balanced on a knife's edge
and that the balancing act is possibly going to be determined by
forces beyond our control. Those forces begin with the fact that we
need to import close to $180 billion worth of capital annually in
order to pay our bills and to the extent that other nations raise the
cost of borrowing to themselves, they raise it to us. To the extent
that the Japanese, the West Germans, or other demands for credit
such as the opening of Eastern Europe raise the cost of funds they
will surely be felt here.
This of course puts Chairman Greenspan and the Federal Re-
serve into the most unusual position of having to take into account
in the conduct of monetary policy in this country those forces over
which they have modest or little control other than through the ar-
ticulate persuasiveness of the chairman.
I have some questions in that regard. I just want to say to Alan
Greenspan that there has never been, in my judgment, in recent
times a more difficult period for the economy of this country. I
think it's more difficult than when we went through the LDC debt
and potential default problem. That was money that was a sunk
cost. What we are going through now will have a very large poten-
tial real effect on capital markets and I am glad, Alan, that you
are here to do that job and to tell us how you are going to do it.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, Senator Heinz.
Senator Shelby.
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Senator SHELBY. Mr. Chairman, I have a written statement that
I would like to introduce for the record. Then I have just a few
brief comments, Mr. Chairman.
A lot of the Americans—I won't say for the first time—but a lot of
them are now realizing the impact that countries like Germany and
Japan when they raise their interest rates and we are competing for
their funds—what that means to this country. You, Mr. Chairman,
have been talking about for a long time and some of us on this
committee about a low savings rate where we are dependent on
foreign markets to finance our debt here and this is really coming
through now. It's obvious that this is some of the pressure that we're
facing and been facing in the last few days and when you're into
that—I don't know if you are going to get into that in your re-
marks—but I certainly would like to pursue it in questioning.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR SHELBY
Senator SHELBY. Mr. Chairman, I am glad that you have sched-
uled today's hearing. I appreciate the opportunity to hear from
Chairman Greenspan his perspective of the future.
Chairman Greenspan, I have read your testimony and heard the
press reports that indicate that you believe that the recessionary
trend of the past several months has bottomed out and that we can
expect to continue on the path of economic expansion. That is
indeed good news.
While we've acknowledged for quite some time that we have en-
tered a global era, recent increases in long term U.S. rates which
followed increases in rates in Japan and West Germany, demon-
strate that the economy of the United States is inextricably linked
with those of other capitalist nations. To an increasing degree, issu-
ers of debt compete for the same pool of funds from investors
around the world.
We cannot turn back the clock nor will we ever again see mar-
kets delineated by geographic boundaries. Yet we must recognize
our dependency on foreign investors and the consequences they can
yield on our economy. Yes, we seem, at present, to be continuing
along the path of economic expansion. Yet we remain on this path
at the leniency of our creditors.
It is imperative that we minimize our dependency on foreign in-
vestors, by getting our fiscal house in order. Disappointingly, the
administration, in its first budget, demonstrated the same unwill-
ingness of the previous administration to make the tough choices,
to determine where the cuts are going to come from, thus leaving
Congress to fight it out.
Chairman Greenspan, the recessionary trend of the past several
months has made me concerned that the engine driving the U.S.
economy may be running out of steam. Whether or not that is
indeed the case at the moment, I believe that it is past time to
start correcting the excesses of the past decade in order to mini-
mize the severity of a recessionary correction. It is my hope that
you will use your influence with the administration to address the
issue of utmost importance, the budget deficit and must admit that
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I am somewhat disappointed that such an influence is not more ob-
vious in this year's budget blueprint.
I appreciate your being here today and look forward to the ques-
tion and answer period.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, Senator Shelby.
Senator D'Amato.
Senator D'AMATO. Mr. Chairman, if I might take the license of
doing the same, and that is submitting my prepared statement as if
read in its entirety for the record, and just make some observa-
tions.
First of all, let me welcome Chairman Greenspan and echo the
sentiments of both of my colleagues, Senator Heinz and Senator
Shelby, as it relates to the importance and difficulty of the job that
you, Mr. Chairman, have. I do believe that perhaps you have
helped to achieve that elusive goal of the soft landing.
I also believe that it is absolutely imperative that we do all that
we can to achieve an increased savings rate. I take some heart and
some comfort in your remarks and I think you have been the clari-
on voice years ago before your stewardship at the Fed saying that
this is essential. So I echo Senator Shelby's comments and of
course that goes to the point that Senator Heinz was making. If
indeed interest rates in Japan and West Germany are higher, then
of course our own borrowing is going to be affected. So consequent-
ly the need to bring down that budget deficit and to increase our
own savings rate becomes so much more important and I would
like to pursue that when we have an opportunity to put some ques-
tions to you.
But again, I welcome the Chairman and I think that once again
you have been able to see us through the dire consequences and
predictions of the depression or the recession and that it really has
been a soft landing.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR D'AMATO
Senator D'AMATO. Mr. Chairman, I join you in welcoming Chair-
man Greenspan. I also welcome the Fed's report on monetary
policy. Once again we have observed the effects of the Fed's steady
hand on the money supply controls. It appears that we have avoid-
ed the fruition of the dire predictions of recession and perhaps
have actually achieved the illusive "soft landing".
At least, it appears now that Chairman Greenspan has steered a
course in monetary policy that has slowed growth without choking
off the robust economy which has created jobs and increases oppor-
tunity for all Americans. He and his colleagues at the Fed are to
be congratulated.
I am also heartened that disposable household income is growing
faster than consumer spending. This has resulted in a healthy 5%
percent increase in the savings for the last quarter of 1989. I con-
tinue to believe that the tax code needs to be amended to correct
its bias against savings. However, improvement in the savings rate,
with or without changes in the tax code is good news and I am cer-
tain that Chairman Greenspan is pleased as well.
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It is unfortunate that it now appears that progress against infla-
tion is going to be difficult. However, so long as the Federal Gov-
ernment continues to run large budget deficits we can expect only
one miracle at a time from the Federal Reserve System. The "soft
landing" and the prospects for continued moderate GNP growth
demonstrate the resilience of the American economy. I hope that
someday we in the Congress will order our fiscal house and really
do something about inbedded inflation.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator D'Amato.
Senator Mack.
Senator MACK. Thank you.
Welcome, Mr. Chairman. I look forward to your comments this
morning and will be raising a question on monetary policy and
price stability, but I think I will just wait until the question period
and look forward to your comments.
The CHAIRMAN. We have other colleagues enroute and Senator
Graham from Florida has just arrived. Senator Graham, as you get
seated, let me say that if you would like to make an opening com-
ment at this point we would be happy to have it.
Senator GRAHAM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have an opening statement which I will file for the record.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR GRAHAM
Senator GRAHAM. Mr. Chairman, it is a pleasure to have Chair-
man Greenspan report to us today on the conduct of monetary
policy. As the Chairman has said before, monetary policy alone
cannot provide the answers to our economic problems. The United
States needs to have complimentary trade and fiscal policies, and
to coordinate these policies with the administration's goals, the
Congress and our trading partners.
Chairman Greenspan, earlier this week you predicted inflation
would be between 4 percent and 4.5 percent this year which was
more or less the same as in 1989. Wednesday, the Consumer Price
Index was announced which illustrated a larger than expected
jump. This rise does not bode well for interests rates staying lower
in the future.
The Federal Reserve in the past has been successful in lowering
interest rates as well as inflation but rising rates as you know
impact the savings and loan problem as well as the Latin Ameri-
can debt situation which the United States is currently in the
middle of the solutions.
Also of concern is the impact of overseas dollars on our monetary
policy due to the budget deficit.
Mr. Chairman, we look forward to your testimony this morning.
The CHAIRMAN. With that, Chairman Greenspan, we have your
statement and we will make it a part of the record and I would
hope that in the course of your remarks to us that you would feel
free to digress and emphasize points you feel strongly about. If
there is anything that has come up in the course of the discussion
that relates to something in your prepared remarks that you want
to focus on that's separate from what is in your formal statement I
want you to feel free to do that.
Before we begin I have a statement from Senator Dixon.
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OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR DIXON
Senator DIXON. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to be here this
morning as the Senate Banking Committee conducts the first hear-
ing of the new decade on monetary policy. I look forward to the
thoughtful testimony of Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan
Greenspan.
In the past 6 months our world has experienced extraordinary
changes. Cold war tensions have dramatically decreased. Waves of
political and economic freedom have swept eastern Europe. Drexel
Burnham, a once mighty financial giant, has filed for bankruptcy.
Each week, new historic headlines develop.
Fortunately, through all these upheavels, our economy has
stayed on a fairly steady course. Unemployment has remained
stable. Inflation has not taken off—despite yesterday's reported
consumer price jump, which was related directly to December's un-
usually harsh weather. The market did not collapse with Drexel's
demise. And the economy seems to have avoided entering a reces-
sion. Skillful handling of monetary policy by the Federal Reserve
deserved much credit.
With all of this good news, I am concerned that we are seeing
only these new, magnificent trees; we are not seeing all of the
changes in the forest, nor the small fire burning within its wooded
heart. I am concerned that as the winds of international competi-
tion gust and blow that fire will spread and that forest will wither.
It is easy to be sanguine when our economy appears healthy.
Still, the Federal budget and trade deficits, a low savings rate, in-
adequate research and technological development, calcified finan-
cial regulation, mediocre education, and problems in our inner
cities, all threaten our current prosperity. They are the fires which
threaten to destroy our forest of growth and bounty.
The economic news which we hear today should not pacify us. In-
stead, it should spur Congress and the American people to action
so that our much admired prosperity and economic freedom will
continue to flourish.
We would be pleased to hear from you now.
STATEMENT OF ALAN GREENSPAN, CHAIRMAN, BOARD OF
GOVERNORS, FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Mr. GREENSPAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I, as always, appreciate the opportunity to testify on the Federal
Reserve's semiannual Monetary Policy Report to the Congress.
My prepared remarks go into some detail on our monetary policy
actions and plans in the context not only of the current and pro-
jected state of the economy, but also against the background of our
longer-term objectives and strategy for achieving them.
The prepared testimony also addresses some issues for monetary
policy raised by the increasingly international character of finan-
cial markets, and I will be glad to pursue that issue in some detail
as the question period unfolds.
Last year, as has been remarked, represented the seventh year of
the longest peacetime expansion of the U.S. economy on record.
Some two and a half million jobs were created and the civilian un-
employment rate held steady at 51A percent. Inflation was held to a
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rate no faster than in recent years, but unfortunately no progress
was made in 1989 toward price stability.
Thus, while we can look back with satisfaction at the economic
progress made last year, there is still some work to be done.
About a year ago the Federal Reserve policy was in the final
phase of a period of gradual tightening designed to inhibit a build
up of inflation pressures. Interest rates moved higher through the
winter but started down when signs of more restrained aggregate
demand and of reduced potential for higher inflation began to
appear.
As midyear approached a marked strengthening of the dollar on
foreign exchange markets further diminished the threat of acceler-
ating inflation and economic data suggested that the balance of
risks had shifted toward the possibility of an undue weakening in
economic activity.
With M2 and M3 below the lower bounds of their annual ranges
in the spring, the Federal Reserve in June embarked on a series of
measured easing steps that continued through late last year.
Across the maturity spectrum interest rates declined further to
levels of about 1 l/z percentage points below March peaks.
Reduction in inflation expectation and reports of a softer econo-
my evidently contributed to the drop in rates in long-term markets.
The decrease in short-term rates lifted M2 to around the middle of
its annual range in the latter part of the year.
So far this year the Federal funds rate has remained around S1A
percent, but rates on Treasury securities and longer-term private
instruments have reversed some of their earlier declines. Investors
have reacted to stronger-than-expected economic data, a run-up in
energy prices, and increasingly attractive investment opportunities
abroad, especially in Europe.
Monetary policy was conducted again last year with an eye on
long-run policy goals, and economic develops in 1989 were consist-
ent with the Federal Reserve's medium-term strategy for reaching
them.
The ultimate objective of economic policy is to foster the maxi-
mum sustainable rate of economic growth. By ensuring stable
prices, a necessary condition for maximum sustainable growth,
monetary policy can play its most important role in promoting eco-
nomic progress.
The strategy of the Federal Open Market Committee for moving
toward this goal remains the same, to restrain growth in money
and aggregate demand in coming years enough to establish a clear
downward tilt to the trend of inflation and inflation expectations,
while avoiding a recession.
If past patterns of monetary behavior persist, maintaining price
stability will require an average rate of M2 growth over time ap-
proximately equal to the trend growth in output.
During the transition, the decline of market interest rates in re-
sponse to the moderation in inflation would boost the public's
demand for M2 relative to nominal spending lowering M2 velocity.
M2 growth over several years accordingly may show little decelera-
tion, and it could actually speed up from time to time as interest
rates decline in fits and starts.
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Hence, the FOMC would not expect to lower its M2 target range
mechanically each and every year in the transition to price stabili-
ty.
This qualitative description of our medium-term strategy is easy
to state, but actually implementing it will be difficult. Unexpected
developments no doubt will require flexible policy responses. Any
such adjustments will not imply a retreat from the medium-term
strategy or from ultimate policy goals. Rather, they will be mid-
course corrections that attempt to keep the economy and prices on
track.
The easing of reserve pressures starting last June is a case in
point. Successive FOMC decisions to ease operating policy were in-
tended to forestall an economic downturn the chances of which
seem to be increasing as the balance of risks shifted away from
greater inflation.
The FOMC was in no way abandoning its long-term goal of price
stability. Instead, it sought financial conditions that would support
the moderate economic expansion judged to be consistent with
progress toward stable prices.
In the event, output growth was sustained last year, although in
the fourth quarter a major strike at Boeing combined with the first
round of production cuts in the auto industry accentuated the un-
derlying slowdown.
On the inflation side, price increases in the second half were ap-
preciably lower than those in the first.
Against this background, the Federal Reserve Governors and the
Presidents of the Reserve Banks foresee continued moderate eco-
nomic expansion over 1990 consistent with conditions that will
foster progress toward price stability over time. At its meeting ear-
lier this month the FOMC selected ranges for growth in money and
debt it believes will promote this outcome.
My testimony last July indicated the very preliminary nature of
the tentative ranges chosen for 1990, given the uncertain outlook
for the economy, financial conditions, and appropriate growth of
money and debt.
With the economic situation not materially different from what
was then anticipated, the FOMC reaffirmed the tentative 3 to 7
percent growth range for M2 in 1990 that it set last July. This
range, which is the same as that used in. 1989, is expected by most
FOMC members to produce somewhat slower growth in nominal
GNP this year.
The declines in short-term interest rates through late last year
can be expected to continue to boost the public's demands for liquid
balances in M2, at least for a while longer. M2 growth over 1990
thus may be faster than in recent years, and M2 velocity could well
decline over the four quarters of the year absent a pronounced
firming of short-term market interest rates.
In contrast with M2, the range for M3 has been reduced from its
tentative range set last year. The new M3 range of 3Vfc to 6% per-
cent is intended to embody the same degree of restraint as the M2
range, but it was lowered to reflect the continued decline in thrift
assets and funding needs now anticipated to accompany the ongo-
ing restructuring of the thrift industry.
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The Committee's best judgment is that money growth within
these annual ranges will be compatible with a moderation in the
expansion of nominal GNP. Most FOMC members and other Re-
serve Bank Presidents foresee real GNP growth of 1% to 2 percent
over the year as a whole. Such a rate would be around last year's
moderate pace excluding the rebound in agricultural output from
the 1988 drought.
A slight easing of pressures on resources probably is in store. In-
flation pressures should remain contained even though the decline
in the dollar's value over the past half year likely will reverse
some of the beneficial effects on domestic inflation stemming from
the dollar's earlier appreciation. The CPI this year is projected to
increase 4 to 4J/2 percent as compared with last year's 4Va percent.
Experience has shown such macroeconomic forecasts to be sub-
ject to a variety of risks. Assessing the balance of risks between
production shortfalls and inflation pressures in the current outlook
is complicated by several cross-currents in the domestic and inter-
national economic and financial situation.
One risk is that the weakness in economic activity evident
around the year end may tend to cumulate causing members' fore-
casts about production and employment this year to be overly opti-
mistic. However, available indicators of near-term economic per-
formance suggest that the weakest point may have passed.
The inventory correction in the auto industry, a rapid one involv-
ing a sharp reduction in motor vehicle assemblies in January, cou-
pled with better motor vehicle sales, seems to be largely behind us.
Industrial activity outside of motor vehicles appears to be holding
up. Production of business equipment where evidence has accumu-
lated of some stability, if not an increase, in orders for profit mar-
gins, is likely to support manufacturing output in the coming
months.
Housing starts were depressed in December by severely cold
weather in much of the country, but starts bounced back strongly
in January in line with the large gain in construction employment
last month.
From these and similar data one can infer the beginnings of a
modest firming in economic activity. While we cannot be certain
that we are as yet out of the recessionary woods, such evidence
warrants at least guarded optimism.
There are, however, other undercurrents that continue to signal
caution. One that could disturb the sustainability of the current
economic expansion has been the recent substantial deterioration
in profit margins, and continuation of this trend could seriously
undercut the still expanding capital goods markets. However, if
current signs of an upturn in economic activity broaden, profit
margins can be expected to stabilize.
A more deep-seated concern with respect to the longer run viabil-
ity of the expansion is the increase in debt leverage. Although the
trends of income and cash flow may have turned the corner, the
structure of the economy's financial balance sheet weighs increas-
ingly heavily on the dynamics of economic expansion.
In recent years, business debt burdens have been enlarged
through corporate restructurings, and as a consequence, interest
costs as a percent of cash flow have risen markedly. Responding to
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certain well-publicized debt-servicing problems, creditors have
become more selective in committing funds for these purposes.
Within the banking industry credit standards have been tight-
ened for merger and LBO loans as well as for some other business
customers. Credit for construction projects reportedly has become
less available because of FIRREA-imposed limits and heightened
concerns about overbuilding in a number of real estate markets.
Among households, too, debt-servicing burdens have risen to his-
toric highs relative to income, and delinquency rates have moved
up of late. Suppliers of consumer and mortgage credit appear to
have tightened lending terms a little. Real estate values have soft-
ened in some locales, although prices have maintained an uptrend
in terms of the national averages, especially for single-family resi-
dences.
These and other financial forces merit careful monitoring. While
welcomed from the supervisory perspective, more cautious lending
does have the potential for dampening aggregate demand.
It is difficult to assess how serious a threat increased leverage is
to the current level of economic activity. Clearly should the econo-
my fall into a recession, excess debt service costs would intensify
the problems of adjustment. But it is unlikely that in current cir-
cumstances strains coming from the economy's financial balance
sheet can themselves precipitate a downturn.
As I indicated in my prepared text, we expect nonfinancial debt
growth to continue to slow from its frenetic pace of the mid-1980s.
This should lessen the strain and hopefully the threat to the econo-
my.
Among other concerns recent events have highlighted the com-
plex interactions between developments in the U.S. economy and
financial markets and those in other major industrial countries.
Specifically, the parallel movements in long-term interest rates
here and abroad over the early weeks of 1990 have raised ques-
tions: To what extent is the U.S. economy subject to influences
from abroad? To what extent, as a consequence, have we lost con-
trol over our economic destiny?
The simple answer to these questions is that the U.S. economy is
influenced from abroad to a substantially greater degree than, say,
two or three decades ago, but U.S. monetary policy is nonetheless
able to carry out its responsibilities effectively.
The post-war period has seen markedly closer ties among the
world's economies. Markets for goods have become increasingly and
irreversibly integrated as a result of the downsizing of economic
output and the consequent expansion of international trade.
The past decade in particular also has witnessed the growing in-
tegration of financial markets around the world. Advancing tech-
nology has fostered the unbundling and transfer of risk and engen-
dered a proliferation of new financial products.
Cross-border financial flows have accordingly accelerated at a
pace in excess of global trade gains. This globalization of financial
markets has meant that events in one market or in one country
can affect within minutes developments in markets throughout the
world.
More integrated and open financial markets have enabled all
countries to reap the benefits of enhanced competition and im-
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proved allocation of capital. Our businesses can raise funds almost
anywhere in the world. Our savers can choose from a lengthening
menu of investments as they seek the highest possible return on
their funds, and our financial institutions enjoy wider opportuni-
ties to compete.
In such an environment a change in the expected rate of return
on financial assets abroad naturally can affect the action of bor-
rowers or lenders in the United States. In response, exchange
rates, asset prices and rates of return all may adjust to new values.
Strengthened linkages among world financial markets affect all
markets and all investors. Just as U.S. markets are influenced by
developments in markets abroad, foreign markets are influenced by
events here.
These channels of influence do not depend on whether a country
is experiencing a deficit or a surplus in its current account. In
today's financial markets the net flows associated with current ac-
count surpluses and deficits are only the tip of the iceberg. What
are more important are the huge stocks of financial claims, more
than one and a half trillion held in the United States by foreigners
and more than $26 trillion of dollar-denominated claims on U.S.
borrowers held by U.S. residents.
This is in addition to the vast quantities of assets held in foreign
currencies abroad. It is these holdings that can respond to changes
in actual and expected rates of return.
In recent years we have seen several instances in which rates of
return have changed essentially simultaneously around the world.
For example, stock prices moved together in October 1987 and
1989, and in 1990 bond yields have risen markedly in many indus-
trial countries.
However, we must be cautious in interpreting such events and in
drawing implications for the United States. Frequently such move-
ments occur in response to a common worldwide influence.
Currently, the world economy is adjusting to the implications of
changes in Eastern Europe where there are tremendous new oppor-
tunities to invest and promote reconstruction and growth. Those
opportunities, while contributing to the increase in interest rates
in the United States, also open up new markets for our exports.
Moreover, despite globalization, financial markets do not neces-
sarily move together. They also respond to more localized influ-
ences. Over 1989, for example, bond yields in West Germany and
Japan rose about a percentage point while those in the United
States fell by a similar amount. The contrast between 1989 and
1990 illustrates the complexity of relationships among financial
markets. Interactions can show through in movements in exchange
rates as well as interest rates, and changes in prices of assets
depend on a variety of factors, including economic developments
and inflation expectations in various countries as well as monetary
and fiscal policies here and abroad.
The influence of economic policies abroad and other foreign de-
velopments on the U.S. economy is profound, and the Federal Re-
serve must carefully take them into account when considering its
monetary policy. But these influences do not fundamentally con-
strain our ability to meet our most important monetary policy ob-
jectives.
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Developments within U.S. financial markets remain the strong-
est influence on asset prices and interest rates determined by those
markets and through them on the U.S. economy. Exchange rates
absorb much of the impact of developments in foreign asset mar-
kets permitting U.S. interest rates to reflect primarily domestic
economic conditions.
Exchange rates influence the prices of products that do or can,
enter into international trade. Such factors can bring about
changes in the composition of production between purely domestic
goods and services and those entering international trade, and they
can affect aggregate price movements for a time.
However, the overall pace of spending and output in the United
States depends on the demands upon all sectors of the U.S. econo-
my taken together, and our inflation rate over time depends on the
strength of those demands relative to our ability to supply them
out of domestic production.
Because the Federal Reserve is able to affect short-term interest
rates in U.S. financial markets, it is able to influence the pace of
economic activity in the short run and inflation pressures longer
term. To be sure monetary policy must currently balance more fac-
tors than in previous decades, but our goals are still achievable.
Monetary policy is only one tool, however, and it cannot be used
successfully to meet multiple objectives. The Federal Reserve, for
example, can address itself to either domestic prices or exchange
rates, but cannot be expected to achieve objectives for both simulta-
neously. Monetary policy alone is not readily capable of addressing
today's large current account deficit which is symptomatic of un-
derlying imbalances among saving, spending and production within
the U.S. economy.
Continued progress in reducing the Federal deficit is a more ap-
propriate instrument to raise domestic savings and free additional
resources for productive investment. The long-term health of our
economy requires the balanced use of monetary and fiscal policy in
order to reach all of the Nation's policy objectives.
Thank you very much.
[The complete prepared statement of Chairman Greenspan and
report follows:]
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Testimony by
Alan Greenspan
Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
of the
United States Senate
February 22, 1990
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Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, I appreciate the
opportunity to testify today on the Federal Reserve's semiannual Monetary
Policy Report to the Congress. My prepared remarks discuss our monetary
policy actions and plans in the context not only of the current and pro-
jected state of the economy, but also against the background of our
longer-term objectives and strategy for achieving them. The testimony
also addresses some issues for monetary policy raised by the increasingly
international character of financial markets.
Economic and Monetary Policy Developments in 1989
Last year marked the seventh year of the longest peacetime
expansion of the U.S. economy on record. Some 2-1/2 million jobs were
created, and the civilian unemployment rate held steady at 5-1/4 percent.
Inflation was held to a rate no faster than that in recent years,
but unfortunately no progress was made in 1989 toward price stability.
Thus, while we can look back with satisfaction at the economic progress
made last year, there is still important work to be done.
About a year ago, Federal Reserve policy was in the final phase
of a period of gradual tightening, designed to inhibit a buildup of
inflation pressures. Interest rates moved higher through the winter, but
started down when signs of more restrained aggregate demand and of
reduced potential for higher inflation began to appear. As midyear
approached, a marked strengthening of the dollar on foreign exchange
markets further diminished the threat of accelerating inflation. New
economic data suggested that the balance of risks had shifted toward the
possibility of an undue weakening in economic activity. With M2 and M3
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below the lower bounds of their annual ranges in the spring, the Federal
Reserve in June embarked on a series of measured easing steps that con-
tinued through late last year. Across the maturity spectrum, interest
rates declined further, to levels about 1-1/2 percentage points below
March peaks. Reductions in inflation expectations and reports of a
softer economy evidently contributed to the drop in rates in longer-term
markets.
The decrease in short-term rates lifted M2 to around the middle
of its annual range in the latter part of the year. Efforts under the
Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery, and Enforcement Act of 1989
(FJRREA) to close insolvent thrift institutions and strengthen undercapi-
talized thrifts led to a cutback of the industry's assets and funding
needs. This behavior held down M3 growth in the second half of the year,
and that aggregate ended the year around the lower end of its annual
range. The restructuring of the thrift industry did not, however, seem
to appreciably affect the overall cost and availability of residential
mortgage credit, as other suppliers of this credit stepped into the
breach. In the aggregate, the debt of nonfinancial sectors slowed
somewhat, along with spending, to a rate just below the midpoint of its
annual range.
So far this year, the federal funds rate has remained around
8-1/4 percent, but rates on Treasury securities and longer-term private
instruments have reversed some of their earlier declines. Investors have
reacted to stronger-than-expected economic data, a runup in energy
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prices, and increasingly attractive investment opportunities abroad,
especially in Europe.
The Ultimate Objectives and Medium-Term Strategy of Monetary Policy
Monetary policy was conducted again last year with an eye ort
long-run policy goals, and economic developments in 1989 were consistent
with the Federal Reserve's medium-term strategy for reaching them.\ The
ultimate objective of economic policy is to foster the maximum sustain-
able rate of economic growth. This outcome depends on market mechanisms
that provide incentives for economic progress by encouraging creativity,
innovation, saving, and investment. Markets perform these tasks most
effectively when individuals can reasonably believe that by forgoing
consumption or leisure in the present they can reap adequate rewards in
the future. Inflation insidiously undermines such confidence. It raises
doubts in people's minds about the future real value of their nominal
savings and earnings, and it distorts decision-making. Faced with
inflation, investors are more likely to divert their attention to
protecting the near-term purchasing power of their wealth. Modern-day
examples of economies stunted by rapid inflation are instructive. In
countries with high rates of inflation, people tend to put their savings
in foreign currencies and commodities rather than in the financial
investments and claims on productive assets that can best foster domestic
growth. "\, By ensuring stable prices, monetary policy can play its most
important role in promoting economic progress.
