testimony · March 23, 1988
Congressional Testimony
Alan Greenspan
CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
IN 1987
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
DOMESTIC MONETAEY POLICY
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND
URBAN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE-HUNDREDTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
MARCH 17 AND 24, 1988
Printed for the use of the Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
Serial No. 100-54
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U.S. Government Printing Office. Washington, DC 20402
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HOUSE COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
FERNAND J. ST GERMAIN, Rhode Island, Chairman
HENRY B. GONZALEZ, Texas CHALMERS P. WYLffi, Ohio
FRANK ANNUNZIO, Illinois JIM LEACH, Iowa
WALTER E. FAUNTROY, District of NORMAN D. SHUMWAY, California
Columbia STAN PARRIS, Virginia
STEPHEN L. NEAL, North Carolina BILL McCOLLUM, Florida
CARROLL HUBBARD, JR., Kentucky GEORGE C. WORTLEY, New York
JOHN J. LAFALCE, New York MARGE ROUKEMA, New Jersey
MARY ROSE OAKAR, Ohio DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
BRUCE F. VENTO, Minnesota DAVID DREffiR, California
DOUG BARNARD, JR., Georgia JOHN HILER, Indiana
ROBERT GARCIA, New York THOMAS J. RIDGE, Pennsylvania
CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York STEVE BARTLETT, Texas
BARNEY FRANK, Massachusetts TOBY ROTH, Wisconsin
BUDDY ROEMER, Louisiana AL McCANDLESS, California
RICHARD H. LEHMAN, California J. ALEX MCMILLAN, North Carolina
BRUCE A. MORRISON, Connecticut JAMES SAXTON, New Jersey
MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio PATRICK L. SW1NDALL, Georgia
BEN ERDREICH, Alabama PATRICIA SAIKI, Hawaii
THOMAS R- CARPER, Delaware JAMES SUNNING, Kentucky
ESTEBAN EDWARD TORRES, California JOSEPH J. DioGUARDI, New York
GERALD D. KLECZKA, Wisconsin
BILL NELSON, Florida
PAUL E. KANJORSKI, Pennsylvania
THOMAS J. MANTON, New York
ELIZABETH J- PATTERSON, South Carolina
THOMAS McMILLEN, Maryland
JOSEPH P, KENNEDY H, Massachusetts
FLOYD H. FLAKE, New York
KWEISI MFUME. Maryland
DAVID E. PRICE, North Carolina
NANCY PELOSI, California
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
STEPHEN L. NEAL, North Carolina, Chairman
WALTER E. FAUNTROY, District of BILL McCOLLUM, Florida
Columbia JIM LEACH, Iowa
DOUG BARNARD, JR., Georgia JAMES SAXTON, New Jersey
CARROLL HUBBARD, JR., Kentucky
BARNEY FRANK, Massachusetts
(ID
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CONTENTS
Page
Hearings held on:
March 17, 1988 .......................................................................................................... 1
March 24, 1988 .......................................................................................................... 27
Appendixes:
March 17, 1988 .......................................................................................................... 48
March 24, 1988 .......................................................................................................... 130
WITNESSES
THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 1988
Gramley, Lyle E., chief economist, Mortgage Bankers Association ....................... 2
Hudson, Milton W., senior vice president, Morgan Guaranty Trust Co., and
chairman, ABA Economic Advisory Committee .................................................... 9
Keran, Michael W., vice president and chief economist, Prudential Insurance
Co ............................................. . ...................................................................................... 13
Kimbell, Larry J., professor, director UCLA Business Forecasting Project ......... 6
APPENDIX
Prepared statements:
Gramley, Lyle E ....................................................................................................... 49
Hudson, Milton W .................................................................................................... 79
Keran, Michael W .................................................................................................... 101
Kimbell, Larry J. ......................................................................................................6 4
ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR INCLUSION IN THE RECORD
American Bankers Association, NEWS letter, with graphs .................................... 94
Darby, Michael, assistant secretary for economic policy. Department of the
Treasury, submitted letters and graphs dated February 25 and January 21,
1988, pertaining to real money aggregates ............................................................. 124
WITNESSES
, MARCH 24, 1988
McCallum, Bennett T., H.J- Heinz, professor of economics, Graduate School of
Industrial Administration, Carnegie-Mellon University ...................................... 35
Ramirez, Maria F., managing director and money market economist, Drexel
Burnham Lambert, Inc ............................................................................................... 30
Rasche, Robert H., professor of economics, Michigan State University, East
Lansing, MI ................................................................................................................... 28
APPENDIX
Prepared statements:
McCallum, Bennett T. ............................................................................................. 178
Ramirez, Maria F., with charts ............................................................................. 131
Rasche, Robert H ...................................................................................................... 170
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CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY IN 1987
THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 1988
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met at 10:08 a.m. in room 2128 of the Rayburn
House Office Building, Hon. Stephen L. Neal [chairman of the sub-
committee] presiding.
Present: Chairman Neal, Representatives Leach and Roth.
Chairman NEAL. I would like to call the hearing to order at this
time.