The strategy of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) for
moving toward this goal remains the same—to restrain growth in money and
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aggregate demand in coming years enough to establish a clear downward
tilt to the trend of inflation and inflation expectations, while avoiding
a recession. Approaching price stability may involve a period of expan-
sion in activity at a rate below the growth in the economy's potential,
thereby relieving pressures on resources. Once some slack develops, real
output growth can pick up to around its potential growth rate, even ss
inflation continues to trend down. Later, as price stability is
approached, real output growth can move still higher, until full resource
utilization is restored.
While these are the general principles, no one can be certain
what path for the economy would, in practice, accompany the gradual
approach to price stability. One key element that would minimize the
costs associated with the transition would be a conviction of partici-
pants in the economy that the anti-inflation policy is credible, that IE,
likely to be effective and unlikely to be reversed.
Stability of the general price level will y'sld important long-
run benefits. Nominal interest rates will be reduced with the disap-
pearance of expectations of inflation, and real interest rates likely
will be lower as well, as less uncertainty about the future behavior of
overall prices induces a greater willingness to save. Higher saving and
capital accumulation will enhance productivity, and the trend growth in
real GNP will be greater than would be possible if the recent inflation
rate continued.
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If past patterns of monetary behavior persist, maintaining price
stability will require an average rate of M2 growth over time approxi-
mately equal to the trend growth in output. During the transition, the
decline of market interest rates in response to the moderation in infla-
tion would boost the public's demand for M2 relative to nominal spending,
lowering M2 velocity. M2 growth over several years accordingly may show
little deceleration, and it could actually speed up from time to time, as
interest rates decline in fits and starts. Hence, the FOMC would not
expect to lower its M2 range mechanically each and every year in the
transition to price stability-
This qualitative description of our medium-term strategy is easy
to state, but actually implementing it will be difficult. Unexpected
developments no doubt will require flexible policy responses. Any such
adjustments will not imply a retreat from the medium-term strategy or
from ultimate policy goals. Rather, they will be mid-course corrections
that attempt to keep the economy and prices on track. The easing of
reserve pressures starting last June is a case in point. Successive FOMC
decisions to ease operating policy were intended to forestall an economic
downturn, the chances of which seemed to be increasing as the balance of
risks shifted away from greater inflation. The FOMC was in no way aban-
doning its long-run goal of price stability. Instead, it sought finan-
cial conditions that would support the moderate economic expansion judged
to be consistent with progress toward stable prices. In the event, out-
put growth was sustained last year, although in the fourth quarter a
major strike at Boeing combined with the first round of production cuts
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in the auto industry accentuated the underlying slowdown. On the infla-
tion side, price increases in the second half were appreciably lower than
those in the first. 'Although the CPI for January, as expected, showed a
sizable jump in energy and food prices in the wake of December's cold
snap, a reversal is apparently underway.1
Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook for 1990
Against this background, the Federal Reserve Governors and the
Presidents of Reserve Banks foresee continued moderate economic expansion
over 1990, consistent with conditions that will foster progress toward
price stability over time. At its meeting earlier this month, the FOMC
selected ranges for growth in money and debt it believes win promote
this outcome.
My testimony last July indicated the very preliminary nature of
the tentative ranges chosen for 1990, given the uncertain outlook for the
economy, financial conditions, and appropriate growth of money and debt.
With the economic situation not materially different from what was
anticipated at that time, the FOMC reaffirmed the tentative 3 to 7 per-
cent growth range for M2 in 1990 that it set last July. This range,
which ig the same as that used in 19B9, is expected by most FOMC members
to produce somewhat slower growth in nominal GNP this year. The declines
in short-term interest rates through late last year can be expected to
continue to boost the public's demands for liquid balances in M2, at
least for a while longer. M2 growth over 1990 thus may be faster than in
recent years, and M2 velocity could well decline over the four quarters
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of the year, absent a pronounced firming in short-term market interest
rates.
In contrast with M2, the range for M3 has been reduced from its
tentative range set last July. The new M3 range of 2-1/2 to 6-1/2 per-
cent is intended to embody the same degree of restraint as the M2 range,
but it was lowered to reflect the continued decline in thrift assets and
funding needs now anticipated to accompany the ongoing restructuring of
the thrift industry. This asset runoff began in earnest in the second
half of last year, so its magnitude was not incorporated into the tenta-
tive M3 range for 1990 set last July. The bulk of the mortgage and real
estate assets that thrifts will shed are expected to be acquired by the
Resolution Trust Corporation and diversified investors other than deposi-
tory institutions. Such assets thus will no longer be financed by
monetary instruments included in M3. In addition, commercial banks are
likely to be more cautious in their lending activities, reducing their
need to issue wholesale managed liabilities included in M3. These
influences should retard the growth of M3 relative to M2 again this year.
The debt of domestic nonfinancial sectors is expected to decele-
rate along with nominal GRP for a fourth straight year, and the Committee
chose to lower the monitoring range for this aggregate to 5 to 9 percent
for 1990. Merger and acquisition activity has retreated from the fever-
ish pace of recent years, reflecting some well-publicized difficulties of
restructured firms and more caution on the part of creditors. All other
things equal, less restructuring activity and greater use of equity
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finance imply reduced corporate borrowing. An ebbing of growth in house-
hold debt also seems probable.
Over the last decade, money and debt aggregates have become less
reliable guides for the Federal Reserve in conducting policy. The veloc-
ities of the aggregates have ranged widely from one quartet or one year
to the next, in response to interest rate movements and special factors.
In the coming year, the effects of the contraction of the thrift industry
on the velocity of M3, and to a lesser extent on that of M2, are espe-
cially difficult to predict. While recognising that the growth rates of
the broader monetary aggregates over long periods are still good indica-
tors of trends in inflation, the FOMC will continue to take an array of
factors into account in guiding operating policy. Information about
emerging patterns of inflationary pressure, business activity, and condi-
tions in domestic and international financial markets again will need to
supplement monetary data in providing the background for decisions about
the appropriate operating stance.)
The Committee's best judgment is that money and debt growth
within these annual ranges will be compatible with a moderation in the
expansion of nominal GNP. Most FOMC members and other Reserve Bank pres-
idents foresee real GNP growing 1-3/4 to 2 percent over the year as a
whole. Such a rate would be around last year's moderate pace, excluding
the rebound in agricultural output from the 1988 drought. A slight eas-
ing of pressures on resources probably is in store. Inflation pressures
should remain contained, even though the decline in the dollar's value
over the past half-year likely will reverse some of the beneficial
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effects on domestic inflation stemming from the dollar's earlier appreci-
ation. The CPI this year is projected to increase 4 to 4-1/2 percent, as
compared with last year's 4-1/2 percent.
Risks to the Economic Outlook
Experience has shown such macroeconomic forecasts to be subject
to a variety of risks. Assessing the balance of risks between production
shortfalls and inflation pressures in the current outlook is complicated
by several cross-currents in the domestic and international economic and
financial situation.
One risk is that the weakness in economic activity evident
around year-end may tend to cumulate, causing members' forecasts about
production and employment this year to be overly optimistic. However,
available indicators of near-term economic performance suggest that the
weakest point may have passed. The inventory correction in the auto
industry—a rapid one involving a sharp reduction in motor vehicle
assemblies in January coupled with better motor vehicle sales—seems to
be largely behind us. Industrial activity outside of motor vehicles
appears to be holding up. Production of business equipment, where evi-
dence has accumulated of some stability—if not an increase—in orders
for capital goods, is likely to support manufacturing output in coming
months. Housing starts were depressed in December by severely cold
weather in much of the country, But starts bounced back strongly in
January, in line with the large gain in construction employment last
month. From these and similar data, one can infer the beginnings of a
modest firming in economic activity. While we cannot be certain that we
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24
-10-
are as yet out of the recessionary woods, such evidence warrants at least
guarded optimism.
There are, however, other undercurrents that continue to signal
caution. One that could disturb the sustainability of the current eco-
nomic expansion has been the recent substantial deterioration in profit
margins. A continuation of this trend could seriously undercut the still
expanding capital goods market. However, if current signs of an upturn
in economic activity broaden, profit margins can be expected to stabi-
lize .
A more deep-seated concern with respect to the longer-run via-
bility of the expansion is the increase in debt leverage. Although the
trends of income and cash flow may have turned the corner, the structure
of the economy's financial balance sheet weighs increasingly heavily on
the dynamics of economic expansion. In recent years, business debt
burdens have been enlarged through corporate restructurings, and as a
consequence interest costs as a percent of cash flow has risen markedly.
Responding to certain well-publicized debt-servicing problems, creditors
have become more selective in committing funds for these purposes.
Within the banking industry, credit standards have been tightened for
merger and LBO loans, as well as for some other business customers.
Credit for construction projects reportedly has become less available
because of FIRREA-imposed limits and heightened concerns about overbuild-
ing in a number of real estate markets.
Among households, too, debt-servicing burdens have risen to
historic highs relative to income, and delinquency rates have moved up of
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25
late. Suppliers of consumer and mortgage credit appear to have tightened
lending terms a little. Real estate values have softened in some
locales, although prices have maintained an uptrend in terms of the
national averages, especially for single-family residences. These and
other financial forces merit careful monitoring. While welcome from a
supervisory perspective, more cautious lending does have the potential
for damping aggregate demand.
It is difficult to assess how serious a threat increased lever-
age is to the current levels of economic activity. Clearly, should the
economy fall into a recession, excess debt service costs would intensify
the problems of adjustment. But it is unlikely that in current circum-
stances strains coming from the economy's financial balance sheet can
themselves precipitate a downturn. As I indicated earlier, we expect
nonfinancial debt growth to continue to slow from its frenetic pace of
the mid-1980s. This should lessen the strain and hopefully the threat to
the economy.
International Financial Markets and Monetary Policy
Among other concerns, recent events have highlighted the complex
interactions between developments in the U.S. economy and financial mar-
kets and those in the other major industrial countries. Specifically!
the parallel movements in long-term interest rates here and abroad over
the early weeks of 1990 have raised questions: To what extent is the
U.S. economy subject to influences from abroad? To what e:;tent, as a
consequence, have we lost control over our economic destiny? The simple
answer to these questions is that the U.S. economy is influenced from
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abroad to a substantially greater degree than, say, two or three decades
ago, but U.S. monetary policy is, nonetheless, able to carry out its
responsibilities effectively.
The post-war period has seen markedly closer ties among the
world's economies. Markets for goods have become increasingly, and
irreversibly, integrated as a result of the downsizing of economic output
and the consequent expansion of international trade. The past decade, in
particular, also has witnessed the growing integration of financial mar-
kets around the world. Advancing technology has fostered the unbundling
and transfer of risk and engendered a proliferation of new financial
products. Cross border financial flows have accordingly accelerated at a
pace in excess of global trade gains. This globalization of financial
markets has meant that events in one market or in one country can affect
within minutes developments in markets throughout the world.
More integrated and open financial markets have enabled all
countries to reap the benefits of enhanced competition and improved
allocation of capital. Our businesses can raise funds almost anywhere in
the world. Our savers can choose from a lengthening menu of investments
as they seek the highest possible return on their funds. Our financial
institutions enjoy wider opportunities to compete.
In such an environment, a change in the expected rate of return
on financial assets abroad naturally can affect the actions of borrowers
or lenders in the United States. In response, exchange rates, asset
prices, and rates of return all may adjust to new values.
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Strengthened linkages among world financial markets affect all
markets and all investors. Just as U.S. markets are influenced by devel-
opments in markets abroad, foreign markets are influenced by events here.
These channels of influence do not depend on whether a country is
experiencing a deficit or a surplus in its current account. In today's
financial markets, the net flows associated with current account sur-
pluses and deficits are only the tip of the iceberg. What are more
important are the huge stocks of financial claims—more than $1.5 tril-
lion held in the United States by foreigners and more than $26 trillion
of dollar-denominated claims on U.S. borrowers held by U.S. residents.
This is in addition to the vast quantities of assets held in foreign
currencies abroad. It is these holdings that can respond to changes in
actual and expected rates of return.
In recent years we have seen several instances in which rates of
return have changed essentially simultaneously around the world. For
example, stock prices moved together in October 19B7 and 1989, and in
1990 bond yields have risen markedly in many industrial countries.
However, we must be cautious in interpreting such events, and in
drawing implications for the United States. Frequently, such movements
occur in response to a common worldwide influence. Currently, the world
economy is adjusting to the implications of changes in Eastern Europe,
where there are tremendous new opportunities to invest and promote
reconstruction and growth. Those opportunities, while contributing to
the increase in interest rates in the United States, also open up new
markets for our exports.
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-14-
Moreover, despite globalization, financial markets do not
necessarily move together—they also respond to more localized influ-
ences. Over 19B9, for example, bond yields in West Germany and Japan
rose about a percentage point, while those in the United States fell by a
similar amount. The contrast between 1989 and 1990 illustrates the com-
plexity of relationships among financial markets. Interactions can show
through in movements in exchange rates as well as interest rates, and
changes in the relative prices of assets depend on a variety of factors,
including economic developments and inflation expectations in various
countries as well as monetary and fiscal policies here and abroad.
' The importance of foreign economic policies for domestic eco-
nomic conditions has given rise in recent years to a formalized process
of policy coordination among the major industrial countries. The purpose
of such coordination is to help policymakers achieve better performance
in their national economies. It begins with improved communication among
authorities about economic developments within each country. It includes
systematic analysis of the likely impact of these developments on the
economies of the partner countries and on variables such as exchange
rates that are inherently jointly determined in international markets.
Within such a framework, it is possible to consider alternative choices
for economic policies and to account explicitly for the impacts of likely
policy measures in one country on the other economies.)
The influence of economic policies abroad and other foreign
developments on the U.S. economy is profound, and the Federal Reserve
must carefully take them into account when considering its monetary
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-15-
policy. But these influences do not fundamentally constrain our ability
to meet our most important monetary policy objectives. Developments
within U.S. financial markets remain the strongest influence on the asset
prices and interest rates determined by those markets and, through them,
on the U.S. economy. Exchange rates absorb much of the impact of devel-
opments in foreign asset markets, permitting U.S. interest rates to
reflect primarily domestic economic conditions. Exchange rates influence
the prices of products that do, or can, enter into international trade.
Such factors can bring about changes in the composition of production
between purely domestic goods and services and those entering inter-
national trade, and they can affect aggregate price movements for a time.
However, the overall pace of spending and output in the United
States depends on the demands upon all sectors of the U.S. economy taken
together. And our inflation rate, over time, depends on the strength of
those demands relative to our ability to supply them out of domestic
production. Because the Federal Reserve is able to affect short-term
interest rates in U.S. financial markets, it is able to influence the
pace of economic activity in the short-run and inflationary pressures
longer-term. To be sure, monetary policy must currently balance more
factors than in previous decades. But our goals are still achievable.
Monetary policy is only one tool, however, and it cannot be used
successfully to meet multiple objectives. The Federal Reserve, for
example, can address itself to either domestic prices or exchange rates
but cannot be expected to achieve objectives for both simultaneously.
Monetary policy alone is not readily capable of addressing today's large
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30
current account deficit, which is symptomatic of underlying imbalances
among saving, spending, and production within the U.S. economy. Con-
tinued progress in reducing the federal deficit is a more appropriate
instrument to raise domestic saving and free additional resources for
productive investment. The long-term health of our economy requires the
balanced use of monetary and fiscal policy in order to reach all of the
nation's policy objectives.
Considerations Regarding Inmediate Release of FQMC Operating Decisions
Finally, Mr. Chairman, you requested that I address an issue
that has been prominent in recent discussions of the procedures used to
implement policy on a day-to-day basis. I refer to the way the Federal
Reserve communicates its policy decisions to the public. The selection
of money and debt ranges is aired promptly and thoroughly in the semian-
nual reports and testimonies. Changes in the discount rate are immedi-
ately announced in a press release.
Decisions made about open market operations at and between FOMC
meetings are conveyed to the markets and to the public at large through
those operations. In practice, there is little lag between a discrete
change in operating policy and the wide recognition of that change,
despite the absence of an immediate public announcement. Guidance for
those operations is given to the Account Manager at the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York as a Directive, which is made public shortly after the
next FOMC meeting, six to seven weeks lat^r.
Suggestions have been made that we release the Directive
immediately after an FOMC meeting, or announce publicly any change in our
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31
operating objectives as it occurs. These suggestions have appeal:
surely more information is better than less in promoting efficient finan-
cial markets; and the need to infer the Federal Reserve's policy stance
from its actions can give rise to mistakes and unnecessary market vola-
tility.
Yet the amount of genuine new information that would be released
is small; it is subject to misinterpretations; and its premature
announcement could adversely affect the policy process.
For example, the Directive itself cannot capture all the con-
siderations that guide Committee policy for the intermeeting period. It
needs to be accompanied by the record of the Committee's deliberations,
which takes several weeks to prepare properly. Moreover, early release
could provoke overreactions in financial markets to contingencies or
reserve pressure alternatives mentioned in a Directive that may not
occur, or that may be superseded by intermeeting developments and adjust-
ments . To the extent that market participants anticipate contingencies
in the Directive that never materialize, the markets would be subjected
to unnecessary volatility.
Earlier release of the Directive would, in addition, force the
Committee itself to focus on the market impact of the announcement as
well as on the ultimate economic impact of its actions. To avoid
premature market reaction to mere contingencies, FOMC decisions could
well lose their conditional character. Given the uncertainties in
economic forecasts and in the links between monetary policy actions and
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-18-
economic outcomes, such an impairment of flexibility in the evolution of
policy would be undesirable.
Wide movements in bond and stock prices occur when investors
receive new information that significantly alters their expectations over
a relatively long-term horizon. Normally, changing perceptions about the
current operating stance of monetary policy play only a minor role in
episodes of financial variability. For example, over the last two
months, U.S. bond and stock prices fell appreciably on balance, with
fairly wide day-to-day and even intraday swings, but there was no
uncertainty or change of view about the current stance of operating
policy. To the extent that any of these market movements reflected
policy, they must have been reactions to prospective changes in policy.
But announcements of future changes in operating policy are not possible,
since they are contingent upon future economic developments.
Changes in our current operating stance, of course, have the
potential to alter anticipations of future conditions, including future
policy, fit times, monetary policymakers wish to strengthen the market's
sense of a more basic change in the thrust of policy through an announce-
ment effect, as well as through a change in the instrument itself.
Changes in the discount rate provide good examples.
More often, however, the Federal Reserve judges that policy
implementation is better served through small, incremental operating
moves that do not connote a significant siteration in policy intent and
do not have major implications for financial conditions in the more
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distant future. Signaling such policy moves through open market opera-
tions usually avoids major and potentially destabilizing movements in
bond and stock prices.
This way of distinguishing the nature of policy intent may well
convey information to the financial markets about the future direction of
policy better than would a formal, immediate announcement of every policy
change.
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Letter of Transmittal
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Washington, D.C., February 20, 1990
THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE
THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The Board of Governors is pleased to submit its Monetary Policy Report to the Congress pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978.
Sincerely,
Alan Greenspan, Chairman
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For use at 10:00 a.m., E.S.T.
Tuesday
February 20, 1990
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Monetary Policy Report to Congress
Pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978
February 20, 1990
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Table of Contents
Page
Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook for 1990
Section 2: The Performance of the Economy in 1989
Section 3: Monetary and Financial Developments During 1989
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Ranges of Growth for Monetary and Credit Aggregates
1988 1990
Percent change,
fourth quarter to fourth quarter
M2 4to8 3107 3 to 7
M3 4 to 8 3'/2 to 7'/2 2'/2 to 6Vj
Debt 7 to 11 6V21010V2 5 to 9
elements in M5; thrift institution asseis should con- well as developments in financial and foreign exchange
tinue to decline, as some solvent thrifts will be under markets.
pressure to meet capital standards and insolvent thrifts
will continue to be shrunk and closed, with a portion of Economic Projections for 1990
their assets carried, temporarily, by the government. The Committee members, and other Reserve Bank
While some of the assets shed by thrifts are expected to presidents, expect that growth in the real economy will
be acquired by commercial banks, overall growth in be moderate during 1990. Most project real GNP
the asset portfolios of banks is expected to be moder- growth over the four quarters of the year to be between
ate, as these institutions exercise caution in extending 134 and 2 percent—essentially the same increase as in
credit. An increase in lender—and borrower- caution 1989, excluding the bounceback in farm output after
more generally points to some slowing in the pace at the 1988 drought. It is expected that this pace of
which nonfinancial sectors take on debt relative to their expansion will be reflected in some easing of pressures
income in 1990. In particular, recent developments on domestic resources; the central tendency of fore-
suggest that leveraged buyouts and other transactions casts is for an unemployment rate of 5 V4 to53,4 percent
that substitute debt for equity in corporate capital in the fourth quarter.
structures *ill be noticeably less important in 1990 Certain factors have caused an uptick in inflation
than in recent years. Moreover, a further decline in the early this year. Most notably, prices for food and
federal sector's deficit is expected to reduce credit energy increased sharply as the year began, reflecting
growth this year. In light of these considerations, the the impact of the unusually cold weather in December.
Committee reduced the monitoring range for debt of However, these run-ups should be largely reversed in
the nonfinancial sectors to 5 to 9 percent. coming months, and inflation in food and energy prices
The setting of targets for money growth in 1990 is for the year as a whole may not differ much from
made more difficult by uncertainty about developments increases in other prices.
affecting thrift institutions. The behavior of M3 and, to Given their importance in determining the trend of
a more limited extent, M2 is likely to be affected by overall costs, a deceleration in the cost of labor inputs
such developments, but there is only limited basis in is an integral pan of any solid progress toward price
experience to gauge the likely impact. In addition, in stability. Nominal wages and total compensation have
inierpreting the growth of nonfinancial debt, the Com- grown relatively rapidly during the past two years,
mittee will have to take into account the amount of while increases in labor productivity have diminished.
Tieasury borrowing (recorded as pan of the debt With prices being consigned by domestic and interna-
aggregate) used to carry the assets of failed thrift tional competition, especially in goods markets, profit
institutions, pending their disposal. With these ques- margins have been squeezed to low levels. A restora-
tions adding to the usual uncertainties about the rela- tion of more normal margins ultimately will be neces-
tionship among movements in the aggregates and sary if businesses are to have the wherewithal and
output and prices, the Committee agreed that, in incentive to maintain and improve the stock of plan!
implementing policy, they would need to continue to and equipment.
consider, in addition to the behavior of money, indica- Unfortunately, the near-term prospects for a moder-
tors of inflationary pressures and economic growth, as ation in labor cost pressures are not favorable. Com-
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Section 1: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook for 1990
The U.S. economy recorded its seventh consecutive the first, and this measure ended the year only a little
year of expansion in 1989, Although growth v,as below the midpoint of its range.
slower than in the preceding two years, it was sufficient Thus far this year, the overnight rate on federal
to support the creation of 2 Vi million jobs and to hold funds has held at 8W percent, but other market rates
the unemployment rate steady at 5V* percent, the have risen. Increases of as much as '/; percentage point
lowest reading since the early 1970s. On the external have been recorded at the longer end of the maiurity
front, the trade and current account deficits shrank spectrum. The bond markets responded to indicators
further in 1989. And while inflation remained undesir- suggesting a somewhat greater-than-anticipated buoy-
ably high, the pace was less than many analysts—and, ancy in economic activity-which may have both
indeed, most members of the Federal Open Market raised expected real returns on investment and re-
Committee (FOMQ — had predicted, owing in part to newed some apprehensions about the outlook for infla-
the continuing diminution in longer-range inflation tion. The rise in yields occurred in the context of a
expectations. general runup in international capital market yields,
which appears to have been in part a response to
In 1989. monetary policy was tailored to the chang-
emerging opportunities associated with the opening of
ing contours of the economic expansion and the poten-
Eastern Europe; this development had particularly
tial for inflation. Early in the year, as for most of 1988,
notable effects on the exchange value of the West
the Federal Reserve tightened money market condi-
German mark, which rose considerably relative to the
tions in order to prevent pressures on wages and prices
dollar, the yen, and other non-EMS currencies.
from building. Market rates of interest rose relative to
those on deposit accounts, and unexpectedly large tax
payments in April and May drained liquid balances, Monetary Policy lor 1990
restraining the growth of the monetary aggregates in
the first half of the year. By May. M2 and M3 lay below The Federal Open Market Committee is committed
the lower bounds of the annual target ranges estab- to the achievement, over time, of price stability. The
lished by the FOMC. importance of this objective derives from the fact that
the prospects for long-run growth in the economy are
Around midyear, risks of an acceleration in inflation brightest when inflation need no longer be a material
were perceived to have diminished as pressures on consideration in the decisions of households and firms.
industrial capacity had moderated, commodity prices The members recognize that certain short-term fac-
had leveled out, and the dollar had strengthened on tors—notably a sharp increase in food and energy
exchange markets, reinforcing the signals conveyed by prices —are likely to boost inflation early this year, but
the weakness in the monetary aggregates. In June, the anticipate that these factors will not persist. Under
FOMC began a series of steps, undertaken with care to these circumstances, policy can support further eco-
avoid excessive inflationary stimulus, thai trimmed nomic expansion without abandoning the goal of price
1'/: percentage points from short-term interest rates by stability.
year-end. Longer-term interest rates moved down by a To foster the achievement of those objectives, the
like amount, influenced by both the System's easing Committee has selected a target range of 3 to 7 percent
and a reduction in inflation expectations. for M2 growth in 1990. Growth in M2 may be more
Growth of M2 rebounded to end the year at about the rapid in 1990 than in recent years, and yet be consistent
midpoint of the 1989 target range. Growth of M3, with some moderation in the rate of increase in nominal
however, remained around the lower end of its range, income and restraint on prices; in particular, M2 may
as a contraction of the thrift industry, encouraged by grow more rapidly than nominal GNP in the first part of
the Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery, and En- this year in lagged response to last year's interest rate
forcement Act of 1989 (FIRREA), reduced needs to movements. Eventually, however, slower M2 growth
tap M3 sources of funds. The primary effect of the will be required to achieve and maintain price stability.
shrinkage of the thrift industry's assets was a rechan- The Committee reduced the M3 range to 2'/2 to6'/2
neling of funds in mortgage markets, rather than a percent to take account of me effects of the restructur-
reduction in overall credit availability; growth of the ing of the thrift industry, which is expected to continue
nonfinancial sector debt aggregate monitored by the in 1990, A smaller proportion of mortgages is likely to
FOMC was just a bit slower in the second half than in be held at depository institutions and financed by
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Economic Projections for 1990
FOMC Members and
1989 Actual Other FRB Presidents Administration
Central
Range Tendency
Percent change,
fourth quarter to fourth quarter
Nominal GNP 6.4 4 to 7 5>/2 to 6'/2 7.0
Real GNP 2.4 1 to 2 V4 13/4 to 2 2.6
Consumer price index 4.5 3V2 to 5 4 to 4Vz 4.1'
Average ievet in the
fourth quarter, percent
Unemployment rate 5.3 5Y2to6Vz 5.42
1 CPI-W FOMC forscasts are tor CPI-U
2 Percsnl ol total labor tores, including a ed forces residing in the United States
pensation growth is being boosted in the first half of consumer price index, most members expect an in-
1990 by an increase in social security taxes and a hike crease of between 4 and 4V4 percent, compared with
in the minimum wage. The anticipated easing of pres- the 4.5 percent advance recorded in 1989.
sures in the labor marker should help produce some
Relative to the Committee, the Administration cur-
moderation in the pace of wage increases in the second
rently is forecasting more rapid growth in real anrj
half of 1990, but the Committee will continue lo
nominal GNP. At the same time, the Administration's
monitor closely the growth of labor costs for signs of
projection for consumer price inflation is at the low end
progress in this area.
of the Committee's central tendency range. In its
Finally, the recent depreciation of the dollar likely Annual Repon, the Council of Economic Advisers
will constitute another impetus to near-term price argues that, if nominal GNP were to grow at a 7 percent
increases, reversing the restraining influence exerted annual rate this year-as the Council is projecting-
by a strong dollar through most of last year. Prices of then M2 could exceed its target range, particularly if
imported goods, excluding oil, increased in the fourth interest rates fall as projected in the Administration
quarter after declining through the first three quarters forecast. As suggested above, monetary relationships
of 1989, The full effect of this upturn likely will not be cannot be predicted with absolute precision, but the
felt on the domestic price level until some additional Council's assessment is reasonable. And, although
time has passed. most Committee members believe that growth in
Despite these adveise element in (he near-term nominal GNP more likely will be between 51/; and
picture, the Committee believes that progress toward 6V4 percent, a more rapid expansion in nominal income
price stability can be achieved over time, given the would be welcome if ii promised to be accompanied by
apparently moderate pace of activity. In terms of the a declining path for inflation in 1990 and beyond.
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Section 2: The Performance of the Economy in 1989
Real GNP grew 2 '/4 percent over the four quarter;, of goods and services increased 2 'A percent over the four
1989, 2 percent after adjustment for the recovery in quarters of 1989, 1 Vi percentage points less than in
farm output from ihe drought losses of the prior year. 1988. Growth in real disposable income slowed last
This constituted a significant downshifting in the pace year, but coniinued lo outstrip growth in spending,
of expansion from the unsustainable1 rapid rates of and. as a result, the personal saving rale increased to
1987 and 1988, which had carried activity lo the point 554 percent in the fourth quarter of 1989.
thai inflationary strains were beginning to become The slackening in consumer demand was concen-
visible in Ihe economy. As the year progressed, clear trated in spending on goods. Real spending on durable
signs emerged that pressures on resource utili?ation
goods was about unchanged from the fourth quarter of
were easing, particularly in the industrial sector. None- 1988 lo the fourth quarter of 1989-after jumping
theless, the overall unemployment rate remained at 8 percent in the prior year—chiefly reflecting a slump
5 3 percent, the lowest reading since 1973, and infla-
in purchases of motor vehicles. Spending on nondura-
tion remained al 4V? percent despite the restraining in- ble goods also decelerated, increasing only '/? percent
fluence of a dollar that was strong for most of the year. in 1989 after a 2 percent advance in 1988. The principal
The deceleration in business activity last year re- support to consumer spending came from continued
flected, to some degree, the monetary tightening from large gains in outlays for services. Spending on medi-
early 1988 through early 1989 that was undertaken cal care moved up 7": percent in real terms last year,
with a view toward damping the inflation forces. Partly and now constitutes 11 percent of total consumption
as a consequence of that tightening, the U.S. dollar expenditures-up from 8 percent in 1970. Outlays for
appreciated in ihe foreign exchange markets from early other services rose 3 V* percent, with sizable increases
1^)88 through mid-1989, contributing to a slackening in a number of categories.
nf foreign demand for U. S. products. At the same time,
Sales of cars and light trucks fell & million unils in
domestic demand also slowed, more for goods than for
1989. to 14'/i million. Most of the decline reflected
services. Reflecting these developments, ihe slow-
reduced sales of cars produced by U.S.-owned auto-
down in activity was concentrated in the manufacturing
makers; a decline in sales of imported automobiles was
sector: Factory employment, which increased a total of
about offset by an increase in sales of foreign name-
90.000 over the first three months of 1989. declined
plates produced in U.S. plants. The slowing in motor
195,000 over the remainder of the year, and growth in
vehicle sales was most pronounced during the fourth
manufacturing production slowed from 5 '/3 percent in
quarter of 1989. reflecting a "payback" for sales that
1988 to only 134 percent last year. Employment in
had been advanced into the third quarter and a rela-
manufacturing fell further in January of this year, but
tively large increase in sticker prices on 1990-model
that decline was largely attributable to temporary
cars. Although part of this increase reflected the inclu-
layoffs in the automobile industry and most of ihe
sion of additional equipment —notably the addition of
affected workers have since been recalled.
passive restraint systems to many models — consumers
As noted above, the rale of inflation was about the nevertheless reacted adversely to the overall increase
same in 1989 as it had been in the preceding iwo years. in prices. Beyond these influences, longer-run factors
While the appreciation of the U.S. dollar through the appear lo have been damping demand for autos and
first half of the year helped to hold down the prices of light trucks during 1989; in particular, the robust pace
imported goods, ihe high level of resource utilization of sales earlier in the expansion seems to have satisfied
coniinued to exert pressure on wages and prices. In that demand pent up during the recessionary period of the
regard, the moderation in the expansion of real activity early 1980s. The rebuilding of the motor vehicle stock
during 1989 was a necessary development in establish- suggests that future sales are likely to depend more
ing an economic environment more conducive to heavily on replacement needs.
progress over time loward price stability.
Residential investment fell in real terms through the
first three quarters of 1989, and with only a slight
The Household Sector upturn in the fourth quarter, expenditures decreased
6 percent on net over the year. Construction was
Household spending softened significantly in 1989, weighed down throughout 1989 by the overbuilding
with a marked weakening in the demand for motor that occurred in some locales earlier in the decade.
vehicles and housing. Real consumer spending on Vacancy rates were especially high for multifamily
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Real GNP
Percent change, O4 to Q4
Drought-Adjusted
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Industrial Production
Index, 1977= 100
160
Jan.
140
120
100
1984 1985 )986 1987 1988 1989
Implicit Deflator for GNP
Percent change, Q4 to Q4
1984 1085 1986 1987 1988 1989
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Real Income and Consumption
Percent change, Q4 to Q4
jUJReal Disposable Personal Income
[^ [Real Personal Consumption Expenditures
1984 1985 1966 1987 1988 1989
Personal Saving
Percent of disposable income
I I I I
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Private Housing Starts
Annual rate, millions of units, quarterly average
2.4
1.6
: Single-family :
0.8
-:-:-::::x::::':' Muitifamiiy '>x':-:-:-:-:-::::
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
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rental and condominium units. In [he single-family which includes office buildings, was especially weak;
sector, affordability problems constrained demand, vacancy rates for office space remain at high levels in
dramatically so in those areas in w'hich home priceshad many areas, lowering prospective returns on new
soared relative to household income. investment. Outlays for drilling and mining, which had
Mortgage interest rates declined mure than a percent- dropped 20 percent over the four quarters of 1988,
age point, on net, between the spring of 1989 and the moved down further in the first quarter of 1989: later in
end of the year, helping to arrest the contraction in the year, drilling activity revived as crude oil prices
housing activity; however, the response to the easing in firmed. The industrial sector was the most notable
Tales appears lo have been muled somewhat by a exception to the overall pattern of weakness: Real
reduction in the availability of construction credit, outlays increased 11 percent in 1989, largely owing to
likely reflecting, in part, the tightening of regulatory construction thai hud been planned in 1987 and 1988
standards in the thrift industry and the closing of a when capacity in many basic industries tightened sub-
number of insolvent institutions. Exceptionally cold stantially and profitability was improving sharply.
weather also hampered building late in the year, but a
As noted above, the slowdown in investment spend-
sharp December drop in housing starts was followed
by a record jump in activity last month. ing during the second half of last year likely was
exacerbated by the deterioration in corporate cash
flow. Before-tax operating profits of nonfinancial cor-
The Business Sector porations dropped 12 percent from the fourth quarter
of 1988 to the third quarter of 1989 (latest data
Business fixed investment, adjusted for inflation, available); after-tax profits were off in about the same
increased only I percent at an annual rate during Ihe
proportion. Reflecting the increased pressures from
second half of 1989 after surging 754 percent during
labor and materials costs-and a highly competitive
the first half. Although competitive pressures forced
domestic ami international environment-pre-rax do-
many firms to continue seeking efficiency gain.s through
mestic profits of nontinandal corporations as a share of
capital investment, the deceleration in overall eco-
gross domestic product declined to an average level of
nomic growth made the need for capacity expansion
8 percent during the first three quarters of 1989. the
less urgent, and shrinking profits reduced the availabil-
lowest reading since 1982. At the same time, taxes as a
ity ot'iniernal finance.
share of pre-tax operating profits increased U> an
Spending on equipment moved up briskly during the estimated 44 percent in the first three quarters of 1989;
first half of I9»y. with particularly notable gains in since 1985, this figure has retraced a bit more than halt'
outlays for information processing equipment—com- of its decline from 54 percent in 1980.
puters, photocopiers, telecommunications devices, and
the like. However, equipment outlays were flat in the Nonfarm business inventory investment averaged
second half of the year; growth in tlie information $21 billion in 1989. Although the average pace of
processing category slowed sharply, and spending in accumulation last \car was slower than in I9K3. the
most other categories was either flat or down. Pur- pattern across sectors was somewhat uneven. Some
chases of motor vehicles dropped sharply in the fourth of" the buildup in stocks took place in industries—such
quarter from the elevated levels of the second and third as ah craft -where nrdcrfi and shipments have been
quarters. There were a few exceptions to the general strong for some time now. But inventories in some
pattern of weakness during the second half. Spending other sectors became uncomfortably heavy at times
on aircraft was greater in the second half"of 1989 than and precipitated adjustments in orders and produc-
in the first half, and would have increased still more tion. The clearest area of inventory imbalance at the
had it not been for the strike at Boeing. Outlays for end of the year was at auto dealers, where stocks of
tractors and agricultural machinery moved up smartly; domestically produced automobiles were at 1.7 mil-
spending on farm equipment has been buoyed by the lion units in December—almost three months" supply
substantial improvements over the past several years in at the sluggish fourth-quarter sales pace. In response,
the financial health of the agricultural sector. Over the the domestic automakers implemented a new round of
four quarters of 1989. total spending on equipment sales incentives and cut sharply the planned assembly
increased 6 percent in real terms—about 1 percentage rate- foe the ftftt quarter of 1990. Elsewhere in the
point below the robust pace of 1988. retail sector, inventories moved up substantially rela-
Business spending for new construction edged down tive to sales at general merchandise outlets. Overall,
'/2 percent in real terms during 1989—the second however, most sectors of the economy have adjusted
consecutive yearly, decline. Commercial construction, fairly promptly to the deceleration in sales, and
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Real Business Fixed Investment
Percent change, Q4 to O4
40
|p|j Structures
| | Producers' Durable Equipment
20
r&'&a I
I I
20
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Changes in Real Business Inventories
Annual rate, billions of 1982 dollars
Total Nonfarm
45
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988
After-tax Profit Share of Gross Domestic Product *
Percent
Nontinancial Corporations
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Ratio ol profits from domestic operations with inventory valuation and
capital consumption adjustments to gross domestic product ot nonfinanaa!
corporate sector.
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appear to have succeeded in preventing serious over- early 1988 and mid-1989 appears to have played an
hangs from developing. important role in inhibiting further progress on the
trade front. During the first three quarters of 1989, the
current account, excluding the influence of capital
The Government Sector
gains and losses that are largely caused by currency
Budgetary pressures continued to restrain the growth fluctuations, showed a deficit of $106 billion at an
of purchases at all levels of government. At the federal annual rate—somewhat below the S124 billion deficit
level, purchases fell 3 percent in real terms over the in the comparable period of 1988.
four quarters of 1989. lower defense pure bases account-
Measured in terms of the other Group of Ten
ing for the hulk of the decline. Nondefense purchases
currencies, the foreign exchange value of the Li.S
also declined in real terms from the fourth quarter of
dollar in December 1989 was about 3 percent above its
1988 to the fourth quarter of 1989; increases in such
level in December 1988, but the dollar has moved
areas as the space program and drug interdiction were
lower thus far in 1990. In real terms, the net apprecia-
more than offset by general budgetary restraint that
tion of the dollarduring 1989 in terms of the other G-10
imposed real declines on most other discretionary
currencies was about 5 percent, as consumer prices
programs.
rose somewhat faster here than abroad, on average.
In terms of the unified budget, the federal deficit in Over the year, the dollar moved lower on balance
fiscal year 1989 was $152 billion, slightly smaller than against the currencies of South Korea, Singapore, and
in 1988. Growth in total federal outlays, which in- especially Taiwan, From a longer perspective, the
cludes transfer payments and interest costs as well as modest uptrend on balance in the dollar over the past
purchases of goods and services, picked up a bit in two years marked a sharp departure from the substan-
fiscal year 1989. Outlays were boosted at the end of the tial weakening seen during the 1985-1987 period.
fiscal year by the initial $9 billion of spending by the
Resolution Trust Corporation. On the revenue side of The behavior of the dollar differed greatly between
the ledger, growth in federal receipts also increased in the two halves of 1989. In the first half, the dollar
fiscal 1989. The acce I era lion occurred in the individual appreciated 12 percent in terms of the other G-10
income tax category, but strong increases also were currencies, while depreciating against the currencies
recorded in corporate and social security tax pay ments. of South Korea and Taiwan. The dollar fluctuated
during the summer, and later in the year unwound most
Purchases of goods and services at the state and local
of the prior appreciation, as U.S. interest rates eased
level increased 2'/: percent in real terms over the four
relative to rates abroad and in response to concerted
quarters of 1989, down more than a percentage point
intervention in exchange markets in the weeks imme-
from the average pace of the preceding five years.
diately after the September meeting of Group of Seven
Nonetheless, there were some areas of growth. Spend-
officials and to events in Eastern Europe. In the second
ing for educational buildings increased, and employ-
half of the year, the dollar rose against the currencies of
ment in the state and local sector rose 350,000 over the
South Korea and Taiwan while depreciating in terms of
year, largely driven by a pickup in hiring by schools.
the Singapore dollar. Over the course of 1989, the
Despite the overall slowdown in the growth of pur-
dollar appreciated nearly 16 percent against the Japa-
chases, the budgetary position of the state and local
nese yen and 14 percent against the British pound, but it
sector deteriorated further over the vcar; the annual-
depreciated slightly against the German mark, the
ized deficit of operating and capital accounts, which
Canadian dollar, and most other major currencies.
excludes social insurance funds, increased $6 billion
over the first three quarters of 1989 and appears to have On a GNP basis, merchandise exports increased
worsened further in the fourth quarter. about 11 percent in real terms over the four quarters of
1989-nughly 4 percentage points less than in 1988.
This deceleration took place despite continued strong
The External Sector
growth in economic activity in most foreign industrial
The U.S. external deficits improved somewhat in countries (with the exception of Canada and the United
1989, but not by as much as in 1988. On a balance-of- Kingdom), and appears to have reflected, in large part,
payments basis, the deficit on merchandise trade fell the effect on U.S. competitiveness of the dollar's
from an annual rate of $128 billion in the fourth quarter appreciation and more rapid U.S. inflation over 1988
of 1988 (and $127 billion for the year as a whole) to and much of 1989, Exports were also depressed in the
$ [ 14 billion in the first quarter of 1989. Thereafter, fourth quarter of 1989 by a number of special factors
there was no further net improvement. The apprecia- including the Boeing strike. The volume of agricultural
tion in the foreign exchange value of the dollar between exports increased about 11 percent in 1989—abit faster
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Foreign Exchange Value of the U.S. Dollar *
Index. March 1973. 100
170
150
130
90
70
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
U.S. Real Merchandise Trade
Annual rate, billions of 1982 dollars
600
500
Imports
/
300
Exports
1984 1965 1986 1987 1988 1989
U.S. Current Account
Annual rate, billions of dollars
50
50
100
150
200
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Index of weighted average foreign exchange value of U.S. dollar in terms
of currencies ol the other G-10 countries. Weights are 1972-76 global
trade ot each of the 10 countries.
' Average ot litst three quarters ot 1989. at an annual rale
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even than the robust pace of 1988. The value of of "discouraged" workers—those who say they would
agricultural exports rose much less, however, as agri- re-enter the labor force if they thought they could find a
cultural export prices reversed the drough!-induced job. Nor was there any net increase in workers who
increases of the previous year. accepted part-time employment when they would have
Merchandise imports excluding oil expanded about preferred full-time. The proportion of the civilian
7 percent in real terms during 1989, with much of the population with jobs reached an historic high.
rise accounted for by imports of computers. Importsof
Reflecting the tightness of labor markets and the
oil increased 6 percent from the fourth quarter of 1988
persistence of inflation expectations in the 4 to 5 per-
to the fourth quarter of 1989, to a rate of 8.3 million
cent range, according to surveys, the employment cost
barrels perday. At the same time, the average price per
index for wages and salaries in nonfarrn private indus-
barrel increased almost 40 percent, and the nation's bill
try increased 4 W percent over the 12 months of 1989 -
for foreign oil jumped 45 percent.
about the same as in 1988. Benefit costs continued to
The counterpart of the current account deficit of rise more rapidly than wages and salaries last year,
$106 billion at an annual rate over the first three with health insurance costs remaining a major factor;
quarters of 1989 was a recorded net capital inflow of nonetheless, the rate of growth in overall benefit costs
about $60 billion at an annual rate and an unusually slowed in 1989, in part because of a smaller increase in
large statistical discrepancy, especially in the second social security taxes than in 1988. Total compensa-
quarter. More than half of the recorded net inflow of tion—including both wages and salaries and benefits -
capital reflected transactions in securities, as for- rose 4 34 percent during 1989. Compensation growth in
eign private holdings of" U.S. securities rose nearly the service-producing sector—at 5 percent ~ continued
$50 billion (half of the increase being in holdings of to outpace the gain in the goods-producing sector by
U.S. Treasury securities), while U.S. holdings of about 35 percentage point.
foreign securities increased a bit less than $20 billion.
Net direct investment accounted for another substan- A slowdown in the growth of productivity often
tial portion of the inflow; foreign direct investment accompanies a softening in the general economy, and
holdings in the U.S. rose more than $40 billion, and productivity gains were lackluster m 1989. Output per
U.S. holdings abroad rose only half as much. Over the hour in the private nonfarm business sector increased
first three quarters of 1989, foreign official assets in the only Vi percent over the four quarters of the year-
United States increased almost $15 billion, but this 1 percentage point below the rate of increase in 1988.
increase was more than offset by the increase in U.S. In the manufacturing sector, productivity gains during
official holdings of assets abroad, largely associated the first half of 1989 kept pace with the 1988 average of
with U.S. intervention operations to resist the dollar's 3 percent; in the second half, however, productivity
strength. growth slowed to an annual rate of 2 'A percent.
Reflecting both the persistent growth in hourly com-
pensation and the disappointing developments in pro-
Labor Markets ductivity, unit labor costs in private nonfarm industry
rose 5 percent over the four quarters of 1989-the
Employment growth slowed in the second half of largest increase since 1982.
1989; nonetheless, nonfarm payrolls increased nearly
21/; mi I lion during the year. The bulk of this expansion
occurred in the service-producing sector. By contrast,
Price Developments
the manufacturing sector shed 100,000 jobs. These job
losses were more than accounted for by declines in the Inflation in consumer prices remained in the neigh-
durable goods industries, and appeared to reflect the borhood of 4'<$ percent for the third year in a row, as
slump in auto sales, the weakening in capital spending, the level of economic activity was strong and continued
and the effects of a stronger dollar on exports and to exert pressures on available resources. During the
imports. first half of the year, overall inflation was boosted by a
Despite the slowdown in new job creation, the sharp runup in energy prices and a carry-over from
overall balance of supply and demand in the labor 1988 of drought-related increases in food prices. How-
market remained steady over the year. The civilian ever, inflation in food prices slowed during the second
unemployment rate, which had declined about l/i per- half, and energy prices retraced about a third of the
centage point over the twelve months of 1988, finished earlier run-up. Prices for imported goods excluding oil
1989 at 5.3 percent-unchanged from twelve months were little changed over 1989, on net, and acted as a
earlier. Moreover, there was no increase in the number moderating influence on consumer price inflation.
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Nonfarm Payroll Employment
Net change, millions of persons, Q4 to Q4
|H Total
[7 j Manufacturing
I I
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Civilian Unemployment Rate
Quarterly average, percent
I I
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Employment Cost Index *
12-month percent change
Total Compensation
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
' Employment Cosl Index lot private industry, excluding farm and household
workers.
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49
GNP Fixed—weight Prices
Percent change, Q4 lo Q4
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Producer Prices for Finished Goods
Percent change, Q4 to O4
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Consumer Prices *
Percent charge, Q4 to Q4
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
' Consume! Free Inde* lor all urban consumers.
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Food prices increased 5 Vi percental the retail level, food and energy decelerated sharply, and this slow-
slightly more than in 1988 when a number of crops down was particularly marked for some categories
were severely damaged by drought. Continued supply where import penetration is high, including apparel
problems in some agricultural markets in 1989- nota- and recreational equipment. Given the dollar's more
bly a poor wheat crop and a shortfall in dairy produc- recent depreciation, however, the moderating effect of
tion—likely prevented a deceleration from the drought- import prices on overall inflation may be diminishing.
induced rate of increase in 1988. At the same time, Indeed, prices for imported goods excluding oil turned
increases in demand, including sharp increases in up in the fourth quarter of 1989, after declining earlier
exports of some commodities, also appear to have in the year. In contrast to goods prices, the prices of
played a role. Still another impetus to inflation in the nonenergy services - which make up half of the overall
food area last year evidently came from ihe continuing consumer price index—increased 5 W percent in 1989.
rise in processing and marketing costs. W percentage point more than in 1988. The pickup in
this category was led by rents, medical services, and
Consumer energy prices surged 17 percent at an entertainment services.
annual rate during Ihe firs! six months of 1989, before
At the producer level, prices of finished goods
dropping back 6 percent in the second half. During the
increased 7'/; percent at an annual rate during the first
first half ot the year, retail energy prices were driven up
half—almost twice the pace of 1988— before slowing
by increases in the cost of crude oil. The increase in
to a 21/2 percent annual rate of increase over the second
gasoline prices at mid-year was exaggerated by the
half, in large part, developments in this sector reflected
introduction of tighter standards governing the compo-
sition of gasoline during summer months. Gasoline the same sharp swings in energy prices that affected
consumer prices. At earlier stages of processing, the
prices eased considerably in the second half, reflecting
index tor intermediate materials excluding food and
a dip in crude oil prices and the expiration of the
energy decelerated sharply during the first half of the
summer-time standards Taking the twelve months of
year, and then edged down in the second half. For the
1989 as a whole, the increase in retail energy prices
year as a whole, this index registered a net increase of
came to a bit more than 5 percent. Heating oil prices
jumped sharply at the turn of the year, reflecting a surge only 1 percent, compared with more than 7 percent in
1988. The sharp deceleration in this category appears
in demand caused by December's unusually cold
to have reflected a relaxation of earlier pressures on
weather. The spike in heating fuel prices largely re-
capacity in the primary processing industries, and the
versed itself in spot markets during January of thit
influence of the rising dollar through the first half of
year, but crude oil prices remained at high levels.
last year. Also consistent with the weakening in the
Consumer price increases for items other than food manufacturing sector and the strength of the dollar, the
and energy remained at about 4'/2 percent in 1989. index for crude nonfood materials excluding energy
Developments in this category likely would have been declined 3M percent over the year, and spot prices for
less favorable had the dollar not been appreciating in industrial metals moved sharply lower during the year,
foreign exchange markets through the first half of owing in part to large declines for steel scrap, copper,
1989, The prices of consumer commodities excluding and aluminum.
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Consumer Food Prices *
Percent change. 04 to Q4
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Consumer Energy Prices *
Percent change. Q4 to Q4
15
15
I I
30
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Consumer Prices Excluding Food and Energy *
Percent change, Q4 to Q4
plH Services Less Energy
| I Corn mod Hies Less Food and Energy
1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
' Consumer Price Index lor all urban consumers.
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Shod-Term Interest Rates
Monthly
Three-month Treasury bill
Coupon equivalent
1982 1983 1984 1985 1987 1988 1989
Long-Term Interest Rates
Monthly
Thirty-year Treasury bond
I I
1982 1983 1984 1985 1966 1967 1988 1989
Observations are monthly averages ot daily data;
last observation lor January 1990
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53
Section 3: Monetary and Financial Developments During 1989
In 1989, the Federal Reserve continued to pursue a however, moved up only moderately; the tightening
policy aimed at containing and ultimately eliminating apparently had been widely anticipated and was viewed
inflation while providing support for continued eco- as helping to avoid an escalation in underlying infla-
nomic expansion. In implementing that policy, the tion. Real short-term interest rates - nominal rates
Federal Open Market Committee maintained a flexible adjusted for expected price inflation - likely moved
approach to monetary targeting, with policy respond- higher, though remaining below peak levels earlier in
ing to emerging conditions in the economy and finan- the expansion; these gains contributed to a strengthen-
cial markets, as well as to the growth of the monetary ing of the foreign exchange value of the dollar over this
aggregates relative to their established target ranges. period, while the growth of the monetary aggregates
This flexibility has been necessitated by the substantial slowed as the additional policy restraint reinforced the
variability in the short-run relationship between the effects of actions in 1988,
monetary aggregates and economic performance; how- As evidence on prospective trends in inflation and
ever, when viewed over a longer perspective, those spending became more mixed in the second quarter,
aggregates are still useful in conveying informaiion the Committee refrained from further tightening and in
about price developments. June began to ease pressures on reserve markets. As
As the year began, monetary policy was. following the information on the real economy, along with the
through on a set of measured steps begun a year earlier continued rise in the dollar, suggested that the outlook
to check inflationary pressures. By then, however, for inflation was improving, most long-term nominal
evidence of a slackening in aggregate demand, along interest rates fell as much as a percentage point from
with sluggish growth of the monetary aggregates, their March peaks; the yield on the bellwether thirty-
suggested that the year-long rise in short-term interest year Treasury bond moved down to about 8 percent by
rates was noticeably restraining the potential for more the end of June, The decline in interest rates out-
inflation. But, after a '/4 percentage point increase in stripped the reduction in most measures of investors'
the discount rate at the end of February, the Federal inflation expectations, so that estimated real interest
Reserve took no further policy action until June. Over rates fell from their levels of earlier in the year. These
the balance of 1989, me Federal Reserve moved declines in nominal and real interest rates, however,
toward an easing of money market conditions, as were not accompanied by declines in the foreign
indications mounted of slack in demand and lessened exchange value of the dollar. Rather, because of better-
inflation pressures. The easing in reserve availabil- than-expected trade reports and political turmoil
ity induced declines in short-term interest rates of abroad, the dollar strengthened further.
IVi percentage points; money growth strengthened In July, when the FOMC met for its semiannual
appreciably, and M2 was near the middle of its target review of the growth ranges for money and credit, M2
range by the end of 1989, The level of M3, on the other and M3 lay at or a bit below the lower bounds of their
hand, remained around the lower bound of its range, target cones. This weakness, reinforcing the signals
with its weakness mostly reflecting the shifting pattern from prices and activity, contributed to the Commit-
of financial intermediation as the thrift industry re- tee's decision to take additional easing action in reserve
trenched. The growth of nonfinancial debt was trimmed markets. The Committee reaffirmed the existing an-
to 8 percent in 1989, about in line with the slowing in nual target ranges for the monetary and. debt aggregates
the growth of nominal GNP, and ended the year at the and tentatively retained those ranges for the next year,
midpoint of its monitoring range, since they were likely to encompass money growth that
would foster further economic expansion and modera-
Implementation of Monetary Policy tion of price pressures in 1990.