This morning we begin 2 days of hearings on the Conduct of
Monetary Policy. In late February, the Federal Reserve delivered
its semiannual Monetary Policy Report to Congress. I have asked
our witnesses at these hearings to help us analyze that report and
to offer their own recommendations for the future course of mone-
tary policy.
To focus these hearings, I have posed a set of questions for our
witnesses to consider. I would summarize the questions as follows:
First of all, how do we judge monetary policy today? What indi-
cators are most useful? Chairman Greenspan emphasized the
breakdown of historical relationships between the monetary aggre-
gates and economic activity. His testimony suggests that the rapid
acceleration of the growth of monetary aggregates in 1986 did not
pose much of an inflationary threat, and the rapid deceleration of
1987 does not threaten recession. Research at the Treasury Depart-
ment, however, suggests the rapid deceleration of 1987 might well
foreshadow a recession.
Who is right? What indicators should guide our assessment of
monetary policy under current conditions?
Second, does the collapse in the stock market pose a severe
threat of economic weakness or recession which monetary policy
should try to counteract, or was it the inevitable correction of an
overvalued equities market that will have no great impact on the
real economy?
Should monetary policy give great weight to stabilizing the
dollar on the foreign exchange markets? Was the Louvre accord a
mistake in 1987? Was its reaffirmation for 1988 a mistake? Does
the Fed sacrifice the appearance or substance of independence
when it participates in international agreements to stabilize the
dollar? Does it matter?
I have long argued that the Fed's primary objective should be to
control inflation at a low long-term average rate as close to zero as
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possible. Though inflation does not now seem to pose much of a
problem, it's apparent quiescence could be very deceptive. Though
the relationship between monetary aggregates and inflation shifted
substantially in the 1980's, we must not assume that from now on
the economy will easily absorb any pace of monetary expansion
with no serious inflationary consequences. The danger of such com-
placency is, at present, particularly acute.
The stock market crash surely signals some weakening of the
economy, though we can not yet be certain of the magnitude of its
impact. In an election year, the normal temptation would be to err
on the side of an overly expansive monetary policy. That tempta-
tion should be resisted.
I am encouraged by statements made just yesterday by the
Chairman of the Federal Reserve in which he indicated that we are
now very close to the level of unemployment below which inflation-
ary pressures could become severe. He seemed to be suggesting
that the Fed will not consciously err on the side of excessive ease.
But it could err unintentionally if it fails to interpret correctly the
impact of its policies on the economy. M2 has grown sharply in the
first 2 months of this year, but the monetary base, though quite
volatile, has been more restrained? Is the surge of M2 a temporary
and beneficial correction of the deceleration of 1987, or is it the
onset of new inflationary stimulus that many have been expecting
for some time?
To help us understand these questions, I have invited a very dis-
tinguished panel of economists and forecasters. Our witnesses are
Mr. Lyle Gramley, a former governor of the Federal Reserve Board
and currently the chief economist for the Mortgage Bankers Asso-
ciation; Professor Larry Kimbell, director of the UCLA Business
Forecasting Project; Mr. Milton Hudson, head of economic analysis
at Morgan Guarantee and chairman of the Economic Advisory
Committee of the American Bankers Association; and Mr. Michael
Keran, chief economist of the Prudential Insurance Co.
Gentlemen, I would like to welcome you this morning. Thank
you very much for helping us in this area. I would like to tell you
that we will put your entire statements in the record and would
urge you to summarize as you can, so that we might have a little
time for a question and answer period. We would like to hear from
you in the order in which I mentioned your name.
Mr. Gramley, we can start with you.
STATEMENT OF LYLE E. GRAMLEY, CHIEF ECONOMIST,
MORTGAGE BANKERS ASSOCIATION
Mr. GRAMLEY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I expect I
will take no more than 10 minutes.
Two weeks ago, in his testimony before the House Banking Com-
mittee, Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan empha-
sized the delicate balance of considerations which must be taken
into account in the conduct of monetary policy in 1988. From my
own perspective the principal concern that the Fed will have to
face this year is not warding off a recession, but holding inflation
at bay. The economy is now in its sixth year of expansion. Unem-
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ployment has declined from 103/4 percent in late 1982 to 53A per-
cent currently. Utilization of plant capacity has also risen.
We are obviously much closer now than a year or 2 ago, to the
point where additions to output relative to our economic potential
threaten high inflation. There is little evidence to date that strong-
er pressures on consumer prices or on producer prices of finished
goods are in the immediate offing.
Wage rate increases, the largest element of business costs, still
remain quite moderate. However, year after year increases in the
average hourly earnings index have been moving up erratically
since the middle of 1987 and will bear close watching as a potential
threat to greater inflation later this year.
My own judgment is that it would be risky to try to achieve a
rate of economic growth this year significantly above the econo-
my's long-term growth potential, which is about 2V4 percent. Cer-
tainly another year of 4 percent growth, such as occurred in 1987,
would not be an appropriate objective of economic policy.
Thus, signs of a slowdown in economic growth from the strong
pace of last year should be welcome. Only if the prospective slow-
down threatened to reduce growth well below the economy's long-
term growth potential would there be strong reasons for economic
policies to counteract it.