In the opening months of the year, the Federal Open Late in the summer, longer-term interest rates turned
Market Committee extended the move toward restraint higher, as several economic data releases suggested
that had begun almost a year earl ier, seeking to counter reinvigorated inflationary pressures. With growth in
a disquieting intensification of inflationary pressures. the monetary aggregates rebounding, the Committee
Policy actions in January and February, restraining kept reserve conditions about unchanged until the
reserve availability and raising the discount rate, direction of the economy and prices clarified.
prompted a further 34 percentage point increase in Beginning in October, amid indications of added
short-term market interest rates. Longer-term rates, risks of a weakening in the economic expansion, the
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FOMC reduced pressures on reserve markets in three with the effects of increases in 1988 and 1989 outweigh-
separate steps, which nudged the federal funds ing the later, smaller, drop in rates.
rare down to around 8W percent by year-end, about
M2 has grown relatively slowly over the past three
1'/; percentage points below its level when incremental
years, as the Federal Reserve has sought to ensure
tightening ceased in February. Over those ten months,
progress over time toward price stability. There ap-
other short- and long-term nominal interest rates fell
pears to be a fairly reliable long-term link between M2
about 1 to 1'A percentage points; and most major stock
and future changes in inflation. One method of speci-
price indexes reached record highs at the turn of the
fying that link is to estimate the equilibrium level of
year, more than recovering the losses that occurred on prices implied by the current level of M2, assuming
October 13, Reflecting some reduction in inflation that real GNP is at its potential and velocity is at its
anticipations over the same period, estimated sliort- long-run average, and compare that to actual prices.
and long-term real interest rates fell somewhat less The historical record suggests that inflation tends to
than nominal rates, dropping probably about !/i to rise when actual prices are below the equilibrium level
\ percentage point. Still, most measures of short-and and to moderate when equilibrium prices are below
long-term real interest rates remained well above their actual. At the end of 1986, the equilibrium level of
trough levels of 1986 and 1987 —levels that had pre- prices was well above the actual level, reinforcing the
ceded rapid growth in the economy and a buildup of view that the risks weighed on the side of an increase in
inflationary pressures. inflation; at the end of 1989, that equilibrium price had
Over the last three months of the year and into moved into approximate equality with the actual price
January 1990, the foreign exchange value of the dollar level, indicating that basic inflation pressures had
declined substantially from its high, which was reached steadied.
around midyear and largely sustained through Septem- In 1989. compositional shifts within M2 reflected
ber The dollar fell amid concerted intervention under- the pattern of interest rates, the unexpected volume of
taken by the G-7 countries In the weeks immediately tax payments in the spring, and the flow of funds out of
after a meeting of the finance ministers and central thrift deposits and into olher instruments. Early in the
bank governors of these countries in September. The year, rising market interest rates buoyed the growth of
dollar continued to decline in response to the easing of small-de nominal ion time deposits at the expense of
short-term interest rates on dollar assets and increases more liquid deposits, as rates on the latter accounts
in rates in Japan and Germany. The German currency adjusted only sluggishly to the upward market move-
rate rose particularly sharply as developments in East- ments. The unexpectedly large tax payments in April
ern Europe were viewed as favorable for the West and May contributed to the weakness in liquid instru-
German econom}. attracting global capital flows. Ris- ments, as those balances also were drawn down to meet
ing interest rates in Germany likely contributed to an tax obligations. As market interest rates fell, the
increase in bond yields in the United States early in relative rate advantage reversed in favor of liquid
1990, even as U.S. short-term rates remained e^sen- instruments and the growth in liquid deposits re-
tially unchanged. More important, however, for the bounded, boosted as well by the replenishment of
rise in nominal, and likely real, long-term rates in the accounts drained b\ ta\ payments
United States were incoming data pointing away from
The Ml component of M2 was especially affected by
recession in the economy and from any abatement in
the swings in interest rates and opportunity costs last
price pressures, especially as oil prices moved sharply
vear, and in addition was buffeted by the effects of
higher.
outsi/.ed lax payments in April. After its 414 percent
rise in 1988, Ml grew only Vj percent in 1989, with
Behavior of Money and Credit much of ihe weakness in this Iransaclions aggregate
occurring early in Ihe year. By May, Ml had declined
Growth m M2 was uneven over 1989, with marked at aboul a 2'/2 percent annual rale from ils fourth-
weakness in the first part of the year giving way to quarter 1988 level, reflecting a lagged response to
robust growth thereafter. On balance over the year, M2 earlier increases in short-term interest rates and an
expanded 4'/j percent, down from 5'A percent growth extraordinary bulge in net individual tax remitlances to
in 1988. placing it about at the midpoint of its 1989 Ihe Treasury. From May lo December, M1 rebounded
target range of 3 to 7 percent. The slower rate of at a 4 percent rale as ihe cumulaling effects of falling
increase in M2 reflected some moderation in nominal interesl rates and post-tax-payment rebuilding boosted
income growth as well as the pattern of interest rates demands for this aggregate. Ml velocity continued the
and associated opportunity costs of holding money, upward trend that resumed in 1987, increasing in the
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M2 and M3: Target Ranges and Actual Growth
M2
Billions of dollars
Rate of growth
1988:4 to 1989:4
4.6 percent
3%
O N DJ F M A MJ J A S O ND
1968 1983
M3
Billions ol dollars
Rate of growth
1988:4 to 1989:4
3.3 percent
3.5%
I I I I I I I I I I I I I
O N D J F U A M J J A S O ND
1988 1989
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Inflation Indicator Based on M2
Ratio scale
Long-run equilibrium price level /r
given current M2 (P'l , -;
1966 1972 1978 1984
The current price level (P, the solid line) is the implicit GNP deflator, which is set to 100
in 1982.
The long-run equilibrium price level given current M2 (P*, the dashed line) is calculated
as P* = (M2 • V*)/Q*, where V* is an estimate of the long-run value of the GNP velocity of
M2—the mean of V2 from 1955:1 to 1988:1—and Q* is a Federal Reserve Board staff
measure of potential real GNP.
The vertical lines mark the quarters when the difference between the current price levet
(P) and the long-run equilibrium price level (P") switches sign, and thus when inflation, with
a lag, tends to begin accelerating or decelerating.
For more details, see Jeffrey J. Mailman, Richard D. Porter, and David H. Small, M2 per
Unit of Potential GNP as an Anchor for the Price Level, Staff Studies 157 (Board of Gover-
nors of the Federal Reserve System. 1989).
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first three quarters before turning down in the fourth and availability. The spread between the rate on pri-
quarter of 1989. mary fixed-rale mortgages and the rate on ten-year
Treasury notes rose somewhat early in the year, but
The shift of deposits from thrift institutions to com-
thereafter remained relatively stable. The share of
mercial banks and money fund shares owed, in part, to
mortgages held in securitized form again climbed in
regulatory pressures that brought down rates paid by
1989, facilitating the tapping of a base of investors.
some excessively aggressive thrifts. Beginning in
Diversified lenders, acting in part through other inter-
August, the newly-created Resolution Trust Corpora-
mediaries, such as federally-sponsored agencies,
tion (RTC) targeted some of its funds to pay down
mostly rilled the gap left by the thrifts. However, some
high-cost deposits at intervened thrifts and began a
shrinkage of credit available for acquisition, develop-
program of closing insolvent thrifts and selling their
deposits to other institutions - for the most part, banks. ment, and construction appeared to follow from
On balance, the weak growth of retail deposits at thrifts FIRREA-imposed limits on loans by thrifts to single
appears to have been about offset by the shift into borrowers, though the reduction in funds available for
commercial banks and money market mutual funds, these purposes probably also reflected problems in
leaving M2 little affected overall by the realignment of some residential real estate markets.
the thrift industry. Aggregate debt of the domestic nonfinaneial sectors
M3 was largely driven, as usual, by the funding grew at a fairly steady pace over 1989, averaging
needs of banks and thrifts; under the special circum- 8 percent, which placed it near the midpoint of its
stances of the restructuring of the thrift industry, it was monitoring range of 6''2 to 10'A percent. Although the
a less reliable barometer of monetary policy pressures annual growth of debt slowed in 1989, as it had dur-
than is normally the case. After expanding 6 '4 percent ing the preceding two years, it still exceeded the
in 1988, M3 hugged the lower bound of its 3Vi to 61/! percent growth of nominal GNP. Federal sector
7'A percent target cone in 1989, closing the year about debt grew 7'/2 percent, about1/; percentage point below
.V/4 percent above its fourth quarter-1988 base. In the 1988 increase-and the lowest rate of expansion in
1989, bank credit growth about matched the previous •A decade-as the deficit leveled off. Debt growth
year's 7'/: percent increase, but credit at thrift instiiu- outside the federal sector eased by more to average
lions li. estimyied to have contracted a bis on balance 8l-i percent, mostly because of a decline in the growth
over the year, in contrast to its 6'4 percent growth in of household debt. Mortgage credit slowed in line with
1988. This weakness in thrill credit directly owed to the reduced pace of housing activity, and consumer
asset shrinkage at SAlF-insured savings and loan insti- credit growth, though volatile from month to month,
tutions, credit unions and mutual savings banks ex- trended down through muchof thejear. The growth of
panded their balance sheets in 1989. In addition, lands nonfinaneial business debt slipped further below the
paid out by the RTC to thrift institutions and to banks extremely rapid rate? of the mid-1980s. Corporate
acquiring thrift deposits directly substituted for other restructuring continued to be a major factor buoying
sources of funds. As a result, thrifts lessened their business borrowing, although such activity showed
reliance on managed liabilities, as evidenced by the distinct signs of slowing late in the >ear as lenders
\4!A percent decline over the year in the sum of large became more cautious and the use of debt to require
time deposits and RPs at thrifts. Institution-only money equity ebbed.
market mutual funds were bolstered by a relative yield
The second half of 1989 was marked by the troubling
advantage, as fund returns lagged behind declining
deterioration in indicators of financial stress among
market interest rates in the second half of the year;
certain classes of borrowers, with implications for the
these funds provided the major source of growth for the
profitability of lenders, including commercial banks.
non-M2 component of M3. On balance, the effects of
In the third quarter, several measures of loan delin-
the thrift restructuring dominated the movements in
quency rates either rose sharply or continued on an
M3. and the rebound in M2 in the second half of tie
uptrend. Delinquency rates on closed-end consumer
year did not show through to this broader aggregate.
loans at commercial banks and auto loans at "captive"
As a consequence, the velocity of M3 increased 3
auto finance companies were close to historically high
percent in 1989, 1 !4 percentage points faster than the
levels. At commercial banks as a whole in 1989, both
growth in M2 velocity, and its largest annual increase
delinquency and charge-off rates for real estate loans
in twenty years.
were little changed from the previous year. Still,
Many of the assets shed by thrifts were mortgages problem real estate loans continued to be a drag on the
and mortgage-backed securities, but this appears to profitability of banks in Texas, Oklahoma, and Louisi-
have had little sustained effect on home mortgage cast ana; in the second half, such loans emerged as a serious
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Debt: Monitoring Range and Actual Growth
Debt
Billions of dollars
Rate of growth
10.5%
1988:4 to 1989:4
8.1 percent
6.5%
I I I I 1 I 1 I I I 1 I... 1 l._
O N D J F U A MJ J A S Q ND
1998 l989
M1: Actual Growth
M1
Bill ion sot dollars
Rate of growth
1988:4 to 1989:4
0.6 percent
J I I 1 J I i 1_ I L
O N DJ F U A MJ J A 3 0 ND
1986 1989
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Share ot Residential Mortgage Debt Held as Securities
Quarterly through 1989:3
1980 1981 1982 1963 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989
Rate Spread Between Primary Home Mortgages
and Ten-year Treasury Bonds
Peres
Monthly
I I I I
1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 19B7 1988 1989
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problem for banks in New England. On the other hand, center banks showing the sharpest turnaround. Infor-
smaller, agriculturally oriented banks continued to mation for the second half of 1989. although still
recover from the distressed conditions of the mid- incomplete, clearly points to an erosion of these profit
1980s. Since 1987. agricultural banks have charged off gains, in part, because of problems in the quality of
loans at well below the national rate, and their nonper- loans. Several money center banks sharply boosted
forming assets represented a smaller portion of their their loss provisions on loans to developing countries,
loans than that for the country as a whole. while evidence of rising delinquency rates on real
The upswing in the profitability of insured commer- estate and consumer loans suggested more widespread
cial banks that began in 1988 only extended through the weakening. Despite these developments, the spread of
first half of 1989. A slowing in the buildup of loan-loss rates on bank liabilities, certificates of deposit and
provisions, along with improvements in interest-rate Eurodollar deposits, over comparable Treasury bill
margins, contributed to these gains, with the money rates narrowed early in 1990.
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Growth of Money and Debt (Percent Change)
Debt of
domestic
nonfinancial
M1 M2 M3 sectors
Fourth quarter to fourth quarter
1980 7.4 8.9 9.5 9.5
1981 5.4(2.5)' 9.3 12.3 10.2
1982 a. s 9.1 9.9 9.1
1983 10.4 12.2 9.8 11.1
1984 5.4 7.9 10.6 14.2
1985 12.0 8.9 7.8 13.1
1986 15.5 9.3 9.1 13.2
1987 6.3 4.3 5.8 9.9
1988 4.3 5.2 6.3 9.2
1989 0.6 4.6 3.3 8.1
Quarterly growth rates
(annual rates)
1989 01 -0.1 2.3 3.9 8.4
Q2 -4.4 1.6 3.3 7.9
Q3 1.8 6.9 3.9 7.2
Q4 5.1 7.1 2.0 8.0
•Figure m parentheses is afliusted lor shirts lo NOW;
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Velocity of Money and Debt
(Quarterly)
M1 M2
Ratio scale Ratio scale
—i 7.S
1.2
1961 1968 1975 1962 1989 1961 1968 1975 1982 1989
M3 Debt
Ratio scale
1.2 0,6
11111111111111 M 1111111111 n ii I liiiimiiiiinim
Q 0
1961 1968 1975 1982 1989 1961 1968 1975 1982 1989
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The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Before we go to the question period, we've had two other mem-
bers arrive, and I want to ask them for any opening comment they
want to make.
Senator Sanford.
Senator SANFORD. Thank you very much.
I'll be just a minute or two, if I may put my statement in the
record.
Thank you, Chairman Greenspan, for your comments and your
leadership. I appreciate you being here.
I was fascinated, as were a great many other people, when the
once mighty Drexel, Burnham collapsed before our very eyes this
week, bringing back to our attention the many abuses that had
been brought about by the leverage buyout and hostile takeover
mania and the junk bond phenomenon. Now a great many people
are saying that this era is over, but the abuses that permitted it
are not over, and I think we need to consider the debt and the im-
plications of the debt on our competitiveness. I'll come back to that
in the question period.
Today Jim Sasser and I are introducing legislation to address
some of these LBO and hostile takeover abuses, including the over-
leveraging and the trend toward shorter and shorter term invest-
ment strategies to see if we can create incentive for longer-range
outlooks.
I'm also concerned not only by the great corporate debt that has
accumulated, but by our national debt and what it has to do with
the interest rates, and I'll come back to that as well.
I'm bothered by the fact that under the President's budget pro-
posal, as I understand it, we will continue and possibly exceed $4
trillion in national debt before we seriously consider steps to
reduce that debt or examine its affect on American financing.
All of these concerns are highlighted by recent projections of
what the cost would be and what the impact would be if we experi-
enced a recession of the likes of the mid-1970's and the few cush-
ions we would have to protect ourselves.
So these issues primarily of debt and the implications of debt,
both corporate and national, I think are matters of serious concern
for this committee.
Thank you, and I would like to submit the balance of my state-
ment for the record.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR SANFORD
Senator SANFORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I too would
like to welcome Chairman Greenspan back before this committee
for his semiannual report on monetary policy.
The last few weeks have certainly proved to be interesting ones
in the economic life of this country. I know all of us watched with
considerable concern and interest as the once-mighty Drexel, Burn-
ham collapsed before our very eyes. Its fall raises a host of issues
about the capital position of our investment banks and their
broker-dealers, and the relationships between our banks, the Feder-
al Reserve and the SEC in situations in which any major market
player is in jeopardy. While I commend the Federal Reserve for its
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efforts in monitoring the situation to ensure that the problems at
Drexel did not spill over to other parts of the market, I remain con-
cerned about the implications for the junk bond market, the over-
all capitalization of our firms, and in general amount of leverage
held by many of our corporations.
Indeed, while many have said that the fall of Drexel marks the
end of the debt-driven takeover and leveraged buyout era, I remain
troubled that many of the abuses that we have witnessed during
this "decade of debt" have not been taken care of, and the drive to
come up with new techniques for more deals or to pick up the
pieces of some of the deals that have gone sour remains strong. In
order to ensure that we don't go through this cycle again and that
whatever is done to restructure the bad deals of this decade are
done in a way that ensures proper disclosure and proper financing,
I am today, along with my colleague, Jim Sasser, introducing legis-
lation to address some of these abuses, including overleveraging
and the trend toward shorter and shorter term investment strate-
gies.
In recent days we have also witnessed significant drops in the
Tokyo stock market, with accompanying increases in interest rates.
The high rates in Japan and Germany and their implications for
our market only serve to point out how interdependent our mar-
kets have become and how difficult your job is, Chairman Green-
span, when it involves movements in markets other than our own.
This week has also been a week when we have seen the single
largest increase in the Consumer Price Index since June 1982. I am
concerned that all of these developments portend a rougher cycle
for our economy than one might glean from looking at the assump-
tions in the President's budget. I worry over the dilemma you face,
Chairman Greenspan, in trying to combat the inflationary pres-
sures that would seem to be indicated by the large increase in the
CPI, with the desire of the administration for lower interest rates.
I look forward to your testimony and I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Sanford.
Senator Kerry.
Senator KERRY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have a statement
which I would like to make a part of the record.
The CHAIRMAN. By all means.
Senator KERRY. I would simply like to, and maybe I'll reserve
this for my questions in greater length, but I know, Mr. Chairman,
you don't particularly want to focus on one region over another
and you try to avoid regional discussions.
All economics in many ways is local to many of us and, as I
know you know, New England is undergoing some serious difficul-
ties now which measured against the rest of the Nation don't put it
into a disaster category, but which measured against its prior per-
formance over the last decade is a very, very significant change.
We are constrained because of the budget deficit in our ability to
be able to react in some of the normal ways that one might react
through either tax expenditure or various creative programs here
in Washington. So perhaps we look to the Fed as our single-most
important resource for liquidity and loosening of credit and the
ability to be able to respond quickly.
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I want to ask you a couple of things about that in the comments,
but I believe that everyone is skirting the realities of the problem
that Senator Sanford just alluded to and that we are terrific at
making speeches about, but not very good at really doing some-
thing about them. That's the budget crisis that you referred to in
your own comments.
Though I fear that the Fed itself has perhaps not leveraged its
prestige and power in a way that it might to help force people to
confront the realities of some of the choices we have right now, and
I'm sure that in the course of our comments and discussion here
this morning some of that will be drawn out further, and I would
like to in my own questions.
But let me, Mr. Chairman, ask if I could make my formal com-
ments part of the record.
The CHAIRMAN. By all means.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR KERRY
Senator KERRY. Massachusetts, and New England, is experienc-
ing a serious economic slowdown. Unemployment is inching up, in-
comes are constant or falling, homeowners are seeing their equity
disappear, businesses are finding it more and more difficult to get
credit, and sectors like construction are in a recession. Business
leaders, workers, Government officials, consumers are concerned,
disappointed and frustrated.
Of course, most economists who have looked carefully at the New
England economy are much more optimistic about the future than
the average citizen. The consensus is for a slowdown in 1990 and
1991 with unemployment rising to near the national average and
income dropping from 126 percent of the national average to 124
percent. Not good news, not the right direction, but not a disaster
either.
Nothing would be more welcome to the Massachusetts economy
than a reduction in interest rates, a loosening up of credit. And, I
urge you to consider this objective, as you make the tough balanc-
ing decisions between growth and stability. We need your help to
get Massachusetts and the northeast growing again. In fact, the
Fed is our only real hope for help out of Washington.
Recently we have seen interest rates move, from my perspective,
in the wrong direction, away from growth. Thirty-year treasury
bonds have risen almost a full percentage point recently to 8.7 per-
cent, compared to their 7.9 percent December average. I under-
stand that inflation fears and the Federal budget deficit contribute
to increased interest rates and to historically high "real" interest
rates. Obviously, these factors place serious constraints on the Feds
willingness to undertake a more stimulative monetary policy.
But Mr. Chairman, New England's hope is in the Fed because,
while the budget deficit constrains the Fed's freedom, it completely
eliminates the use of traditional tax and targetted spending poli-
cies to assist sectors and regions suffering economic difficulties in
most cases.
It is ironic to be pointing this out during hearings required by
the Humphrey Hawkins bill. Recognizing that monetary policy was
a blunt instrument, it authorized micro economic interventions to
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mitigate specific sectoral or regional economic problems. Ten years
later, as a result of hundred billion dollar deficits we find ourselves
unable to take steps such as countercyclical revenue sharing, job
training, public works and other targetted anti-recession measures.
In short, the deficit is paralyzing our Government's ability to re-
spond to regions in need.
Mr. Chairman, our failure to get our budgetary house in order is
putting our people in serious jeopardy—and yet we fiddle. And it is
not only Massachusetts or New England that is at risk. The same
forces that make Washington part of the problem rather than part
of the solution to our region's problems, will undercut our nation's
ability to bounce back from the recession that we all hope, but
none of us know, will not materialize.
So why don't we come to grips with the deficit? Why don't we
really do what we thought we were doing when we passed Gramm-
Rudman-Hollings? I'll tell you why. Because the President does not
want to be the bearer of bad news, let alone be the source of action
that, while prudent, may hurt a bit. And, Congress is unwilling to
take the necessary action, unable to do so really, without the full
cooperation and engagement of the President. The President alone
can lead on this matter and for 10 years we have not had a Presi-
dent who would do so.
So we don't tell each family how much of their tax dollar each
year just goes to pay interest on the debt. And we don't tell each
family how much more in interest they are paying on everything
they buy on credit, because of the deficit so we don't tell each
family what job and income opportunities they missed because the
deficit sopped up money that otherwise would have been used for
investment. So we don't tell each family the whole truth about all
the ways this deficit robs them of their future and America of its
place in the world.
Mr. Chairman, Congress and the President have been masquer-
ading as budgetary Houdinis. We placed the loaded pistol of
Gramm-Rudman-Hollings to our head and pulled the trigger, but
with floors that drop-out, smoke and mirrors, the bullet is missed.
Having learned that trick we have honed that slight of hand to a
science.
Well we in Massachusetts and New England are now a bit more
aware of the price of budgetary trickery, no matter how cleverly it
is done, and we are paying yet another price for it. I pray that Mr.
Greenspan's crystal ball gazers are correct and that we have time
to show our guts, deal with the deficit before the next recession
hits. And I urge Mr. Greenspan to use his personal and institution-
al prestige to put more pressure of Congress and the President to
come to grips with the budget deficit.
The CHAIRMAN. Chairman Greenspan, let me say that I appreci-
ate the statement that you've given us today and particularly the
fact that you've addressed directly some of the items that I had
asked that you respond to.
I must say I marvel at your ability of language. Yesterday we
had President Havel speaking to us in the Joint Session, and it was
really a magnificent occasion. While the exact use of words isn't
precisely the same, your ability to weave through these complicat-
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ed subjects is really I think quick extraordinary, and I say that as
a compliment.
I realize that in almost everything you say, there is the potential
for it being exaggerated beyond what you might intend. That's the
world in which we live.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I've noticed. [Laughter.]
The CHAIRMAN. So have we.
I want to take you back, however, to page 6 of your statement, if
you could just go back there for a minute. As I was following you
through the statement in that first paragraph which carries over
from page 5, I noticed that you omitted speaking a line that reads
as follows: "Although the CPI for January, as expected, showed a
sizable jump in energy and food prices in the wake of December's
cold snap, a reversal is apparently underway."
I'm interested in the inflation outlook. Obviously it's a difficult
thing to judge, but can you shed some light on this? Did you not
mention that for a reason, or has your thinking changed?
Mr. GREENSPAN. No. The only reason I didn't mention it is I was
trying to shorten my statement. The statement stands as an accu-
rate reflection of the view I hold.
The CHAIRMAN. Well, on that point, the consumer price numbers
for January were reported in the morning papers. Even if you take
out the effect of the cold wave the effects on energy costs and food
costs it looks as if the underlying inflation rate would still be run-
ning, on the basis of that month's data, at about a 7 percent
annual rate.
I think that's higher than you're now projecting. You may take
issue with that as any kind of a basis for a forecast, but it's inter-
esting. Everyone is entitled to an opinion, and everyone seems to
have one, but your former colleague, Andrew Brimmer, is quoted
this morning as saying that, in his view at least, the underlying in-
flation pressures are still substantial and that he would be con-
cerned about that.
I'm wondering if this fresh information is a cause for concern or
not?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think not, Mr. Chairman. We have looked at
those data in some detail, and clearly the .6 percent increase, so-
called ex-food, ex-energy, was higher than any of us would have
forecast, and when one looks at it, there are a couple of things
which did surprise us as somewhat different from what we would
have forecast.
When looking at the issue of inflation, one should try not to be
involved so much with an individual month or an individual series.
For example, one of the things that we do at the Federal Reserve is
try to build up the cost structure underlying our price indexes, not
by adding up the individual price changes themselves, but by
trying to disaggregate the price structure in terms of labor costs,
imported materials, energy costs, capital costs, and in a sense, to
look at the level of prices as the sum of a number of different com-
ponents in order to give us a different view as to whether the un-
derlying rate is accelerating, decelerating, or doing something
which is other than is shown in the direct price statistics.
And as best we could judge at this particular stage, while the
rate of inflation is higher than we would like, and I've said that
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innumerable times, there is no evidence of which I am aware that
it is accelerating. In fact, we have every reason to hope, if not be-
lieve, that it may work its way in the other direction.
So while I didn't like the statistic that was published, I must say
to you it did not give me any great concern.
The CHAIRMAN. So your best estimate now, the Fed's estimate for
the inflation rate for this year, 1990, is expected to be what?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, the members of the Federal Open Market
Committee, whom we polled, came up with 4 to 4 l/z percent in the
Consumer Price Index. We, as an organization, don't actually fore-
cast. The only forecasts that we have are a polling of the FOMC,
and while I grant you it's very difficult to differentiate the FOMC
from the Federal Reserve System as a whole, it's not a formal sta-
tistical, elaborate macroeconomic forecast. It is an averaging of the
impressions or forecasts of individual members, and it's really the
view of what they think is likely to materialize. Four to 4V2 per-
cent is a number which I personally find no particular quarrel
with.
The CHAIRMAN. You find no particular quarrel with, again this
sort of gets into the use of words and nuances and avoiding exag-
gerated reactions to nuances or of words. I take it then that your
own view is that we're looking at something in the 4 to 4'/2 percent
range as nearly as one can tell today; is that a fair summary?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, sir.
The CHAIRMAN. We're going to try to stay with the clock today
because I know we all have things we want to cover and I very
much want to get to some other subjects.
Senator Heinz.
Senator HEINZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan, Senator D'Amato used the term soft land-
ing and he complimented you on appearing to have achieved it.
Staying in the air for any length of time in this country depends on
having an adequate supply, not an excessive supply, but an ade-
quate supply of debt.
The Fed has for good reason pursued a policy of trying to curtail
the excessive creation and use of debt, but if the events in Eastern
Europe cause Japan and Europe generally to invest in the EC, and
if West Germany makes massive capital investments in Eastern
Europe, particularly in East Germany, and thereby press on the
availability of capital causing interest rates to rise, is it possible
that the soft landing that we're attempting to navigate could run
out of fuel and there could be a sudden and unexpected accident?
I'm not saying is it probable.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Oh, it's certainly possible. The difficulty with a
number of the discussions that we invariably have in committee
hearings or elsewhere is that it is very difficult to convey probabil-
ities. I find, for example, that when one makes a judgment about
what is going to happen and what is probable and what is improb-
able, we're dealing with very fragile pieces of information and
really a very fragile sense of how the future will unfold.
Senator HEINZ. Let me go on to the next question. I agree with
you, but my question though is were you to see that happening,
what could you do about it in order to avoid an accident or a crash
landing?
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, let me first say that I appreciate Senator
D'Amato's views and I hope he is right, but I think we're not, as I
put it in my formal remarks, out of the recessionary woods as yet,
and I would like to emphasize that. In other words, I think that the
probabilities are, as I indicated in earlier testimonies on the Hill,
somewhat better than 50/50 that we've passed the point of maxi-
mum weakness.
Senator HEINZ. Mr. Chairman, I'm glad you make that point. I'm
going to put some words in your mouth. You don't have to agree
with them, but what you're saying is the Lunar Lander is ap-
proaching the surface and you want to make sure there is some re-
serve fuel in the tank just in case we got the altitude wrong.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Let me say this. We've not landed yet. I think
we are much farther along in a positive way than I frankly
thought we would have been if one takes it from a forecast of 3 to 6
months ago.
Senator HEINZ. Mr. Chairman, I commend you on your comment.
I think it's very helpful and very constructive.
Let me go to the next subject. We're under a time limitation and
I have an 11 o'clock meeting with Secretary Barman that I must
get to.
One of the issues that has arisen is the question of the high-yield
debt market and what has happened to it. Of course, what has hap-
pened to it is there isn't one much to speak of any more. Some
people have said that maybe the regulators are making a mistake
in discouraging investments on all high-yield securities.
What they say is that there is a difference between the kind of
the "debt for debt's sake" type restructurings of R.J. Reynolds and
so forth, and those high-yield bonds that were used to finance the
growth of Silicon Valley. Certainly there would appear to be a dif-
ference between those two kinds of uses of high yield debt.
Is that a valid distinction? If it is, do you have any concern that
the crash of the junk bond market, it has not make a soft landing,
is going to jeopardize the ability of growth companies to raise
money? If you are concerned about it, is there anything somebody
ought to be doing about it?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I agree with the implication of what
you're saying, Senator. I think it is important to distinguish be-
tween various different types of so-called junk bonds, and most im-
portantly to look at what they are used for.
One of the problems that we've all had with junk bonds in recent
years is that they have been employed to a very large extent to
substitute for equity in our system. We, for example, knows that
the net stock issuance reduction, or more exactly the liquidation of
equity was well over $100 billion for the last 2 years annually, and
it goes back for a number of years.
The junk bond substitution for a large part of that equity really
means that we look at corporate balance sheets that are substitut-
ing junk bonds for equity. That clearly is something which, in my
view, undercuts the flexibility of the corporate sector and its ability
to respond.
Senator HEINZ. Mr. Chairman, I thank you for your statement.
I'm sorry, I didn't mean to interrupt you.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Just one more point. I think you are quite cor-
rect, and that is that should not undermine the view that there is a
role for less than investment grade securities, and I think they will
continue to be used over the years though to a lesser extent than
has been the case, that is, less than $200 billion, but I think none-
theless it will have an important niche in our financial structure.
Senator HEINZ. Mr. Chairman, could I continue with 30 seconds
more?
The CHAIRMAN. Yes. If it's really 30 seconds. I want to hold ev-
erybody to the time today so we can get around.
Senator HEINZ. It's really 30 seconds.
The 10 distinguished economists, Henry Aaron, Charlie Shultz,
and Paul Samuelson among them, wrote to me and others with re-
spect to the Moynihan payroll tax cut proposal. They said in part
that if enacted the proposal would do serious harm to the economy,
the immediate effect of the $55 billion cut in payroll taxes would
worsen the Federal deficit by an equivalent amount, and that the
Federal Reserve would have to raise interest rates to deal with
this, penalizing investment generally and long-term investments
particularly. Would you agree?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would just as soon not comment directly on all
of the various elements within that letter and what it implies, but
obviously, as I've said in different forums, I do not support Senator
Moynihan's particular proposal.
Senator HEINZ. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Senator Shelby.
Senator SHELBY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan, in your written remarks you talk about an
outstanding debt of U.S. held by foreigners of, what, $1.5 trillion
and possibly growing. Are those numbers basically correct?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes.
Senator SHELBY. I know we basically know, but I'm not sure ev-
erybody out in America knows how dependent we are on foreign
investors to carry a lot of our debt because of our inability to live
within our means. Could you just focus on that a minute? You have
on this committee on other occasions.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Although the aggregate effect on interest rates,
on exchange rates and the like is very significantly impacted by
the gross levels of stock of debt, there is an important issue with
respect to the question of our so-called current account deficit. Es-
sentially, in order to maintain our level of domestic investment, we
are borrowing fairly substantial amounts of savings from abroad
annually, well over $100 billion.
To the extent that we endeavor to support our domestic invest-
ment level from those sources we have to be sufficiently attractive
with respect to rates of return to be able to, in effect, make certain
that the world's aggregative savings allocates itself enough in our
direction to support our level of domestic investment.
Senator SHELBY. In other words, we have a world savings pool
that people are dipping into.
Mr. GREENSPAN. That's correct, we are dipping into that pool.
Senator SHELBY. Yes, that we're dipping into.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. And I would say, as I have said innumerable
times in the past, I don't think we should depend on that in any
extensive way. It is very important for us to bring down the Feder-
al budget deficit as a major means to create a much larger domes-
tic savings, savings to finance our domestic investment, so that we
need not be involved with very substantial borrowing, so to speak,
of savings of foreigners.
Senator SHELBY. Chairman Greenspan, doesn't it compound your
job as the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Re-
serve and the Central Bank here to control our economic destiny?
Isn't it going to be harder for you and your compatriots to do this
rather than what we used to do say 20 years ago?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, there is no question, Senator, that it is
more difficult, but, as I said in my prepared remarks, that doesn't
mean that it is impossible. In fact, I'm saying that we can do it. I
mean the tools are there.
Senator SHELBY. But it makes it harder, doesn't it?
Mr. GREENSPAN. It does make it more difficult, yes, no question.
Senator SHELBY. What makes our markets at time run different-
ly from say the Japanese financial markets and the German mar-
kets? Is it local demand and so forth?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Do you mean why would their interest rates
move differently from ours?
Senator SHELBY. Right, sometimes like their bonds.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I would think that to a large extent it's
local demand. A major difference, however, usually reflects the ex-
pected rate of inflation in the domestic currencies.
Senator SHELBY. Is that the psychology of inflation within their
psyche?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes. In other words if, for example, in country
"X" everyone expected that their inflation rate would be 3 percent-
age points greater than in country "Y", you would expect the
nominal interest rates in country "X" to be on average 3 percent-
age points higher.
Senator SHELBY. They would want the interest rates bid up to re-
flect that.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I'm sorry?
Senator SHELBY. They would want the interest rate pay bid up to
reflect that.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, almost fully because people essentially lend
in real terms. In other words, what they are doing is they are
taking their current purchasing power, foregoing its use, and lend-
ing it to somebody, and they want it back in real terms. That's the
reason why that process works the way it does.
Senator SHELBY. Mr. Chairman, isn't the psychology of inflation
creeping back in the American psyche now when you read like this
morning, and Chairman Reigle mentioned it and others, where the
CPI has gone up and the wholesale price index the month before
much more than the numbers you've been talking about of 4 and
4V2 percent.
The average American businessman or individual, they see that,
and isn't that bringing back what we had 10 years ago, the psychol-
ogy of inflation and, if so, is that very dangerous?
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, it would be if it were true. I must tell you,
Senator, I don't see any signs of that. In fact, I still sense that
there is in the American business structure a general awareness
that prices are basically soft, that you don't get any real sense of
an acceleration, and when you look at the details of the numbers,
you don't see that process moving.
Should it occur, then I think it could be quite dangerous, but I
must say to you that I don't see it.
Senator SHELBY. But there are short-term numbers out there
that we're seeing now that if they were to continue, and I assume
you're saying they are not going to continue.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would tell you this, that I would be most sur-
prised.
Senator SHELBY. Most surprised.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes.
Senator SHELBY. We would be surprised, too, from what you've
said.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Senator D'Amato.
Oh, excuse me just one moment. I see Senator Pressler has come
in.
Senator Pressler, did you have an opening comment you wanted
to make?
Senator PRESSLER. Very briefly, I have an editorial from the
Rapid City Journal regarding the issue of the Internal Revenue
Service no longer withhold taxes that foreigners owe us on invest-
ments here, and if I'm able to stay I would like to ask a question
about that or would appreciate the Chairman's comments, and also
I have some questions for the record. I'm also in a product liability
hearing over in the Commerce Committee and will try to stay.
I thank the Chairman very much, and I'll submit my questions
for the record.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Pressler.
Senator D'Amato.
Senator D'AMATO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, we operate the Federal Government
on a cash basis making no distinction between tax dollars spent on
consumption and those spent on investments that have many years
of useful life. Indeed, the General Accounting Office has said that
this process creates a budget bias against capital investment pro-
grams.
What is your opinion about the benefits of modifying the present
Federal budget process to eliminate this bias against long-term in-
vestment by the Government, and is capital budgeting a sounder
method from an economist's point of view?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Senator, while I do think there is that sort
of problem, I think that the issue which has been discussed at
great length over the years of going to a capital budget for the Fed-
eral Government risks a misunderstanding of what the deficit itself
is meaningful for.
There are I think for planning purposes very important uses of
capital budgeting and distinguishing it, and in fact we do. We do
keep accounts separately in some considerable detail. It is very im-
portant, however, when looking at the Federal budget from a finan-
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cial point of view to remember that it doesn't matter at all wheth-
er something is borrowed for a long-term capital project or whether
it is borrowed for short-term consumption unless the long-term cap-
ital project has a self-amortizing feature, meaning it has cash
coming back and that in a sense it's like a business, in which case
then the financial market's effect is different.
But as a general rule, the vast majority of capital projects of the
Federal Government do not have income-returning aspects, and so
far as how they are financed, they are indistinguishable from con-
sumption items in the Federal budget, and their impact on the
money markets on interest rates, and on the financial structure is
in fact indistinguishable.
So I would say from the point of view of looking at the Federal
deficit and its financing, it is very important that we not make
that segregation, although from analytical and efficiency of Gov-
ernment points of view, it is useful to have the differences, as you
point out, and I hope that when we evaluate the Government out-
lays, we do take into account the fact that certain projects are not
consumption, that they are investments and they do go over a long
period of time. That should be kept in mind in making the various
expenditures priorities, but not in financing priorities, as I see it.
Senator D'AMATO. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for making that
distinction as it relates to those projects which are long-term and
have no dollar revenues to support a different treatment that I
think the question of capital budgets always raises.
Let me ask you one more general question as it relates to the
Tax Code. I believe that the Tax Code needs to be amended in
order to correct the bias against savings.
Would you care to comment in a general way, and I don't want
to get you into the sticky issue of if you support Senator So and
So's IRA program as opposed to another one, but as it relates to
the general proposition are you satisfied or do you believe we could
do more to create savings and should taxation be the process in
which we attempt to deal with the bias against savings?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Senator, I fully supported the Tax Reform
Act of 1986, which I thought was a remarkable construction, and
specifically the ability to bring marginal tax rates down as much as
we did, which I think was a major factor in improving the ability
of the system to save and save in the right way.
I think what remains if one looks at the structural question is
the double taxation of dividends, which is an inhibitor of savings.
Senator D'AMATO. They are going to think, my colleagues, that
you and I discussed this. You know this is a soft ball for me. Let
me go beyond the question of double taxation of dividends. If we
were to accept that, what other area should we look at to improve
a prejudice for savings, if you would care to comment?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I think there are a lot of different techni-
cal things which would fundamentally alter a tax structure and
which would improve savings, but they are so far out that I don't
think they are realistic possibilities.
Senator D'AMATO. Is there any other one realistic? For example,
in England they have a savings pool where they will give to the
small investor so many dollars and not tax it if it's put into an in-
vestment pool?
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Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, that's not dissimilar to the President's
plan which has been put forth, which I would be supportive of. I
think that we have to distinguish between small changes and big
structural changes. I think the smaller changes are not going to
make a big difference, but structural changes might, like the
double taxation of dividends. There are people who are arguing for
a substitution for the income tax of a savings tax, meaning that
you get taxed on a progressive basis on how much consumption you
have. So you can maintain a progressive tax structure, but essen-
tially not tax savings at all.
I suspect, as most expect who have evaluated this, that that
would have a major impact. But that is such a radical change that
I think it's a political issue and it's probably not even worth start-
ing to discuss.
Senator D'AMATO. My time has expired, and I thank the Chair-
man.
The CHAIRMAN. Let me just ask a question for the record as a
follow-on to what Senator D'Amato asked. Since the passage of the
1987 Tax Act, have we seen a measurable change and improvement
in the savings rate? I know it's a complicated issue, but is there or
isn't there?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would say as to a measurable change, the
answer is no. I would think that it's probably largely neutral as
best one can see from the data. Although there has been some obvi-
ous improvement in the personal savings rate, I would not at-
tribute it to the Act.
The CHAIRMAN. I appreciate that. It's a long area of discussion,
and I think it's important.
Senator Graham.
Senator GRAHAM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Greenspan, it's always constructive to have you here to give
us your perspective on current economic conditions.
I would like to focus on two issues, one the current state of the
savings and loan industry and our efforts last year at its salvation
and, second, the Brady Plan as it has been applied in Mexico.
On the first subject, when the administration presented its S&L
plan approximately a year ago, there were a number of economic
assumptions upon which it was predicated. Two of those were first
that there would be a growth in deposits in the depository institu-
tions that paid into what had been the FSLIC fund of 7.2 percent a
year.
When you testified last year you said that in the context of the
fact that there had been a less than anticipated growth in that
fund since the September 1988 base that it would require not a 7.2
percent, but a 9 percent growth rate over the next 3 to 4 years in
order to lift growth to the percentage average upon which the plan
had been predicated.
In fact, since March of last year there has been no growth in the
fund, and in November there was almost a $9 billion flight of cap-
ital from the S&L institutions, and therefore a reduction in the
base upon which the premiums could be paid.
The second factor was the interest rate at which the Revcor
bonds would be sold. The assumption was a 7.9 percent interest
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rate. I believe that the first sale of those bonds was approximately
25 to 50 bases points above that level.
In light of those differences between the assumptions and the re-
ality, do you have any recommendations of what we ought to be
doing in terms of reviewing the S&L bailout transaction? I'm par-
ticularly concerned that we do not repeat in the 1990's what we did
in the mid-1980's, and that is let the situation fester to the point
that a manageable problem became the largest financial crisis in
the history of the country.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Senator, I certainly agree that the 7.2 percent
forecast was wrong. It has been very substantially changed, but I'm
not certain that it really fundamentally affects very much. It does
clearly indicate a slower flow of premiums into the thrift savings
insurance fund. But to the extent that those deposits shifted into
commercial banks, they would show up in the bank insurance fund.
There would be some loss, however, because there are different
rates for both of the funds. But it's not a material issue with re-
spect to the actual total bailout scheme.
In other words, the $50 billion really reflects an evaluation at
the time of what the losses are in the assets of the thrift institu-
tions which ultimately impact upon the insurance funds, and the
particular assumptions about the rate of growth of thrift deposits
did not relate to that calculation. It does relate to other elements
within the flows into the funds, and it does have effects, but from
the point of view that you're asking, which I assume is the short-
term overall bailout financing question, neither one of those two
assumptions is really crucial. They affect things at the margin, but
the basic problem of financing is going to be what the markdown
on assets in those failed institutions is ultimately going to be.
Senator GRAHAM. Mr. Chairman, the second question is your
evaluation of the current application of the Brady Plan to Mexico.
Three weeks ago documents were signed between Mexico and the
various financial institutions.
What will you be monitoring over the next few months to deter-
mine the success of the Brady Plan in Mexico, its impact on U.S.
commercial banks and its potential applicability to other debtor na-
tions?
Chairman GREENSPAN. Well, obviously the major purpose of the
type of financing that took place was to restore basic confidence in
the Mexican economy, and there has been clearly a very significant
shift that has occurred there over the last several years.
Specific things that one would look at clearly would have to do
with the extent of direct investment in Mexico the extent to which
foreign capital starts moving in, and certainly the extent to which
flight capital which had flowed out moves back in.
So if one wants to look at the question of success or failure, there
are a number of things that one looks at, but the fundamental
thing that one tries to appraise is the basic Mexican economy, how
well is it doing, how well is it growing, what is the level of infla-
tion, what is the level of the budget deficit, and with respect to the
international aspects of it, to what extent is capital flowing net
into Mexico as distinct from out.
Senator GRAHAM. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Senator Mack.
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Senator MACK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Alan, as you know, I have argued in the past that the best way
to bring down interest rates is to have a consistent monetary policy
to achieve price stability or price rule if you will.
I am convinced that uncertainty about Fed policy breeds price in-
stability and price instability breeds higher interest rates.
It was therefore interesting for me to read the dissenting views
by your colleague, Wayne Angell, at a recent December FOMC
meeting where he expressed concern that the Fed was responding
to indicators of weakness in economic activity that were conse-
quences of somewhat cautious policy responses earlier.
So I would like to read a portion of his views and then ask my
question.
Policy decisions should rely on leading indicators, commodity prices, the exchange
rate, the yield curve, and money supply growth. Attention to such indicators has
served policy well in the past. During the spring and summer while the dollar was
appreciating and commodity prices, including gold, were generally falling, easing of
reserve conditions was accommodated by the lower long-term interest rates neces-
sary to undergird housing and other long-term investments. At this meeting, again
December, price level indicators were not signaling a need for further ease. In these
circumstances, an additional drop in the Federal funds rate coming after two previ-
ous easing moves in the fourth quarter could raise doubts about the system's com-
mitment to its objective of price stability, especially given that the easing would fur-
ther stimulate M2 growth. Under such circumstances, further easing of reserve
pressures would tend to accommodate rising prices, foster uncertainty in the finan-
cial markets and drive up long-term interest rates, thereby increasing the likelihood
of economic instability. Steady policy in pursuit of price stability using forward-look-
ing indicators would reduce uncertainty about price trends, bolster confidence in the
dollar domestically and internationally and bring about lower interest rates and
higher economic growth.
I apologize for that lengthy reading of that, but my question to
you is this. What is your long-term plan to stabilize the price level
and assure the purchasing power of money? Can you lay out for us
how we are going to get stable prices, low interest rates and stable
exchange rates if not by how Governor Angell suggests?
Mr. GREENSPAN. If I could answer the question in 2 or 3 minutes
it would imply that we knew a great deal more than we know. The
proper answer, because we don't know as much as we would like, is
very long but I won't carry it forth today.
What Governor Angell and what you in fact implicitly are rais-
ing really by the nature of your question, Senator, is the funda-
mental question about long-term Federal Reserve strategy which
we spend a good deal of time discussing in FOMC meetings. We do
try to get a collegial consensus on the general approach, not just
counting noses of what the various votes are. And there are differ-
ences.
There are differences with respect to the question of how certain
are we about certain trends and how certain are we about cause
and effect within the very broad world economic structure. And
there are differences between the members at different times. I
would think that how one behaves in a particular context very
much depends on how one evaluates what the forces of cause and
effect are.
I would like to say I could write out a simple plan which would
hold forth for the next 5 years and bring us down to a noninflation-
ary level of prices. We don't know enough to do that in great
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detail, but what we do know is that we need to lean in that direc-
tion and look for opportunities to lower gradually the rate of
growth of money supply. Ultimately, as I believe I said in my
formal remarks, to get an inflation rate down below where it is
now we would have to get a somewhat lower longer-term rate of
M2 growth. But we have to be very careful how that is done be-
cause if you mechanically just push forward it is very easy in the
context of what is still a fragile economy to tilt us over.
And I think as a consequence of that all of the various members
of the FOMC, while I'd say are in general agreement about where
we are heading, have varying different sensitivities of where the
problems are or how tight cause and effect relationships are.
So in that sense, I don't know whether I could answer your ques-
tion very specifically because none of us know enough to give you a
firm plan. But we do know enough to understand the processes as
they develop and how to handle them so as to bias inflation down.
The complexity of what confronts us as we go through a 5-year
period is something which we cannot forecast in advance. There-
fore, because we cannot forecast all of its various elements in ad-
vance, we cannot know in advance precisely step-by-step what is
the optimum way of proceeding.
I don't know whether that responds to your question specifically,
but obviously I did not agree with my colleague and tennis partner
in that particular meeting and we voted in a different way.
Senator MACK. If I could have just a very quick follow-up
The CHAIRMAN. Yes, if it is quick because I do want to try to stay
in the time limits.
Senator MACK. What I would draw out of what you said is that
while you would agree with the general direction of consistent
policy working toward zero inflation would bring down interest
rates but there are things that are going
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, we have chosen not to use the word "zero"
because our main concern is to get to a non inflationary environ-
ment which may or may not require us being down to zero.
Senator MACK. I will just let it go at that.
The CHAIRMAN. Very good.
Senator Kerry.
Senator KERRY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to pick up where I left off. Again, I
know that regional comments are not your preference, but I really
feel compelled to ask you about this both because of your role as
the leading commentator and leading person who has a capacity to
affect that economy in the country and also because the situation
is really so pervasive throughout New England.
I know you have heard from other people on this. I know the As-
sociated Industries have written you. It has been a subject of some
discussion and there's really been an enormous transition. I have
been hearing from small retailers and others who talk about liquid-
ity crunch, credit crunch, people are having to jump through hoops
who have had performing loans for 20 years and never missed an
interest payment and so forth. Suddenly loans are being called and
so forth.
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There's a total change in the texture of the economy not just of
Massachusetts but of New England and it has been described in
various ways by various people.
Most economists who have looked at the New England and Mas-
sachusetts economy appear to be optimistic, which is at great vari-
ance from this pervasive attitude among those who are doing busi-
ness at large. Lynn Brown, the outstanding chief economist at the
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, told a large gathering of business
leaders last week:
We are talking slowdown. We are not talking economic disaster. We have lost our
perspective. The orgy of pessimism into which the region is slipping is not warrant-
ed. The spotlight on prominent individuals and institutions has given the impres-
sion that the impact on the economy is greater than is actually the case.
Summarizing these economists' findings, the Boston Globe edito-
rialized that "the bloom is off the boom, but the regional economy
is healthy."
Another very knowledgeable observer, your colleague, John
LeWare, a member of the Federal Reserve Board, recently came to
a similar conclusion and he expressed it this way in a speech that
he made in Boston. He said:
For a decade the growth and prosperity of the Commonwealth were the envy of
the rest of the country. We were on a roll and it didn't look like it would ever stop.
Although the posted speed limit on the Mass Pike is 55, most of the traffic whirls
along at 65 to 70. After you've been traveling with the crowd well over the limit, if
you have to slow down there's a sense of disappointment and frustration.
I would argue, as has John LeWare, that the outlook for Massa-
chusetts and New England is only as depressing as the prospect of
having to slow down from 70 to 55 on the pike.
After reviewing the various forecasts for New England, he con-
cluded, "Those numbers certainly don't describe a disaster situa-
tion by any means, but they do indicate a real change of pace from
that of recent years."
Now again, realizing your reservations and I understand them
about dealing with regional economics phenomena, I still believe
that where restoring some realism and some basic confidence
among New Englanders about their economy is obviously so impor-
tant I was hoping you might at least say a few words about that
outlook based on the observations of both Lynn Brown and John
LeWare.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes, I would basically agree with the thrust of
both parties. It's very difficult to remember how frenetic the level
of activity in New England was a couple of years ago, and it was
growing at a pace which was clearly unsustainable. The process of
merely slowing down creates a sense of deterioration which exag-
gerates the underlying weakness. It's difficult to believe, but the
unemployment rate in Massachusetts, for example, during the
fourth quarter of last year was 4.5 percent.
Now what that tells you is that the economy is still relatively
tight but there is no question that when you come off a very high
rate of growth down to a still moderate rate of growth, it feels like
a recession. It has all of the psychological characteristics of some-
thing imploding, and one of the reasons it does is that people
project that process to continue straight down. It doesn't always
happen that way. In fact, most of the time it doesn't happen that
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way. But it feels worse than it is, and I do agree with my col-
leagues that if one steps back and looks at the broader issue you do
get a different sense than when you're talking among groups of
people in the business community and in the real estate communi-
ty in the New England area.
Senator KERRY. Well, I appreciate that observation and comment
very, very much.
I see my yellow light is on and I just want to ask another quick
question if I can.
In talking about American competitiveness, we are constantly
confronted with the question of cost of capital and it obviously
plays a significant role in choices that people make. The real inter-
est rates historically in this country have been around 2 to 3 per-
cent. In 1985, I guess they peaked at 7 percent. They are now hov-
ering around 4 percent. But very significantly above that of most of
the industrialized competitor nations we are competing with.
The question in your testimony on page 4 you talked about ex-
pectations of inflation and future price behavior affecting the nomi-
nal rates. My question to you is why are the real rates so high and
what can we do to adjust to what most business people say is the
critical component of their competitive capacity?
Mr. GREENSPAN. There are basically two reasons. One is—and
this is the most fundamental—our domestic savings rate is very
low and the consequence of that is that the balance between the
supply and demand for domestic savings and investment requires
real interest rates to rise to bring forth the amount of savings nec-
essary for investment.
Second, our inflation rate has been higher, and when an inflation
rate is higher, you get a degree of instability perceived in the econ-
omy, and hence you get a risk premium, an instability risk premi-
um, which adds to the real rate of interest. Most see the problem
with respect to inflation rates usually affecting nominal rates of in-
terest, but it's important to understand they also affect real rates.
So a combination of inadequate savings and an inflation rate
which is higher than some of our competitors I think explains a
goodly part of that difference. That clearly suggests that the major
policy area which has to be addressed is our Federal budget deficit,
which is perhaps the most useful and expeditious way to bring up
our domestic savings rate and hopefully, as a consequence, a de-
cline in our real cost of capital.
Senator KERRY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much.
Senator Sarbanes and then Senator Sanford.
Senator SARBANES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, let me just follow along the previous discussion. I take it
that you see the quickest way to improve the savings front is in the
public sector to reduce the public deficit, is that correct?
Mr. GREENSPAN. That's correct.
Senator SARBANES. Would I take it from that that you would
oppose any measures "designed" in some way or other to encour-
age savings and investment whose initial impact would be to in-
crease the public deficit.
Mr. GREENSPAN. It depends on what the time frame is because
remember our problem of low savings really is a longer-term issue
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and I would want to look at the longer-term consequences of a pro-
posal with respect to savings.
Senator SARBANES. So you would countenance I take it then from
that answer an increase in the deficit in the short run if you
thought it was going to bring a long-run increase in savings. Is that
correct?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Theoretically, the answer is yes, but I must say
to you that I find that that is probably unlikely unless one had
some extraordinary assurance that the situation would turn
around. But the answer in principle is yes.
Senator SARBANES. Let me come back then to the question. Do I
take it then from that answer that in effect your response to the
first question is that you would not countenance measures that
would increase the deficit, given the difficulty of making the
longer-run prediction which you've just asserted?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Yes. I would say I would certainly look at them,
but I would have to look skeptically.
Senator SARBANES. So any of these proposals that come along
and are designed to "raise savings" and improve that concern, if its
initial impact is to add to the deficit, you would be skeptical about
it?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, let me be very specific, Senator. The up-
front cost is known for certain. The savings effect is known with
less certainty. And when you match certainty against less certain-
ty, the burden of proof is on those who argue that it has a signifi-
cant positive effect in the later years.
Senator SARBANES. How serious and of how much concern should
it be that we are running these large trade deficits year to year?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think it's a long-term concern in the context of
the current account deficit, which as you know is related to the
trade deficit, in that we are absorbing foreign savings to essentially
finance our domestic investment. We can do that for a while and
clearly the markets are quite favorably disposed to investing in the
United States and we are not having difficulty in any measurable
manner of obtaining foreign savings to finance our domestic invest-
ment, but I don't think that we should rely on that fact indefinitely
into the future. That is one of the reasons I have argued for a sig-
nificant reduction, hopefully even a surplus, in our Federal ac-
counts so that we basically can remove the need for the significant
net drain of foreign savings to finance our domestic investment.
We can supply it ourselves.
Senator SARBANES. Did you regard it as a serious development
that the United States went from being a creditor nation to being a
debtor nation?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Not in an important economic sense.
Senator SARBANES. How about in a political sense?
Mr. GREENSPAN. In the political sense, I think it does reflect this
same problem and it symbolizes it, but we have very great trouble
with the data, and there are reasons why the net debt per se is not
as important an issue as the flows which it relates to. And as I in-
dicated in my
Senator SARBANES. Now given these flows which you've said con-
tinue to come but on which we are increasingly reliant, would you
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say the United States is increasingly finding itself in the position
of being dependent upon the kindness of strangers?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would scarcely call it kindness. I think they
are investing in the United States because they perceive it as a
place where rates of return are good. Our laws are very favorable
to the protection of property rights and we are a place where long-
term investment is feasible. I think that's a plus.
Senator SARBANES. Do you feel any pressure to uphold the value
of the dollar in order to assure continued foreign financing of U.S.
deficits?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I don't see it directly in the markets, but I
would say that as an economist I would find it hard to believe that
there was no effect. I think that there is some effect on real inter-
est rates in the United States as a consequence of our needing to
drain funds from abroad.
Senator SARBANES. Isn't the Fed sensitive to that consideration?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, sensitive in that—if you're saying are we
aware of that fact, of course we are aware of that fact.
Senator SARBANES. Well, don't you have to accommodate it to
some extent?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, as I say in my prepared remarks, there
are certain elements within the economy which monetary policy is
not best suited or even approximately suited to address. The issue
of our current account deficit is largely something which has to be
addressed effectively from fiscal policy, not monetary policy, be-
cause it really gets to the basic imbalance of domestic investment
and domestic savings.
In fact, arithmetically, our current account deficit is essentially
the difference between domestic investment and domestic savings,
and only if we can affect those numbers in a significant way, can
we resolve this question. And that's the reason why I think the
Federal budget deficit is such a crucial issue here.
Senator SARBANES. Mr. Chairman, I see my time has expired. I
would just make this observation. We have the story that the trade
gap has reached a 5-year low. It's still at $109 billion. It was $119
billion last year. It was $152 billion the year before. That's an im-
provement, but nevertheless, we still have gone in effect another
$109 billion into the debtor status. I wanted to ask the chairman
what he saw 5 years down the road with these kind of continued
trends. It just seems to me that we are just digging ourselves in
deeper and deeper. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. I might just make two observations at that point
before yielding to Senator Sanford. One is that we changed the
manner in which we calculate that data last year, we now leave off
the cost of insurance and transportation. That tends to run about a
billion dollars a month on a trade deficit that's running $9 to $10
billion a month. So those reported numbers look better than they
really are, in my view. I think that change in the accounting
system was questionable, but in terms of how much improvement
year to year, we've had less improvement.
Senator SARBANES. So in other words, instead of having dropped
from $152 to $109, we really dropped from $152 to $121?
The CHAIRMAN. That would be my view.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. No. These numbers are consistent so that you
have to add freight and insurance to both.
The CHAIRMAN. I don't dispute that. You would have to add it to
the $152, but the point is you've got to add it to the $109, so that
the $109 in fact isn't $109.
Mr. GREENSPAN. That's correct. In other words, I am just saying
that the change is about the same but the levels are both higher.
The CHAIRMAN. Just a second point, and I want to do this briefly
and I will. I want to draw Senator Sarbanes' attention to your com-
ment down at the bottom of page 15 where you say here, "The Fed-
eral Reserve can address itself either to domestic prices or ex-
change rates but cannot be expected to achieve objectives for both
simultaneously." That's a very powerful fact of life which you, I
think, candidly put forward here. It relates importantly to this dis-
cussion, and I want to come back to it.
Senator Sanford.
Senator SANFORD. Thank you very much.
I come from a part of North Carolina that was settled by the
Scots that came up the Cape Fear River. I grew up in that commu-
nity and they are burdened with two considerable traits. One of
them is honesty and the other one is fiscal integrity. I've had to
operate in that climate most of my life.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Those are terrible burdens, Senator.
Senator SANFORD. Great burdens. And it makes me very uncom-
fortable here in Washington if I can't somehow find a way to ad-
dress the implication of those burdens, I'm boggled by the fact that
since I've been here and several years prior to that we've heard
constantly year after year that the Federal deficits were being re-
duced, not rapidly enough but that Gramm-Rudman had a sched-
ule. Then we rearranged the Gramm-Rudman schedule and now as
I understand it we are going to rearrange it again to run until
1993. All of that time we've seen what I would consider actual defi-
cits which I define to be the annual increase in the national debt,
increasing year after year, not decreasing at all. This annual in-
crease is now somewhere in the neighborhood of $300 billion. In
fiscal year 1991's budget, according to Mr. Darman, I think it
might end up at $300 billion or it might be a little bit less than
that, but it is still too large a figure.
The point is that our accumulated deficits by 1993 without any
doubt will be approximately $4 trillion. Interest then will be clear-
ly the highest item in the budget. Interest now claims 40 percent of
all dollars that come in from tax sources. Forty percent of the
money we take in is the interest bill. While we don't pay it all out
in cash, we continue to capitalize the interest and it's carried in
the Federal debt.
As I struggle with this problem, let me ask you if we redefined
deficit into just a straightforward definition as the annual increase
in the national debt, would that cause interest rates to rise?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I think the markets are sufficiently knowledgea-
ble, Senator, not to be affected by how we keep our books because
the participants in the markets are very sophisticated. They have
all the data that we have and how we rearrange it doesn't change
anything. So we are not going to change any level of interest rates
by how we keep our books.
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Senator SANFORD. We might be fooling the public but we are not
fooling the people that calculate over deficit.
Mr. GREENSPAN. We might fool ourselves but we won't fool the
people who are out there in the markets.
Senator SANFORD. I was impressed with the speed with which the
Fed responded to the October slump a couple years ago on the
stock market. I also was pleased to see that you were monitoring
the Drexel Burnham situation and its effect on the markets.
Do you think we need changes in our broker-dealer capital re-
quirements or the regulatory structure affecting the parent firms
of a holding company of broker-dealers?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Senator, as you know
Senator SANFORD. The point being that folks say, well, the junk
bond mania is over now and we don't need to do anything. The
question is, is there something we need to da?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I think, Senator, as you know, the Securi-
ties and Exchange Commission has a bill pending in this Congress
to Increase the disclosure and reporting requirements of the hold-
ing companies of the securities firms and I think the first thing
that one really has to understand is how some of that gets put to-
gether.
We at the Federal Reserve have very significant amounts of data
on these various different types of institutions and the Federal Re-
serve Bank of New York has made a special effort to collect a good
deal of information which I must say was very useful in under-
standing the various different risks involved in the Drexel bank-
ruptcy.
I would hesitate at this stage to suggest any regulatory legisla-
tion because I don't think at this particular point that we know
enough yet to make useful judgments in that regard. I would like
to see the data in detail first.
Senator SANFORD. But you are in the process of gathering that
data in?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, the actual full detail will not be available
unless and until there is passage of legislation which enables the
Securities and Exchange Commission to request such data of the
nonbrokered dealer subsidiaries of these larger securities institu-
tions.
Senator SANFORD. Do you know whether the RTC and the thrifts
generally are still overstocked with junk bonds?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I don't know what overstocked would
mean. I guess at this stage anything is "over."
Senator SANFORD. That would be my definition.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Considering what's happened to the prices of a
lot of these bonds I would think that the last few months have not
been a very enjoyable one for those who are large holders.
But the size of total junk bonds in the system is still small. It's
not a large number. There are a number of thrift institutions
which have fairly large commitments to junk bonds, but it's not a
huge, pervasive issue. It's more localized with a certain number of
institutions than a very large problem in a large number of institu-
tions. That it is not.
Senator SANFORD. Thank you very much.
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The CHAIRMAN. I would like to follow up on what Senator San-
ford said a minute ago and what I took your response to mean. I
take it, that for brokerage firms such as Drexel or others, the SEC,
in your view, ought to have the authority to be able to monitor the
upstream affiliate activity. Is that correct?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, let me say this. We at the Federal Reserve
Board are somewhat divided on exactly what those powers should
be and I would say I personally marginally am in favor of it and
would be supportive personally, but I am not speaking for the
Board of Governors.
The CHAIRMAN. I appreciate the distinction.
Mr. GREENSPAN. I would be personally in favor of the legislation
which has been brought to the Congress.
The CHAIRMAN. I think that's an important statement from an
important person who brings a lot of knowledge and insight to that
subject. I had the same concerns that Senator Sanford has ex-
pressed. We have the Chairman of the SEC coming in on March 2
to discuss that precise issue here, so we will have some chance to
pursue it then. But I think we do need to know more about what's
going on in the affiliate area, and we may find that that's particu-
larly relevant in the Drexel case that we are in the middle of now.
We'll see.
Senator SANFORD. Mr. Chairman, I want to excuse myself. I've
got a 12 o'clock appointment and I thank again Mr. Greenspan.
The CHAIRMAN. Let me just also ask while we are on that sub-
ject, Mr. Greenspan, do you agree with the risk assessment provi-
sions of the market reform bill?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I'm not familiar with what exactly you're refer-
ring to.
The CHAIRMAN. Let me ask you to take a look at those provisions
if you would. There are some risk assessment provisions that are
laid out in that bill, and I would think that they would be some-
thing that you would find useful for us to have. I'd like for you to
just take a look and respond for the record if you would. In effect,
they would give the SEC the authority to obtain information of the
finances of holding companies and affiliates. Take a look at it, and
let us have a response. I think it's timely.
[Chairman Greenspan subsequently responded to Chairman Rie-
gle's request in his answer (4) to written questions that Chairman
Riegle sent in his letter of March 13.]
The CHAIRMAN. I've asked the staff, just in the last few minutes,
to go out and try to determine how much of U.S. Government debt
instruments are now held by foreigners. In other words, what is
the extent to which we are tapping into this international pool of
lendable money to finance deficits here in the United States.
This is the series of data that I've been given coming forward
from 1984. It's gone up very substantially. In 1984, the data that
I've been given indicates that $193 billion would have been out-
standing in the hands of foreign lenders. In 1985, that went up to
$225 billion; in 1986, $263 billion; 1987, $300 billion—I'm rounding
off here to the nearest billion—in 1988, $362 billion; in 1989, $394
billion, and that was through September. That was the number
through the month of September, so it would have been higher, one
assumes, by year end, though not necessarily certainly so.
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In any event, it looks as if what we have done here in a period of
5 years is that we have doubled the amount of foreign holdings of
U.S. Government debt instruments going up from roughly $193 bil-
lion in 1984 to $394 billion through September 1989.
Can we continue to do this indefinitely, do you think? Are the
foreigners going to continue inexorably to take on larger and
larger amounts of U.S. debt? Can we safely make that assumption?
Obviously it relates to what the price is. If the interest rate and
the expectation on exchange rates is such that our debt instru-
ments don't look as attractive as some other country's, then pre-
sumably it gets harder to sell. You may be able to sell it, but at a
higher rate.
But setting aside for the moment the question of what rates you
have to offer to attract the foreign capital, are we likely to see that
trend continue? Are we likely, say over the next 5 years, to see the
amount of U.S. Government debt in the hands of foreign lenders
double again?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I don't know if it will double, Mr. Chairman, but
what we are looking at is a process which, as I indicated in my pre-
pared testimony, is a globalization of the financial systems in the
sense that we in the United States are investing more monies
abroad, people abroad are investing more moneys here, and the
process is grossing up in the sense that the ratio of foreign holders
to domestic holders of financial instruments I believe is probably
rising in every major industrial country. That is, in a sense, an in-
dication of the increasing globalization.
In that sense, I would expect that the ratio of our total financial
instruments in the United States held by foreigners will continue
to increase. Whether it increases at the pace of the most recent
period, I really don't know, but that is part of the process that is
going to go on and, in my judgment, irreversibly.
We will find, for example, that there will be American holders of
assets abroad whose foreign assets are rising as a share of their
total assets as well. I think it's important to look at the total proc-
ess, this grossing up of global commitments to get a better under-
standing of what the flows are. But I think the crucial point that
you raise, Mr. Chairman, is the issue of when the net savings flows
begin to become difficult to finance. In short, can we in effect con-
tinue to attract foreigners net on balance here—that sort of nets
out the pluses and the minuses—and that's an issue which I think
is going to confront us over the years ahead.
The CHAIRMAN. Do we even have the luxury of being confronted
by it in the years ahead? Aren't we in effect being confronted with
it, in part, now?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I am not sure how significant the current flurry
in interest rates is. We know that there is this big investment hole
in Eastern Europe. There is an extraordinary possibility here for a
major expansion, largely in investments into these countries to
export back out into the hard currency nations. It's not selling to
the individuals but it's using the infrastructure, which is a lower
cost infrastructure, to ship goods out, so there are potential signifi-
cant rates of return.
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What we are seeing is a general awareness of this process and
that's why I think we saw the rise in long-term rates throughout
the world.
What we don't know is whether or not that potential out there is
yet fully discounted in the market because if it is, then the interest
rate rise is enough. If they have overdone it, there will be a partial
retracement and if there's still an excess of expectations of invest-
ment opportunities versus sayings, then rates could go up more.
We don't know enough at this stage to basically make that judg-
ment, but to merely project those rates straight up I'm sure is not
correct. The process is much more sophisticated and much more
complex than a simple market extrapolation. This is an extraordi-
nary change in the nature of world savings and investment which I
don't think has any historic precedent exactly in this form, certain-
ly not in the last 40 years.
The CHAIRMAN. Well, I think this is a crucial subject for us to
discuss here today a little bit further. As Eastern Europe tries to
come fully into the industrialized 20th century and head into the
21st century, they appear to have enormous capital requirements
to get into the game—decades to make up for. Is the world's sav-
ings pool, as we now see it, going to be sufficient to finance their
catch-up, as enormous as it is? We're still dipping into that interna-
tional savings pool to take out the large share of borrowed money
for our huge deficit needs to finance a lot of our present consump-
tion. Is the world's saving pool going to be sufficient to handle all
of these credit needs, given the fact that we've just gotten an entire
new batch of major capital investment credit needs presented?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Also remember, Mr. Chairman, as these coun-
tries begin to move their economies and incomes up, they too will
begin to generate a significant amount of savings for their own
purposes. So it's precisely the answer to that question which you
raise which has led the markets to grope for an equilibrium to get
a sense of where the balance is. It is the most important financial
issue of the decade. It's happening very quickly. If the various
changes in Central Europe and Eastern Europe had occurred over
a period of years, it would be one thing, but they are all happening
at approximately the same time and this is a very large, skilled,
educated population whose underlying basic needs—let me put it
this way—whose potential for growth is really extraordinary. It is
that which has led to the interest of pools of world savings looking
to Eastern Europe as a potential source of significant rates of
return.
The CHAIRMAN. And there are more reasons than just the eco-
nomic returns. Again, referring to President Havel's comments yes-
terday, and I thought he was as eloquent as words could be
Mr. GREENSPAN. It really was extraordinary.
The CHAIRMAN. I suspect that because of the phenomenal size
and nature of this new condition and new opportunity, there will
not be much of a savings rate in Eastern Europe any time soon. I
think Eastern Europe is going to eat capital and, for a while, not
be able to produce much in the way of savings because you not
only have an industrial base to build—a private sector production
base to get into place and with modern roads and a lot of other
things that go with it—but you've got a consumer group that
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doesn't really have very much. Things like acquiring cars or wash-
ing machines or housing or things of that kind will consume any
income over and above what it takes to live each day.
If that is generally so, I don't see how the United States with its
financial balances so out of order—our fiscal deficits out of order,
masked by the Social Security surplus transfers, our trade deficit
very substantially out of order, our savings rate still very anemic—
is going to be able to go out and grab the same share out of the
international savings pool without having to bid a higher price for
it.
I think that's some of what's happened just in the last couple of
months. I think as interest rates have gone up around the world,
they've helped pull our rates up. I am not sure you would have
wanted to see our rates go higher if we could have disconnected
from foreign influences and kept them lower. I think they've been
pulled up because world rates have gone up. Do you disagree with
that?
Mr. GREENSPAN. I basically agree with the thrust of what you're
saying, Mr. Chairman. I wish to add one caveat, however. The
point of view which you hold, which I think is a rather sophisticat-
ed view of the way the process is emerging, is also what the market
is looking at. And what I said before and would like to reiterate is
that you're explaining why interest rates have moved up and why
they are where they are.
We have to distinguish between market adjustments which
happen fairly quickly as soon as knowledge is absorbable. I think
it's becoming fairly clear that the opportunities in Eastern Europe
are very significant and that there is likely to be a shortfall cer-
tainly in their domestic savings which requires for a time a signifi-
cant amount of foreign investment and savings to move in.
That, other things equal, would tend to raise the level of real in-
terest rates, long-term real interest rates, throughout the world
and indeed it probably has. That's what we are looking at. But we
cannot go from there to say that because of the imbalance between
Central Europe's savings and investment that therefore rates will
go higher from here because what causes that to occur is a revision
of the judgment—in effect, pretty much the judgment that you
have made, because it's not clear at this stage whether in fact the
markets have moved rates to balance a long-term view of savings
and investment flows in Eastern Europe.
The only thing you can basically say is that that process is going
on but what you cannot say is whether or not the increase in rates
has now fully discounted a series of forecasts into the future. We
don't know the answer to that. In fact it's one of the extraordinary
things about markets. Because we don't know how to do it, the
market flows are the best way to allow that process to work in the
most efficient manner.
The CHAIRMAN. That's very helpful. Now I want to take and try
to cross-connect that to another part of your testimony which
comes on page 9.
At about in the middle of the page, in discussing the forecast of
economic activity just ahead of us, you say, "However, available in-
dicators of near-term economic performance suggests that the
weakest point may have passed." Now I realize every word is
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chosen and there are nuances built on nuances to try to create a
statement that is as precisely ambiguous as it can be and still sort
of convey what you want to convey.
If interest rates rise abroad because of external events—Eastern
Europe being one of them, but also internal factors in Japan that
have driven up their rates, what may be going on in Germany obvi-
ously connected to Eastern Europe more directly driving up rates
there, and internal inflationary pressures and other things going
on in those countries—and there was an effect on us, partly be-
cause we are so now reliant on all this foreign borrowing, that
pulled our rate level up as well, it may be that, in macroeconomic
terms, rates in our own society could become higher than we would
like because we're trying to engineer a soft landing or some in-
crease in real growth in this country. It seems to me that we could
find ourselves in a situation, and we may very well be in a situa-
tion where international events pull interest rates up at a time
when we don't want rates any higher here because of the impact
on housing, car sales, and lots of other things that are interest rate
sensitive.
It strikes me that we could find ourselves in a situation where
external events, because of our reliance on this foreign borrowing,
can pull our interest rate structure up at a time that's very inop-
portune. No matter how masterfully someone tries to engineer
monetary policy—you or someone else—you may not be able to get
your interest rate patterns in your own national economy where
you want them in the right time sequence because you are now
part of this world economic system.
I think I'm seeing more of these jolts hitting us, and I'm increas-
ingly concerned about it. It doesn't take away anything from your
ability to try to navigate this because I think the job is in the best
possible hands, but I think the job can become unworkable at some
point with these factors now upon us.
I'd like you to react to that.
Mr. GREENSPAN. First, let me say that the type of issue that you
are raising doesn't necessarily relate to whether we are in surplus
or deficit because if in the world context we all of a sudden, as we
have done in Eastern Europe, create a significant increase in real
investment opportunities, profitable opportunities, while the global
supply of savings remains unchanged, then real interest rates have
to rise, and they will rise all over the world, and they will rise
whether or not you are a surplus country or you are a deficit coun-
try. It's got to do basically with the process. The issue of our sav-
ings problems is a somewhat different issue and separate from this.
But the key question here is whether or not we get to a state
where all of a sudden the prospective demand is so huge that inter-
est rates begin to rise extraordinarily.
The CHAIRMAN. You do though, express concern in your own
statement about the buildup of these debt levels.
Mr. GREENSPAN. That's correct.
The CHAIRMAN. So you've also got the problem of servicing all of
this debt perhaps at a higher interest rate, which then can run
into structural problems in the United States, which is a new kind
of danger for us.
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Mr. GREENSPAN. I don't deny that those dangers do exist. In fact,
it's part of the issue of the greater complexity of monetary policy
in this type of globalized financial world. The Eastern Europe issue
is a special case of that because it's a discontinuity. It's not some-
thing which has happened smoothly and which the markets could
adjust to gradually. It happened in an extraordinary short time
and, leaving the economics aside, it's such a magnificent thing to
happen to the world—I mean we can scarcely argue that this is a
problem.
But the reason I am not concerned at this stage in the terms in
which you spell out the problem is that, first, I think that there is
a very general knowledge of the size of the potential investment
and I would suspect that most of the information about that is al-
ready in the markets and, hence, unless something fundamentally
new occurs to create a major new investment opportunity—and I
can't see where that's coming from—I'm not as concerned as you
are that interest rates will just continue up.
Also, remember that if interest rates start up, that in turn will
lower the desire to make a lot of those investments, and very small
changes in rates are probably enough in this context to essentially
stretch out prospects for a significant investment in Eastern
Europe.
In that sense we are looking at one of the great advantages of
having open markets, free capital flows, and the ability of goods,
services, and capital and finance to move in the manner in which
they are moving. The adjustments are happening in a way which I
think significantly delimits the types of risks which you raise, Mr.
Chairman.
Having said that, I'm not saying that I am unconcerned about
this process. Obviously, the very difficulties that one sees out there
impact upon the way we at the Federal Reserve do our job so we
have to be very sensitive to what's going on and we audit it in a
very detailed way. I find myself being far more interested in what's
going on on a 24-hour basis than I would ordinarily because this is
a particularly crucial period.
But I cannot say that I am concerned in the sense you are be-
cause I think most of this knowledge, most of these expectations,
most of the underlying changes that are about to happen have al-
ready affected markets. And to the extent that is the case, I don't
think we can realistically argue that interest rates in the world
markets in real terms are going to go up, go down, or stay un-
changed.
The CHAIRMAN. Let's get the budget chairman into this. Senator
Sasser.
Senator SASSER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Greenspan, I apologize for missing your opening state-
ment today. We had hearings before the Budget Committee, but I
will read your statement with great interest as I always do.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Thank you.
Senator SASSER. I am pleased to see you and I came to ask this
question.
I note that you and several of the Federal Reserve Bank presi-
dents have endorsed the resolution of Congressman Neal that
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would require the Federal Reserve to bring inflation down to zero
within a space of 5 years.
Now I'm wondering if you have fully considered all the conse-
quences of this initiative. I have seen a study done by the Congres-
sional Research Service using Data Resources econometric model
which show that the economic effects of a 5-year transition to zero
inflation would be ready catastrophic.
It's theoretically possible to get to zero inflation by 1995 but
when you look and see what happens along the way it's not a very
appealing path to follow. According to Data Resources, interest
rates would hit 16.9 percent in 1992, 15.8 percent in 1993, the
budget deficit would be $663 billion in 1993, increasing to $691 bil-
lion in 1996. The unemployment rate in 1993 would be 11,9 per-
cent, 10.7 percent in 1994. We haven't seen unemployment rates
like that since what some would call the Volker recession of 1982.
In addition, we would have 4 straight years of negative real GNP
growth and of course we've still got the thrift industry hanging out
there and we've seen what happens to them when interest rates
get up in the 14, 15, 16 percent range.
Now I am confident, Mr. Chairman, that you can give me 100 dif-
ferent reasons why Data Resources is wrong, but I just want to
stress today that I see a great danger in an all-out single-minded
attack on inflation.
I think that we've got to be concerned about the underlying econ-
omy, about employment, about economic growth, and I wouldn't
want you to leave here today thinking that this resolution that's
been introduced over in the other body has a groundswell of sup-
port here in the Congress because this is one Senator who does not
support it at all. In fact, I think it would be cataclysmic if it came
to pass.
Now I've had my turn. What do you say about DRI's projections?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Let me first raise two issues, Senator. First, the
Neal resolution does not require zero inflation. In fact, in its origi-
nal version it did and it required a very specific one percentage de-
cline per year in the CPI. I told the Chairman over there that that
was not a desirable way to come at that.
The legislation that I would be supportive of stipulates that the
economy is to be brought down to a noninflationary level and that
we define stable prices as that rate of inflation which is sufficiently
de mininis that it does not enter into the business decisions of
people. In other words, for example, if the inflation rate were 1.5
percent or maybe even somewhat higher, our historical experience
suggests to us that that is, in fact, the equivalent of zero in that it
has all the benefits of zero inflation since it does not create distor-
tions, which is one of the major reasons why we are in favor of
stable prices.
Second, we obviously have done very much the same sort of anal-
ysis of what a decline in the inflation rate would do with respect to
employment/unemployment, and all I can say to you is that we do
not come out anywhere near where the DRI model comes out.
Let me suggest to you one of the problems that using a straight,
untended econometric model—and that is essentially what is being
done in these examples—if you take any of these models, ours in-
cluded which contain elaborate, very complex sets of equations
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which try to capture the nature of the relationships within the
American economy, and you allow them to run out a forecast un-
tended by human judgment, meaning in an econometrician's terms
you add factor the various equations and adjust them, you get silly
forecasts. The results are ridiculous. In fact, if you allow the
models to run over the years, they do less well in my judgment
than almost trying to make a sort of non-econometric type judg-
ment.
The same relationships which are causing that problem in the
forecast are the relationships that are used to simulate these types
of events. So we have the same problems as we do in forecasting in
simulating how the American economy would behave if, for exam-
ple, we endeavored to get the inflation rate down very gradually.
We are obviously acutely aware of the difference between econo-
metric simulations, forecasts and behavior in the real world. And
while it is the view of myself and my colleagues that there are very
great values to the American economy in getting the inflation rate
down—and in my prepared remarks I discuss some of them—we
are obviously aware of the structural dangers to the whole policy if
in the process we create inadvertently a major economic downturn.
As I say in my remarks, our basic purpose is to bring the inflation
rate down without a recession and that is our basic view and I
think that we do not have a mechanical step-by-step program out
there because we don't believe that one is feasible, but we are
biased towards bringing the inflation rate down in a context which
does not upset the economy.
Senator SASSER. Well, I just want to make it clear, Mr. Chair-
man, for the record that I don't think we can sacrifice everything
along the way in our fight against inflation. I had a great number
of running discussions with your predecessor over a period of years
about his attacks on inflation and made the point to him that we
didn't have any inflation in 1933 and 1934 as I recall, but nobody
had any money and nobody had any jobs.
We had disinflation at that time and frankly I think we are still
paying the price for some of the policies of the early 1980's and late
1970's in monetary policy. We are still paying it here in this com-
mittee with the problem with the savings and loans. One of the
prices we paid for shaking inflation out of this economy or bringing
inflation under control was what occurred in the thrift industry
and it's going to cost the taxpayers of this country somewhere in
the neighborhood—who knows—of $150 to $200 billion over a
period of years to resolve the problems of this industry.
Of course that pales to insignificance when we realize what hap-
pened to GNP during that period and how much real economic
gain was lost. Perhaps we had to pay it to wring inflation out of
the economy. But there are some around here—and I guess I in-
clude myself in that category—who are willing to absorb a modest
amount of inflation to keep this economy healthy and moving and
growing. I suppose I almost find myself in agreement with the Sec-
retary of HUD, Mr. Kemp, in this one regard to some extent—not
on all matters economic I must say, but to some extent in this one
regard.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. GREENSPAN. May I just comment for just one second?
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The CHAIRMAN. Please.
Mr. GREENSPAN. We've had 7 years of prosperity, a growing econ-
omy, which I don't believe we could have had if we had allowed the
inflationary imbalances to occur and I think the policies of my
predecessor, as difficult as they were at the time—and I remember
the extraordinary turmoil that was created at that time—in retro-
spect, I think were necessary. I think we're fortunate in that it di-
verted an economy where inflation looked as though it were not
only high but accelerating. I think the fact that the argument we
have today is whether or not a 4 or 4.5 inflation rate should be
brought down is an argument I don't think we would have the
luxury of having were not the actions taken in monetary policy in
the early 1980's. I am willing to stipulate all of the problems that
you argue in favor of, Senator, but I do think if one balances bene-
fits against costs, the advantages in retrospect of those policies I
think were extraordinarily helpful to this country.
The CHAIRMAN. I want to pursue this just a little bit longer. We
don't get a chance to have a serious discussion this way when we're
working with the 5-minute question periods. They interrupt any
kind of follow-through on some of these issues that are raised.
I want to come back one more time to what we were chatting
about a little earlier, and it relates to what Senator Sasser has just
been saying as well.
I gave you a series of data earlier on the amount of U.S. debt
instruments that are outstanding and held by foreigners.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Those are Federal debt.
The CHAIRMAN. Yes, just Federal debt. And I gave the dollar fig-
ures and how it had doubled over a 6-year period. It has also gone
up in percentage terms and I want to say that for the financial
press here as well. It's gone up from roughly 15 percent of the total
in December of 1984 to about 20 percent of the total in September
1989. The trendline would imply that we will be requiring foreign-
ers to take on a larger percentage as well as a larger number of
dollars of debt holding simply because we can't finance it ourselves.
We can't restrain ourselves, so they have come forward to pick it
up, at some rate of interest.
The world has changed, and I think you've captured it very well
today in terms of the extraordinary dimensions of what has hap-
pened with the collapse of communism as an economic and social
system, the Berlin wall coming down, and noncommunist heads of
states coming to visit us from Poland and Czechoslovakia and other
places. Clearly, it is an extraordinarily changed situation. However,
the United States, I think, still has some very serious underlying
structural economic problems of its own. They now have to be inte-
grated and dealt with within this world economic system that has
just now been jolted by these new changes.
If you take our persistent fiscal deficits, our persistent trade defi-
cits, our persistently low savings rate, the fact that the Japanese
last year invested in their private sector five times the amount of
equity capital that we did here in America in companies, the fact
that we have been replacing equity with debt in the United States
with leveraged buyouts and junk bonds and other instruments
which you yourself expressed a concern about a little bit earlier,
you can see a lot of things that are fundamental imbalances and
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trendlines that are not helpful to us over a period of time and that
we are having a very difficult time changing very much. And we've
invented terms of debate and devices I think to sidestep a lot of
these questions and roll them forward and not deal with them.
My concern is this. There is still the view in the country, I think,
that somehow monetary policy is the last resort way in which we
can work things out in an orderly way, that if the Fed is just com-
petent and up to the task, they can somehow pull the levers this
way or that way and reconcile everything and keep us going with
this 7-year expansion, avoiding the pitfalls of inflation on the one
hand or high unemployment on the other hand, or of interest rates
going through the roof.
I must tell you that I think we are putting ourselves in an eco-
nomic trap. I think the time is coming and it may be here now
where interest rates other places, because of macroeconomic factors
in Japan, in Europe, in West Germany, or in other places may now
impinge in new ways on our ability to continue to draw savings out
of the international savings pool to deal with a lot of our problems
and excesses.
Rates have started to go up. You say you can't necessarily ex-
trapolate that they will go higher. They may stay the same; who
knows where they will go. But I know what I'm hearing from busi-
ness leaders who come to see me—you see a lot of them as well.
There's a growing concern about the economy, about the effect of
these things on interest rates, and on the ability to have a strong
growth going forward. I'm hearing it more frequently. Maybe they
are all wrong, but they are expressing that concern.
When you say on page 9, "available indicators of near-term eco-
nomic performance suggest that the weakest point may have
passed," given the fact that it's a hedged statement, what can we
really hang our hats on there to sustain that notion?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Senator, let me say first that when you go
back in the American economy to the summer of 1989 and you look
forward, what you see is a continuous erosion of economic growth.
In a sense it's almost like a tire with a slow leak in it. You can
actually see the system going down, and down, and down and final-
ly for the first time in the last number of weeks we are beginning
to see that that deterioration has stopped.
Now I'm not saying that it won't proceed again and obviously it
can. What I'm saying is that when you look at the various balance
of forces going on and you look at the pattern of inventories and
the like, what you get is a clear indication that something is in the
process of changing.
Now I say that the probability that we are passing this weak
point is somewhat better than 50-50. It is not certainty. I regret too
often that when we say that something is likely to occur, the word
gets changed to "will" and there is a very big difference. If you
look at the blue chip forecasts of American economy, the 50 or so
odd people, only one of them has got the economy going down in
1990. Now I'd like to believe that that's true. I am not sure it's ba-
sically true. It is the most probable forecast. But the mere fact
that, say, 49 out of 50 say it's true doesn't make it so.
What we are looking at is a very complex set of forces, but there
is no question that there has been a subtle change going on and the
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change does not mean that we're about to take off again. It used to
be in periods of recession where we'd have major inventory liquida-
tion you could pretty well forecast the spike going up the other di-
rection. We are looking at something quite different at this particu-
lar stage, but the quality of the data that we are looking at has
changed.
How significant that is and how far one projects that into the
future depends on one's view of the way the structure is develop-
ing. I am, as I indicated in my prepared remarks, concerned about
declining profit margins. I am concerned about the strains in the
balance sheet. These are potential negatives and they could turn us
down again. I think the odds of that happening are less than 50-50.
In other words, I didn't believe that 6 months ago. Six months ago
I thought it was touch and go very honestly and I think that what
has changed in my view is that the time frame when the most
likely cumulative effect of the recession was to occur was probably
in the fall, if you look at history the way things develop. The fact
that we've come through that and now look as though there is
some at least stability in that the leak at least has stopped, gives
me some hope that this process may be developing.
If we get an unexpected shock from somewhere that could tilt us
in another direction. And I think it is important to draw the dis-
tinction, as indeed I think all of the forecasting economists who we
look at do, the vast majority think that we're undergoing sort of
modest, relatively slow growth through the rest of the year, which
is another way of saying that they believe it's better than 50-50
that that's what's going to happen. When you examine them in
great detail about their degree of certainty, there are going to be
very few who are going to say that and I think correctly so. I mean
this is a very unusual type of period. But I think that while there
are a number of difficulties and problems out there, I'd say the out-
look in the context of what we've been going through in the last 9
months is better now than it was 3 or 4 months ago.
The CHAIRMAN. Well, I appreciate the time and the effort that
you make to try to make that clear, and I know it's not easy to do.
Let me ask you this question. If external events were to have the
effect of pulling interest rates up, I'm talking about worldwide in-
terest rates, in a way that were to pull our country's rates up an-
other percentage point so that instead of being somewhere between
8 and 8.5 or 8.6 percent from short-term borrowing out to 30-year
borrowing, we saw events over a period of weeks or 3 or 4 months
yank rates up, say, generally a fully percentage point to the 9 per-
cent range, would that kind of a change create a difficulty in terms
of how our economy might function at that point? Do we have
enough slack that if we got pushed up into a higher interest rate
environment, we could digest that rather reasonably, or are we at
the point where something that would be in that magnitude would
really start to change the expectations?
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, I think that were we to get that—and in
my view I frankly suspect we will not—it probably would be reflec-
tive of the fact that actual capital investment in Europe was now
really moving forward, which probably would mean that our ex-
ports would begin to start to move. It s difficult to know whether
the clear negative effects from high interest rates here would be
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more or less than the positive effect on aggregate demand which
would come as a consequence of much stronger export market than
we even have today.
I don't think one can or should look at an economy in terms of
what would happen if one variable would change. It almost never
happens that way. There's usually a complex of forces. I would say
in the realm of forecasting there's certainly enough slack in any-
body's relationships to absorb a lot of changes without fundamen-
tally changing one's outlook, but I do think that we are looking at
something which we have to be careful we don't misread, and it's
fortunate that we've got the resources that we have got at the Fed-
eral Reserve to look at this in great detail and have access to a
great deal of material.
It's times like this when I think one really appreciates the ability
of the research operation that the system has in the regional banks
as well as at the Board itself because we do have the resources to
look at this in a way which is important.
The CHAIRMAN. Let me just conclude with this thought. The busi-
ness people I have been talking to say if interest rates pull up an-
other notch, that could start the slow leak again in the economy.
I'm getting from most business people that I talk to a belief that
any appreciably higher level of interest rates would start to cut
against the economy and would start to put us back in a more vul-
nerable position. That doesn't mean they are right, but that's what
I'm hearing a lot of.
I'd like to make a suggestion to you and I don't know what you
have in the way of machinery at the Fed. We can talk about this
after today as well. We are all so busy doing day-to-day work. You
talked about having to look at things now 24 hours a day because
of the importance and the immediacy of things, and that's true
here as well.
I think it would be good if somebody in the Fed could be given
the task to take a 60- or a 90-day period of time and detach enough
from the day-to-day work that has to be done to really think
through the question of how the world has changed. I don't mean
just Eastern Europe. I'm talking about all of these trends in sav-
ings rates, exchange rates, trade balances, fiscal deficits, and the
new requirements for capital in Eastern Europe. What are the un-
derlying adjustments that the United States needs to make for
itself?
I think it would be very healthy at some point if the Federal Re-
serve, quite apart from its monetary responsibility, day in and day
out, could, as a separate study or analysis, say as best it could:
"The world has changed in these ways, and these are some of the
key trendlines and the combination of trendlines that are creating
a more complicated situation. They limit our latitude in the
future—not just the Fed's latitude, but the country's latitude." We
need to understand the nature of how all of these changes are
working and try to think them through and get some kind of a
more serious national discussion going on the economic and finan-
cial adjustments that must be made here before you wake up some
day and find that your hands are tied and that you don't have the
operating latitude that you'd like to have at the Fed or that we in
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the Congress, or for that matter that even the President, would
like.
I think there is a need for a comprehensive assessment of this
changed economic and financial situation—done at arm's length,
competently, dispassionately—that tries to lay this out in a way
that doesn't just come back to saying we have to knock interest
rates up or down in the next 10 minutes because of the impact of
these things and because of the way the markets work.
I don't know if you can do something like that, if something like
that is being done. I would like to suggest that something like that
be done.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Well, Mr. Chairman, I hope we do that as an
ongoing process because I don't see how we can in fact do our job
unless we have at least tentative answers to the questions that you
have raised.
But what I will do is I will go back and I will sit with my col-
leagues and see whether or not there is the capability in a useful
manner of doing a certain specific type of study and we will be
back with you to let you know whether we think that it's feasible
or desirable or what form you might think the resolution of that
problem which you, I think very appropriately raised—what from
that might take.
The CHAIRMAN. I appreciate that. I've got other questions I am
going to submit for the record, some from Senator Kerry, some
from myself. You've been very patient and I appreciate very much
your testimony.
Mr. GREENSPAN. Thank you very much.
The CHAIRMAN. The committee stands in recess.
[Whereupon, at 12:50 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
[Response to written questions follows:]
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BOARD DF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
WASHINGTON, 0.
April 17, 1990
ALAN GEJEENSPAN
The Honorable Donald W. Riegle, Jr.
Chairman
Committee on Banking, Housing, and
Urban Affairs
United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510
Dear Senator:
I am enclosing responses to your questions following
my testimony on the Federal Reserve's Monetary Policy Report
at the Committee's hearing on February 22, 1990.
Please let me know if I can be of further
assistance.
incereiy.
Enclosures
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Chairman Greenspan subsequently submitted the
following in response to written questions from Chairman
Donald W. Riegle, Jr., in connection with the hearing held
on February 22, 1990.
Q. i, The Economic Report of the President indicates
a probable inconsistency between your money growth
targets and the Administration's GNP forecast. in
the past, when we have discussed such differences,
you have emphasized that they have different budget
deficit assumptions. Is that the case this year,
and, if so, what are your budget estimates?
A. 1. There is no common budget assumption embedded in
the FOMC forecasts included in the Board's monetary
policy report. Because those forecasts related to
the current calendar year, only a small portion of
which runs beyond fiscal 1990, I think it is safe
to say that the FOMC members have taken the exist-
ing budget largely as given. Perhaps the most
important questions would be how the budget process
for FY 1991 will unfold in the coming months, and in
particular, whether one can foresee an agreement on
a multi-year deficit-reduction program that could
affect in a significant and positive way the pre-
vailing expectations in financial markets. It is
my sense that my colleagues have not built such a
development into their thinking—though we'd cer-
tainly all welcome it.
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Q. 2. Last year's economic growth rate was only 2.4
percent, despite a major boost in farm output after
the 1988 drought. This year you project growth of
less than 2 percent. In your testimony, you said
that to reduce inflation we need slow growth until
we develop some "slack" in the economy. Can you
give us a rough estimate of what that might mean
in terms of unemployment rates?
A. 2. As I've indicated on a number of occasions, I don't
think conventional econometric estimates give reli-
able guidance on the short-run relation between
unemployment and inflation. The particular cir-
cumstances, and how expectations change as anti-
inflationary policies are implemented, would be
important in determining this "trade-off." The
central tendency of the FOHC forecasts suggests
that most members are of the view that some prog-
ress toward lower CPI inflation can be achieved
this year without a sizable rise in the unemploy-
ment rate.
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Q. 3. In the junk bond market, we have been witnessing a
long degeneration of prices and market conditions,
as a number of large mergers and LBO's have fal-
tered. Some institutions have failed already as a
result. How much future damage do you foresee?
What are the implications for banks with large port-
folios of LBO loans? What are the implications of
Drexel's bankruptcy for "too big to fail" policies?
A. 3. As I stressed in my testimony, the increase in debt
leverage could have significant adverse implications
for the long-run viability of the expansion, and
serve to intensify adjustment problems should the
economy fall into recession. However, in the pre-
sent circumstances, it appears unlikely that the
increased leverage within the economy would itself
precipitate a downturn in the economy.
With regard to those banks with large portfolios
of LBO loans, we remain concerned about the quality
of those credits and the extent to which recession-
ary factors may undermine original underwriting
standards and projections. Certainly any trans-
action characterized by high debt levels and a low
equity cushion weakens the borrower's ability to
withstand financial adversity, increasing the level
of risk in bank portfolios.
As of December 31, 1989, the 50 largest bank holding
companies had total Highly Leveraged Transactions
(HLT's) of $125.5 billion, a 50 percent increase
from the level reported at the end of 1988. While
HLT nonaccruals as a percent of total HLT's were
less than half the rate reported by the top 50
companies for nonperforming assets overall at
year-end, that figure is on the rise. We are
currently conducting specialized examinations in
certain institutions with relatively high concen-
trations of HLT's to determine if significant
deterioration is taking place.
It is important to note however, that the prepon-
derance of HLT outstandings is comprised of secured,
senior debt. In essence, these transactions repre-
sent asset backed financings. As in any financing
secured by real property, there are risks that cash
flows generated by the assets will decline or not
meet original expectations, hence the values of the
underlying assets may suffer a significant loss of
market value. Nevertheless, secured bank creditors
would not be subjected to the much larger risks
associated with unsecured high yield and equity
types of financing.
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The implications of Drexel's bankruptcy are most
profound with regard to the loss of liquidity in the
secondary market for high yield issues. The loss of
liquidity will directly affect the ability of highly
leveraged companies to refinance their own obliga-
tions, and may indirectly affect their ability to
sell assets to meet debt servicing obligations, as
potential buyers in the past have often relied upon
the high yield market to finance such deals.
Certainly to the extent original debt servicing
agreements relied upon the availability of such
financing, all participants, including senior debt
holders, will experience problems.
With respect to "too big to fail" policies, the
Federal Reserve has not been comfortable with the
notion that the Government should insulate certain
very large institutions from the consequences of
bad banking practices and from failure simply
because of the size of these institutions. Never-
theless, each resolution is reviewed both in the
context of systemic risk and the overall cost to
the government. Any revisions necessary to current
regulatory policies regarding the handling of bank
failures or the administration of the deposit insur-
ance fund should properly await the findings of the
study on deposit insurance reform required under the
Financial Institution Reform, Recovery and
Enforcement Act of 1989.
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Q. 4. How does the recent Drexel experience affect
your views on the need for the risk assessment
provisions of the Market Reform bill (S. 648) that
would give the SEC authority to obtain information
on finances of holding companies and affiliates of
securities firms?
A. 4. The experience with Drexel illustrated the possi-
bility that problems in one area of a firm could
spill over into other areas, some of which may have
been fundamentally sound. The government securities
affiliate, for example, seems to have been ade-
quately capitalized, but it found counterparties
pulling away when questions were raised about the
health of the parent and other affiliates. As a
consequence, the viability of a regulated entity
was affected by developments in nonregulated parts
of the firm.
This experience raises issues about the possible
need for an overview of the entire company, both
regulated and nonregulated entities. In my personal
view, collecting information about all the different
parts of the company might be helpful. The regu-
latory focus on the broker-dealer and government
securities entities remains appropriate, but wider
information about other areas of the firm might aid
in anticipating problems that could adversely affect
the regulated entities, enabling steps to be con-
sidered to protect their safety and soundness. To
ensure that the SEC is provided with the type of
information that it needs, and that at the same time
the concerns regarding the collection, maintenance
and confidentiality of information are met and to
avoid duplication of information already collected
by the banking agencies, the Federal banking agen-
cies and the SEC should consult on the appropriate
approach to collecting the information.
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Q. 5. Do you think the Administration's family savings
plan would increase private savings enough to offset
its negative effects on future government savings
caused by loss of tax revenue, so that its long-run
effect on total savings would be positive?
A. 5. I don't have the basis for offering a strong view
on this matter. Recent research on the IRA
experience has been more encouraging than earlier
work with respect to the question of whether IRAs
have resulted in a net increase in household saving;
the research has not eliminated all uncertainties,
however, and the family savings plan possesses
enough features that differ from those of IRAs that
one would have to take a very careful look to judge
the implications of the IRA experience.
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Q. 6. In your testimony, you said that thrift assets would
likely decline this year. How long do you think
that will continue, and how do you see the industry
evolving over the next few years?
A. 6. The decline in thrift assets will more than likely
continue in the near term given the significant num-
ber of insolvent thrifts and thrifts experiencing
financial difficulties. Furthermore, the higher
capital standards and limitations on amounts and
types of investments created under the Financial
Institutions Reform, Recovery and Enforcement Act
of 1989 (FIRREA) will reguire continued divestiture
of industry assets.
Thrift assets declined nearly $100 billion, or 7
percent, in 1989, precipitated by liquidity pres-
sures in certain larger, problem institutions
requiring asset sales, and asset shrinkage among
the industry generally to meet tougher capital
standards imposed by FIRREA, Of the §100 billion
decline in assets, $80 billion occurred in the last
6 months of the year reflecting both the reshaping
of the industry towards higher capital to asset
levels and liquidation of conservatorship assets.
Also during the last quarter, resolutions of insol-
vent thrifts transferred $7 billion of thrift assets
out of the industry, primarily to commercial banks.
Currently, excluding conservatorships, there are
177 unprofitable thrifts with assets of $124
billion, and 64 profitable thrifts with assets of
$51 billion which have 1 percent or less tangible
net worth as a percentage of assets. PIRREA estab-
lishes a 1.5 percent minimum tangible capital
requirement. Undoubtedly, considerable shrinkage
of assets and ultimately, liquidation of certain of
these institutions, will be required.
A more certain fact is that the Resolution Trust
Corporation (RTC), as of March 31, 1990, controlled
350 institutions under conservatorship programs with
total assets of $163 billion. The majority of these
assets will likely be passed to non-thrift acquirers
through the resolution process. While the pace of
future resolutions is likely to accelerate, the
current timetable is unknown.
Over the next several years, our view is that the
intense competition within the financial services
industry to provide mortgage credit will continue,
and that consolidation within the thrift industry
will be dictated by the need to improve operating
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efficiencies. As I discussed briefly in the
testimony, the downsizing of the thrift industry
which has already taken place did not affect the
overall cost and availability of mortgage credit, as
other suppliers of this credit stand ready to absorb
an increasing share of the market. Thrifts that
survive this restructuring, will have to be well
managed, strongly capitalized, and profitable.
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Q. 7. In a recent speech which he delivered in Tokyo,
Gerald Corrigan, President of the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York, commented on the rapidly growing
ing share of America's banking market controlled by
foreign institutions. After noting that 25 percent
of the banking assets booked in the U.S. are con-
trolled by foreign banks, with Japanese banks having
14 of the 25 percent, he asked:
"Is there a point where the extent of foreign
banking presence in U.S. markets could give rise to
public policy concerns about such presence?"
He then answered his own question:
"In my judgment, the candid answer to that question
is yes: such concerns could arise, particularly in
the context of any pattern of future behavior which
might be viewed by some as an aggressive strategy of
expansion through acquisition."
Do you share Mr. Corrigan's views on this issue?
Please explain why or why not.
The Federal Reserve for many years has strongly
supported the policy of national treatment with
respect to access of foreign banking and financial
institutions to the U.S. market. I support that
policy and believe it is in the best interest of
U.S. consumers of banking and other financial
services. The policy of national treatment con-
tributes to a strong, competitive market in the
United States. It is also the policy of the United
States to encourage other countries to adopt
policies of national treatment for foreign banks
and financial institutions; I support that policy
and believe it has been effective over the past
15 years in helping to open up foreign financial
markets to U.S. investors. In my view, the broad
thrust of President Corrigan's speech in Japan is
fully consistent with this line of thinking and
policy.
The major reason for potential concern about the
share of any investor in the United States arises
from the possibility that such investments might
lead to an excessive concentration of economic power
in the hands of one foreign investor. In the case
of the banking industry, current Federal and State
laws provide an adequate basis for guarding against
the development of such concentrations and for
dealing with their consequences if they should
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develop. Therefore, although by various measures
the share of Japanese and other foreign banking
institutions in the U.S. banking market has risen
somewhat in recent years, I see little economic
significance in these trends.
I am concerned that this issue could become a matter
of political concern. In particular, I am concerned
that it could lead U.S. authorities to adopt protec-
tionist measures in this area. such measures would
not be in the long-term economic interests of the
United States because it would tend to provoke
retaliation against U.S. investments abroad. They
could also have an immediate adverse impact on the
U.S. economy by putting upward pressure on interest
rates at a time when the U.S. economy is heavily
dependent upon a net inflow of saving from abroad to
help finance needed investment in the United States.
I would, of course, prefer that the profits from
such investment whether in the banking or other
industries accrue primarily to U.S. citizens rather
than to foreign investors; however, under present
circumstances, that is a luxury we cannot afford.
I know that President Corrigan shares my views on
these matters.
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Chairman Greenspan subsequently submitted the
following in response to written questions from senator John
Kerry, in connection with the hearing held on February 22,
1990.
Q. 1. To what extent, if at all, do examinations of the
Fedwire system conducted during Federal Reserve
Board's annual examinations of Federal Reserve
branch banks and the periodic financial reviews
of specific Fed bank functions, attempt to assess
the vulnerability of Fedwire to money laundering
schemes?
As a primary mechanism which depositary institutions
used to process 60 million transfers, totalling
$183 trillion, in 1989, we recognize that Fedwire
can be used as a contributing vehicle to money laun-
dering schemes. Because Fedwire serves only as an
intermediary between senders and receivers of the
payments, however, it provides no mechanism to
detect any such schemes.
The detection of money laundering within a universe
of normal payment activity requires the ability
to identify some transactions as suspicious. Such
suspicions arise out of the ability to differentiate
unusual from normal patterns of behavior, given
the nature of a customer's history and business.
Although currency transactions are essentially
two-party transactions, wire transfers generally
involve four or more parties, including the cus-
tomers of the sending and receiving institutions.
As Fedwire serves only as the intermediary between
the financial institutions, it provides no means to
assess the business practices of the institutions'
customers and differentiate between normal and
potentially suspicious activity.
The Federal Reserve routinely cooperates with law
enforcement agencies by researching specific
transactions and supplying related information in
response to appropriate requests related to specific
investigations that originate from other sources.
But Fedwire, itself, does not provide data conclu-
sive to the origination of such investigations.
Because of these factors, Federal Reserve Examiners
reviews of Fedwire are limited to assessments of the
integrity of the electronic data and automated pro-
cess and the reliability of the systems of internal
controls.
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Q. 2. To what extent, if at all, do the joint Federal
Reserve, office of the Comptroller of the Currency,
FDIC audits of CHIPS (the Clearinghouse of Inter-
national Payments (conducted every 18 months)
attempt to assess the system's vulnerability to
money laundering schemes?
A. 2. The joint examination of CHIPS by the three federal
banking supervisors is intended to address safety
and soundness, reliability, and data security
issues. The examination reflects the same types
of concerns the supervisors address in performing
examinations of bank electronic data processing
operations. CHIPS does not, however, provide
"retail" payment services and does not process pay-
ment orders on behalf of end users; in the language
of the new section 4A to the Uniform Commercial
Code, CHIPS is not an originating bank, an inter-
mediary bank, or a receiving bank. Rather, CHIPS
plays a role similar to a utility that transfers
payment orders between parties without maintaining
accounting relationships. Consequently, the federal
banking supervisors' examination of CHIPS does not
focus on money laundering.
Banks provide funds transfer origination and receipt
services to and maintain accounts for customers.
The focus on money laundering remains with Bank
Secrecy Act compliance examinations of banks.
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Q. 3, I read with interest yesterday in the Washington
Post of a report by the General Accounting Office
on security for the wire transfer systems, including
FEDWIRE.
What is the Federal Reserve doing to improve its
security systems and to insure that computer hackers
don't abuse the system?
Attached is the Board's November 9, 1989, letter to
the GAO commenting on the GAO's draft report on
Fedwire security, as well as the February 21, 1990,
testimony given by Governor Wayne D. Angell to the
Subcommittee on Telecommunications and Finance of
the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. The
letter and statement indicate that the Fedwire sys-
tem has a sound security architecture that is sub-
ject to a rigorous program of review and audit by
independent Reserve Bank and Board operations review
and audit groups. They also reflect the Board's
commitment to maintaining the highest possible
degree of security on Fedwire.
The Federal Reserve has taken immediate steps to
respond to the opportunities for improvement in the
implementation of the Fedwire security architecture.
Almost all of the findings have been corrected and
work is in progress to address fully the remaining
five improvements by June 1990. In addition,
increased emphasis has been placed on security in
the Federal Reserve's Fedwire operations review,
examination, and audit procedures. The Federal
Reserve's overall data security architecture is,
among other things, designed to protect against
abuse by those not authorized to have access to it.
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Comments From the Federal Reserve System
HavemOet 9, J.9B9
Mr. Ralph v. carione
united states General
Accounting Qtfi.ce
Washington D.C. 20548
the General Accounting Office (CAO) titled Blnctr-B^
Tians^ari- gyaa-fliqltf—gf ^ri^ic^} Bftnktpg SvatamB Snpulfl Be
The Board's response to tna portioni at th« Gt.O'»
irctiit.ctura. Second, »e discuss tha GAO's (pacific finding*
at the four Beaarve BanKa vlaited. TBlrd, vt addTMi tB» OM'a
recommandation ttist Chi ?ad«tsl Rtairve contract to obtain
external review 0f Fadwire evcurity. Finally, we Bddraaa tha
GAO'a concern csgarding th« lac* of encryption an tha
"backbone" communication" network linking Che Raaerve Banks and
The Fedaral R«**rv« i» itrongly oomitced to
in place B conprahenalva program dealgned to Identify *ecurlty
requiranenta, davalop and irapl«m*nt tichnlcil tolotion* to
tticBB requlreventa, and, finally, to monitor the ongoing
ef(ectlv«n«BB of Mcurlty admini»tration. w* b«li»v» the
••curi^y arcnltactur* for Fedwira i* fundanantally aognd, and
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Appendix ID
Comments From the Federal Rtwrve 8y«i
the aafagngrds surrounding Fvdblre* The Federal Recarvva
raceptlvenaBS to infornation and guidance Iron vaiioua courcaa
that um welcome thi OAO'e «u9g««tion« foe improvement to
Fedwire B«curity.
ov*cvl<H of tbt reditiii o»t» a»curity xranlteature
The F«d»tal Reierve Syetin hae Inplinentad a
Incorporatu a wide r*ng» of lifeguard*, including pfiy«iesl
apply to aoftwari implementation, computer operntloni, nitvork
connunicatione, and contingency. The ayeten eetabllihee and
Fedwire IB provided belou.
Each Reserve Bank has a ccmplafc* audit trail lor attempted
information IB aharad aarong Fedtr&l Ruerve BanKa.
Tha Fadwl
between
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nta Ftum the Fedenl Reoervt &7Bttm
pach Reserve Bank maintains separate proceeding
place to ensure tnat only tested and approved application
for local backup of key computing aivi comrrunications
Reserve Banks maintain several renot* sites and teat
comprehensive contingency plma at l«aot sami-annually. Theaa
data backup procedures to frn^^re tnat databases can be
halt houta ana resuBBd procassing to n««t critical nighttime
deadlines, and wag open and raady Cot Fnd.wi.rti buAineaa KB usual
the Reserve Bank's remote processing Bi.t« 4Bk prepared to serve
resunie in San Francisco,
A eat lection of Cha •rf*ctiv«(]««* ot regular
rsllaBlLity ot tt» Yedwlre application" and tha "baekbon*"
comBLunication* network connecting the Reserve ft&nka, cnllAd
FECS-BO. fcvtilabillty of FAdwlca applicatlona during ttie
FRCS-SO netuorx has aaintaiiwd availability In excaa* of '99.99
percent. Planning IB also underway for the aucce^aof network.
t',M> IMTEIV9IM4 Slrenglhen OvcraJKliI tif Critical
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Appendix IH
Comments Fitun tlK Federal Reserve Syit«
network; operator*. Baaed on analysis at both th« cisX
consolidate compuCBC- and netvorlt operations, tha Board believes
exist at any othar Reserve Banks. K such wealtnasses are found
steering Group, comprised of Reserve Bank and Haara staff, Me
The individual Baaacve Bands' internal audit staffs
KAO/IMTEC-BO-U Strength™ Overslghl nf Crilical Banking S
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Appendix ID
ConunenU From Che Federal
I, critical component at th« Federal Reserve's
security progran if review and oversight by trts Board of
general oversight of Rassrve Bank activities. To discharge
this nipomibility, Ch* Bo*td t»« •»tabli»h«(i a highly
The Board's statf if institutionally indepandant of the Reaarva
Reserve Bnaka, auch ne th« FBdvire funds ttanafer and
book-entfy securitlvG transfer operations, A!EO assess the
tne annual financial eKanlnation pcoettKK »t
in identifying additional secucity enhancements. nccordingly,
OAO '[MTEC-BO-14 Strengthen Ovfml«hl of Tritical Ban
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Appendix in
Comments From tit Fedwml Beserve Sy>'
communications syste» (FHCS-SOJ IB in ordet.
Implemented in 1982, FRCS-BO la a high-spaed.
Beard, contingency Bites, and the U.S. Treasury. FRCS-BO
request tor proposal Co encrypt the FRCS-ao backbone network.
Federal Reserve Bonks, vhich currently •ni«tB.
The Feds
5.9
the Fedwire network.
GAD/IMTEGSffl-14 8ti*ngtli«n Ovcrlight of Criclul Binldng SyJKn
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Concluding Becuirks
such assistance would be helpful. Tils FRCE-BO ba
The Board of Governors generally believes that the
nt on the draft
sinceceLy yours,
- -.
' Barbaca R. tcwr
(.AO IMTEC-90-USl™ni4<lvm<Jvfi>iHni "I Crtln-al TtanliiiiB Sv
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ENCLOSURE
SYSTEMS SHOULD BE
normally assigned \rt connutar operations and systems
The Federal Reserve Bank of San Franc 1 sea does not pla
do not have th» ability to modify applications program
or data. The due is ion to conbine these areas was made
security risk i«»oci»tad with combining these two
functions and ttmt tt» BanK'a decision is consistent
with enlarging industry trind*. However, regarding the
raexaDine the alignnent of r«mpon»lbiliti«« batueen
access and modit lention to Fedulre dots.
DeDory, the Bank h*« rtuitignfA acctft to that tlia
function.
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Network Management Security _
management weafcnesaea laaye Fedtfire aura vulnerable to
aerv^fe fa II urea.
Ttin GfcQ notes that 1) the Federal Reserve
backup, 2) computer canter staff pvrfoniBd dutle*
the network and 3) monitoring of tha network appeared
statements.
oaptmBnCs Bft v*\\ at ridundant nanory. With r««pect
unds tranafar data Mtuean Fadaral Racarv* bank* It
odal procafcvora bQcoita Inoperable, tha syteii
amiBLjnicatiianH Canter (SCC) maintains back-up eQulpman
in the sv.nt at & EsiVai*. Ui* backup nod* Is loadad
is conn acted to the back-up node through high spaad
are tasted guartarly with aach sits and hav* ba*n usad
agccesefiilly in production whan raquirad. The
FBCS-ao network has uintainad an availability' In
always Been used to Bon it or the FRCS-Bu iwtuacX, and
GAO.MTEOW-H Strengthen Overaiglit of Critic*] B«nlilnjSy«'
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Testimony by
Wayne D. Angell
Member, Board of Governors of the federal Reserve System
before the
Subcommittee on Telecommunications and Finance
of the
Committee on Energy and Commerce
United States House of Representatives
February 21, 1990
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Mr. Chairman and members of the Subcommittee on
Telecommunications and Finance, I am pleased to appear today to
discuss with you issues related to the security of large-dollar
value electronic funds transfer systems and the influence of
technology on the future development of these systems. The
security of funds transfer and financial message processing
systems is the subject of the General Accounting Office's January
1990, report Electronic Funds Transfer: Oversight of Critical
Banking Systems Should Be strengthened.
My testimony is divided into three parts and addresses
topics identified by the Subcommittee as being of particular
interest. First, I will provide an update on progress with
respect to implementation of the GAO's recommendations addressing
security on Fedwire, the large-dollar funds transfer system
operated by the Federal Reserve Banks. Second, I will provide the
Board's views on the need for clarification of its authority to
oversee other funds transfer and financial message systems, such
as CHIPS and S.W.I.F.T. Finally, I will provide a broader
perspective on future technology trends as they will influence
the international financial marketplace, with particular
reference to payments networks.
As background to the update on the Federal Reserve's
response to the GAO recommendations regarding Fedwire, it may be
useful to highlight three distinguishing features of this system.
First, the modern technology base that serves as the automation
"platform" for Fedwire has evolved from decades of experience in
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applying new technology to meet business requirements. The
electronic transfer of reserve balances on the books of the
Federal Reserve Banks began in 1918, using the telegraph. Today,
the Federal Reserve uses state-of-the-art computers and data
communications to operate Fedwire and is investing in research
and development to ensure that the most current technology is
used effectively, with a strong focus on security. Second,
Fedwire is truly the nation's funds transfer system. All
depository institutions have access to Fedwire and the Reserve
Banks currently connect over 11,000 endpoints in all parts of the
nation. These endpoints include the smallest to the largest
depository institutions. As a truly national payment system,
Fedwire must be responsive to a variety of needs presented by
depository institutions having diverse characteristics. Third,
Fedwire is the chief vehicle for effecting immediate final
settlement for U.S. dollar payments, that is, the irrevocable
transfer of value on the books of the Federal Reserve Banks,
regardless of whether the payment originated domestically, or in
London or ToKyo and was sent through a U.S. banking office. In
short, when describing the role of Fedwire for settling interbank
dollar transactions, it is no exaggeration to say that "the buck
stops here."
As noted in the Board's November 9, 1989, response to
GAO's draft report on oversight of electronic funds transfer
systems, the Federal Reserve is strongly committed to providing
the most secure electronic payment services possible. Such a
commitment is essential in the case of a funds transfer system
like Fedwire that handles about 240,000 transfers each day with
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an average value per transfer of $3-1 Billion. We believe that
it is important to begin any discussion of Fedwire security, as
did the GAO, with the statement that there have not been any
reported incidents (I can say with assurance no incidents) of
fraudulent transfers by the employees who operate the system.
Moreover, in the case of Fedwire, the sane holds true for
so-called interloper fraud.
The Federal Reserve's commitment to security begins
with a sound Fedwire security "architecture,11 or unified
structure of security safeguards and features which, in
combination, define an organization's approach to security. The
Federal Reserve security architecture incorporates a wide range
of safeguards, which total over 100. These safeguards are, by
the way, the result of our work with an outside consultant. To
put the GAO recommendations in the proper perspective, it is
important to understand the Federal Reserve's overall security
architecture. I would now like to take a few moments to describe
the safeguards and mechanisms that protect the Pedwire system
within the overall security architecture.
The Fedwire safeguards are grouped into the following
categories:
Physical security - to limit access to terminals
and computer operations areas to those individuals who
require access to perform their duties. Guards,
surveillance equipment, and card key access devices are
relied upon to prevent and detect unauthorized physical
access to restricted computer spaces.
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Access conj^rojjj - both software and code words, to
prevent unauthorized access to sensitive data and
programs.
gncryption - to protect the confidentiality and
integrity of Fedwire transactions, especially from
interlopers. Nearly 100 percent of transmissions
between depository institutions and Reserve Banks are
encrypted and, as I will discuss later, the "backbone"
communications network that links the 12 Federal
Reserve Banks will be encrypted by July 1990.
ftdmiq^Btrative controls - to govern employment
practices, separation of duties, and software
development standards.
Capacity planning and disaster recovery programs ate
also key components of the architecture to ensure that Fedwire
provides secure and reliable services. In recent years, Fedvire
computer uptime has improved steadily as a result of added
attention to the need for a secure, resilient, and reliable
automation environment. For example, in 1987 and 1988, Fedwire
computer uptime averaged 99.14 and 99.21 percent, respectively.
In 1989, Fedwire computer uptime averaged over 99.71 percent. I
might note that last year's uptime statistic covers the period of
the October 17, 1989, San Francisco earthquake. As a result of
careful preparation and skillful action on the scene, the Federal
Reserve Bank of San Francisco was able to recover operations
quickly after the earthquake with no disruption to electronic
payments processing.
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We welcome the opportunity to refine the implementation
of the security safeguards that make up the Fedwire security
architecture by responding to the recommendations recently made
by the GAO. The GAO's recommendations represent opportunities to
tighten further the implementation of a very solid security
architecture.
We agree fully with IS of the 17 GAO findings, in 12
of the 15 cases, full corrective action has already been taken.
Corrective action for the other three findings will be fully
completed by the end of June. Moreover, steps are being taken to
ensure that the conditions leading to the GAO's findings do not
exist at the eight Reserve Banks that were not reviewed by the
GAO.
The Federal Reserve's internal oversight of security is
being focused to ensure that appropriate attention is given to
the issues raised by the GAO. As we noted to the GAO, the
Federal Reserve has for many years had a program of internal
oversight based on independent operations review, financial
examination, and audit staffs at both the Board and Reserve
Banks. The Board's operations review and financial examination
programs will scrutinize Fedwire security in these areas during
1990. Additionally, every Reserve Bank's internal audit function
will perform a review of the Fedwire system, including security,
to be completed by mid-year.
Two specific GAO findings relating to 1) the separation
of duties between computer and network operators and 2) hardware
redundancy on the "backbone" network linking the 12 Reserve
Banks, may be due to some confusion regarding how Fedwire
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security is implemented in tt jse areas. The GAO report indicates
that there should be a complete separation of duties between
computer and network operators. Our view is that combining these
functions has no detrimental effect on security and is industry
practice. Adequate hardware redundancy already exists on the
"backbone" communications network as part of a comprehensive and
sound backup plan to provide quick recovery for the failure of
any network component. This backup plan, which is tested
quarterly and has been used successfully in production, has
contributed to our network availability record of over 99.99
percent since the network was implemented in 1982. A detailed
discussion of our response regarding network backup is appended
to the GAO report.
The GAO also makes two systemwide recommendations.
First, the GAO recommends that the Board require annual external
reviews of Fedwire security. He agree that it is useful to
engage the services of outside consultants to assess security.
He believe, however, that such outside consultation can best be
used when conditions support such a need, as opposed to regular
annual consultations. The system has a history of employing
outside technical consultants to assess security, as I already
noted in the case of the development of the Federal Reserve's
security safeguards. More recently, an outside assessment of
Fedwire security has just been completed at the Federal Reserve
BanK of Hew York. An outside consultant specializing in security
performed a risk assessment of the Bank's Fedwire operations,
including both automation and business areas. Use of a firm with
specialized security expertise is intended, in part, to introduce
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a view that is unconstrained by acceptance of traditional
safeguards. It is a way to take a "fresh look" at what we do.
The results of this security review will be shared among all the
Federal Reserve Banks. In addition, the Board retains a public
accounting firm each year to review a range of operations review
and financial examination procedures. This year, the firm will
review electronic data processing, including a review of
security. He will continue to employ consultative services such
as these when, based on management judgement, the circumstances
warrant such input.
The GAO's second systemwide recommendation is that the
Federal Reserve use both encryption and message authentication
(known as MAC or message authentication codes) to enhance
security. As noted earlier, nearly 100 percent of Fedwire links
between Reserve Banks and depository institutions are already
encrypted. Further, encryption of the •"backbone" network will be
completed by July 1990.
The Federal Reserve has made significant resource
investments in studying the use of message authentication codes
for Fedwire. These investments include active participation on
American National Standards Institute study groups to develop
bona fide national standards for message authentication and the
complex process of key management that is a necessary part of a
message authentication system. On a large network with a variety
of endpoints, such as Fedwire, use of message authentication
codes must take place in a manner consistent with approved
technical standards for both authentication and management of
authentication keys. Reliance on national standards is important
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in order to avoid unique technical solutions that ultimately
raise the costs of the depository institutions connected to
Fedwire. Further, commercially available solutions that are cost
effective for the range of depository institutions that use
Fedwire must be available.
The first phase of a Federal Reserve effort to test
emerging commercial message authentication code products that
meet national standards has just been completed. These tests
have not uncovered any technical impediments to the use of
message authentication codes on Fedwire. with the results of
this phase of our program to investigate message authentication
codes complete, plans to adopt message authentication as an
additional security enhancement for Fedwire are currently under
review. Adoption of message authentication on Fedwire has ay
strong personal support.
I will now turn to the GAO recommendation that the
Federal Reserve Board work with other central banks and bank
supervisory authorities to ensure effective oversight and
regulation of the S.W.I.F.T. system and similar systems that
serve the international banking community. S.H.I.F.T. processes
a large volume of payment orders that result in the transfer of
very large sums between depository institutions, both
domestically and abroad. S.H.I.F.T. differs from Fedwire and
CHIPS, however, in the manner of settlement for these payment
orders. In Fedwire, payment orders result in virtually
instantaneous debits and credits on the books of the Reserve
Banks without any independent action on the part of the sending
or receiving bank, similarly, CHIPS messages are settled
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virtually automatically at the end of the day. Payment orders
sent over S.W.I.F.T., on the other hand, must be settled
independently of the S.W.I.F.T. system through correspondent
accounts or through Fedwire or CHIPS transfers. In this regard,
S.W.I.F.T. is only one of a number of different means that banks
use to communicate payment orders. Payment orders may be
transmitted telephonically or by data transmission, using a
variety of providers of telecommunications services.
For any system used to transmit payment orders that may
result in the transfer of large sums, however, a depository
institution receiving the payment order should be responsible for
verifying the authenticity and the content of the payment order
before acting on it. A proposed new Article 4A to the Uniform
Commercial Code makes it clear that depository institutions are
liable if they act on unauthorized payment orders unless they use
commercially reasonable security procedures, in some cases, a
receiving bank may have sufficient confidence in the controls and
the integrity of the system through which it receives payment
orders to rely on this system's authentication and verification
procedures. In other cases, a depository institution may wish to
verify and authenticate payment orders by means of its own
procedures.
He believe that the appropriate role of bank
supervisors is to ensure that depository institutions maintain
adequate authentication and verification procedures and that they
do not rely on others to perform these critical functions without
assuring themselves that these functions are performed
adequately. Ordinarily, the supervisory focus should be on the
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institution receiving a payment order rather than on a
telecommunications system transmitting the order, where a
receiving depository institution relies on an authentication
procedure provided by a telecommunications service provider, such
as CHIPS, we may need to be able to examine the communications
systems on which they rely in order to assure ourselves that
depository institutions are not delegating these functions
inappropriately. At the same time, however, ve do not want to
encourage depository institutions to delegate these functions to
service providers merely because the service providers enjoy some
degree of federal oversight. We will continue to monitor and
evaluate bank reliance on telecommunications systems, including
the s.W.I.F.T. system. When we discover problems stemming from
banks' reliance on telecommunications systems we will take steps
to strengthen our supervisory oversight and, where appropriate,
coordinate any regulatory activities with supervisory authorities
or central banks in other countries. We believe, however, that
the principal responsibility to authenticate payment orders lies
with the banks receiving these orders.
The Subcommittee has also asked for the Federal
Reserve's broader perspective on the importance of technology in
the future of the international financial marketplace, we expect
a continuing and increasing reliance on automation and
communications to provide secure, reliable, and efficient payment
services. In our discussions with central bankers from other
developed nations, it is evident that their approach to using
advanced technologies for payment system applications is quite
similar to that in the U.S. Host of the G-10 countries and
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Switzerland have state-of-the-art computer systems with many of
the features found in comparable U.S. banking systems. These
systems rely on sophisticated computer systems, sound test
procedures, and advanced recovery features designed to provide
high availability. Generally, the same technology used in the
U.S. for encryption, physical security, and access control is
available in many other nations. As the cost effectiveness of
automation improves, the use of advanced automation and
communications technologies will continue to grow. Even today,
the technology is available to link international financial
markets around the clock.
The benefits and promise of this advanced technology,
however, can only be achieved through its careful management. As
payment systems become more reliant on sophisticated technology
to deliver basic functions, the consequences of a systems failure
or security breach is expanded significantly. We believe that
close attention by senior management to automation planning,
disaster recovery, and security is essential.
In conclusion, we are confident in the security
architecture surrounding Fedwire and in this system's ability to
provide high reliability in a secure environment. He appreciate
the analysis conducted by the GAO and, in most cases, we agree
with the findings and have moved quickly to correct the problems
that have been identified. As I stated at the outset, the GAO's
findings represent an opportunity to tighten the implementation
of a security program that we believe is exceptionally sound.
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Q.4. In recent weeks reports have surfaced in the Massa-
chusetts media suggesting that for a variety of
possible reasons a credit crunch appears to be
developing. The Associated Industries of Massachu-
setts (AIM) conducted a survey on this issue and has
indicated a significant problem for many of its
members. AIM indicates a number of cases in which
solid companies may be losing the credit they have
used for years to keep their companies functioning.
I am very concerned that federal policy be sensitive
to the credit needs of Massachusetts. We must be
careful that we do all that is possible to fuel a
rapid recovery and not starve growth and produce a
longer and deeper economic downturn than would
otherwise occur.
Massachusetts businesses need to know that if they
operate prudently they will be able to get the
credit they need to grow. We need a predictable
supply of capital that is being soundly managed by
our financial institutions according to tough but
reasonable federal standards with careful oversight.
Does the Fed believe that Massachusetts is facing a
credit crunch that could threaten business growth
and community economic stability or not? If so, is
there anything that can or should be done at the
federal level to prevent this from occurring?
A. 4. The Federal Reserve is aware that banks in the New
England area, as well as in other areas of the coun-
try, have tightened their credit standards in recent
months for certain types of credits in response to
changing economic conditions, increasing levels of
nonperforming assets, and on-going scrutiny by regu-
latory agencies. Such tightening could reduce the
amount of credit provided to businesses and con-
sumers in those areas, with potential effects on
the level of local economic activity. Any tighten-
ing might well be more visible and felt more guickly
in states like Massachusetts, which have enjoyed
relatively rapid growth during recent years. In
order to threaten regional economic stability, how-
ever, any reduced lending would most likely need to
be prolonged and more severe than we have been able
to detect.
The Federal Reserve conducts surveys periodically to
gain insights into the views and lending policies of
banks throughout the country. A survey in January
of 60 large banks indicated that during the past
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6 months a large majority of the respondents had
become less willing to make construction and land
development loans, while about one-fifth of them
were less willing to extend overall business credit.
Most banks had also tightened their credit standards
for merger-related loans and for loans to borrowers
with lower than investment-grade ratings. Less than
10 percent of the respondents indicated any tighten-
ing of standards for nonmerger-related loans to
investment grade firms. Generally, the respondents
cited less favorable economic conditions as the most
important factor leading to their policy change.
Other factors cited, in descending importance, were
industry-specific problems, a deterioration in the
quality of their overall loan portfolios, capital
adequacy concerns, and regulatory pressures.
Nationwide aggregate statistics on bank lending
(seasonally adjusted) indicated virtually no loan
growth in December and January but an annualized
increase of 5.3 percent in February. By comparison,
the average rate for 1989 was 7.6 percent. Regional
conditions vary, of course, from these overall
patterns. Recently, loan growth in the Northeast
and the Southwest has been weaker than national
averages.
When considering the effects of any reduced lending
activity by banks and the appropriate policy
response, it is useful to remember that the United
States is enjoying the longest period of peacetime
economic growth in its history. At this time, some
retrenchment may well be expected, especially in
those geographic and economic sectors that have
experienced rapid growth and whose banks are
affected by high levels of nonperforming assets.
The large losses reported throughout the 1980s by
thrifts and more recently by commercial banks
suggest that financing activity in the real estate
industry, in particular, has been excessive. In
some cases, these losses reflect deficient lending
and appraisal standards that should be strengthened
and that have been and are being addressed by banks,
the Congress, and the supervisory agencies.
As both the nation's central bank and a bank super-
visory agency, the Federal Reserve continually
monitors bank lending practices. It is essential
that banks be willing and able to meet the financing
needs of their communities, but they should do so
prudently. As recent experience has shown, there
are substantial costs associated with both too much
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restraint and with too little; we are attempting to
strike the proper balance.
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Chairman Greenspan subsequently submitted the
following in response to a written question from Senator
Pressler in connection with the hearing held on February 22,
1990.
Question: In your prepared statement on page 13 you
refer to "huge stocks of financial claims" that
include more than $1.5 trillion held in the United
States by foreigners. This brings to mind an
editorial that appeared in the Rapid City Journal
(Rapid City, South Dakota) of January 28, 1990 that
is critical of our tax policy with respect to
foreign investors. A copy of the editorial is
attached. It refers to observations you are said to
have made concerning the policy of not withholding
taxes in this situation, which I would appreciate
your elaborating upon or clarifying. Does our need
to finance the national debt affect the collection
of taxes due the United States?
Answer: In the Deficit Reduction Act of 1984,
Congress provided for a statutory exemption of
interest received on portfolio investment in the
United States. This exemption covers interest
received by foreign investors in U.S. Treasury
securities as well as in U.S. corporate debt
instruments.
Prior to the enactment of this statutory exemp-
tion, only a small amount of tax revenue was raised
by the U.S. tax on interest payments to foreign
investors. The low level of tax revenue from the
U.S. tax on foreign investors' U.S. interest
earnings has been attributed to the particulars of
preexisting U.S. statutory treatments, tax treaties,
and regulatory policies. Preexisting statutory
exemptions included interest paid to foreign
depositors on their accounts in U.S. banking
offices. Income tax treaties eliminated tax on a
reciprocal basis. For example, the U.S. statutory
rate of 30 percent was reduced to zero under trea-
ties with West Germany, the Netherlands, and the
United Kingdom. The most important regulatory
policy involved the acceptance by U.S. tax
authorities of the use by U.S. corporations of
Netherlands Antilles subsidiaries to avoid taxes.
The above explains why the U.S. tax on foreign
investors' U.S. interest earnings yielded little tax
revenue. Such explanations have led some to propose
the elimination of statutory exemptions and the
overriding of tax treaties. It is argued that such
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actions would produce an environment in which
foreign investors would be appropriately and
effectively taxed on their U.S. interest earnings.
Opponents of the proposals point out that if the
supply of foreign savings to the United States is
very sensitive to after-tax rates of return, then
the imposition of an effective tax on foreign
investors' U.S. interest earnings would require a
rise in U.S. interest rates to attract foreign
savings. In that way, an effective tax might have
large costs associated with it. Obviously, the
possible costs of such a tax have risen in line with
the increase in U.S. demand for foreign savings.
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Cite this document
APA
Alan Greenspan (1990, February 21). Congressional Testimony. Testimony, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19900222_chair_federal_reserves_first_monetary_policy
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_testimony_19900222_chair_federal_reserves_first_monetary_policy,
author = {Alan Greenspan},
title = {Congressional Testimony},
year = {1990},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Testimony, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19900222_chair_federal_reserves_first_monetary_policy},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}