Opinions differ as to the economic damage created by the stock
market crash and more generally as to the implications of the
sharp rise in inventory investment in the fourth quarter of last
year.
I would like to make just a couple of points in that regard. First,
business cycles traditionally have been concentrated in the durable
goods industries where advance warning of an impending change is
typically signaled by changes in new and unfilled orders. As the
two charts attached to my testimony indicate, new and unfilled
orders for durable goods began to rise last spring, and as yet there
is no sign that the rise has abated.
Second, the underlying resiliency of the U.S. economy is evi-
denced by continuing very strong increases in employment through
the month of February. I have attached a table to show those num-
bers. Indeed, the average monthly rise of total nonfarm payroll em-
ployment in January and February exceeded that of the latter half
of 1987 when GNP was rising at more than a 4 percent annual
rate.
Recently, increases in manufacturing employment have dimin-
ished considerably, indicating that economic growth is slowing
somewhat early this year. But the magnitude of the rise in overall
unemployment suggests that the economy will weather the adjust-
ment to lower rates of inventory accumulation without experienc-
ing subpar growth for an extended period.
Given my rather optimistic assessment of the prospects for
growth this year and my concerns about the risks of an upturn in
inflation, I was quite happy to see that the Federal Open Market
Committee had lowered the midpoint of its 1988 target range for
M2 to 6 percent. This is a move in the right direction.
My own outlook for the economy this year would not suggest the
need for M2 growth outside the 4 to 8 percent target range estab-
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lished by the FOMC. But, should such a need develop, the FOMC
could adjust the range at midyear.
Let me turn now to the question about the variability of money
growth during the past several years that the committee is inter-
ested in. The growth of M2 in 1985 and 1986 was close to the 8 and
9 percent range that characterized the years since 1978. Then it de-
celerated to half that amount in 1987.
Growth of Ml in 1985 and 1986 was in the double digit range and
well above the pace typical of most years in the previous decade,
but then it decelerated to about 6 percent in 1987. The question at
issue is: Was this degree of volatility appropriate?
I would urge you not to start from the premise that a steady
growth rate of some measure of money represents the best course
of monetary policy. Rather, I would suggest that you ask yourselves
whether the economic performance that resulted from these
growth rates was reasonably satisfactory.
The high growth rate of Ml in 1985 and 1986, for example, did
not lead to the acceleration of inflation that some monetarists pre-
dicted. The decline in monetary growth that occurred during 1987
was, I believe, appropriate and indeed necessary in light of
strengthening economic growth, increased danger of worsening in-
flation, and severe downward pressures on the dollar's exchange
rate during much of last year.
I think there is little reason to be concerned that last year's
slowdown in money growth will become this year's recession. Some
of the deceleration in monetary growth last year, in fact, probably
reflected the impact of tax reform on individuals' willingness to
borrow, and increased use of explicit fees, rather than compensat-
ing balances by banks to cover their costs of servicing business ac-
counts.
More generally, the volatility of money growth and the corre-
sponding swings in money velocity that have occurred in recent
years reflect a much greater sensitivity of money demand to
market interest rates than what prevailed earlier in the postwar
period. This increased sensitivity means that even small changes in
the course of monetary policy, in terms of their impact on financial
markets and the economy, tend to induce rather large short-run
swings in the growth of money balances.
This complicates the decisionmaking process at the Fed and it
complicates your life as Members of a congressional committee
with oversight responsibilities for monetary policy. But it is a fact
of life that has to be accepted.
Difficulties in interpreting Federal Reserve policy have led to
suggestions that the Fed should perhaps begin to use other meas-
ures as targets for monetary policy. It is hard to be opposed to the
intellectual exercise of examining such alternatives, but I wouldn't
encourage you to think that practical alternatives are readily avail-
able.
The literature on monetary theory and policy over the past 20 to
30 years has discussed extensively the choice of targets for mone-
tary policy. At the risk of oversimplification, it is perhaps fair to
say that the ultimate objectives of monetary policy—that is, infla-
tion, output, and employment—are relatively poor policy targets
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because the response of these variables to monetary policy is
simply too far in the future and too uncertain.
Targeting on interest rates is also regarded with skepticism, but
for different reasons. Short-term interest rates respond quickly to
monetary policy, but market rates generally are also influenced
heavily by demands for credit as well as supply. A monetary policy
targeting on interest rates and ignoring the monetary aggregates
can inadvertently become much too expansive or too restrictive if
demand and supply influences can't be separately identified.
More recently, attention has begun to focus on other variables
such as the prices of a basket of commodities as possible monetary
targets. Ideas such as these have yet to be thoroughly explored and
may appear more attractive now than they will ultimately, simply
because so little is presently known about them.
A serious problem with this approach stems from the fact that
commodity prices are vehicles for speculation. If inflationary expec-
tations worsen, long-term interest rates will rise and commodity
prices will be driven up. Monetary policy will then tighten and
push up long-term interest rates further.
Such a change in monetary policy would be appropriate if, in
fact, the worsening inflationary expectations were based on a well-
grounded view of probable economic developments. If markets are
efficient, price developments reflect all the available information
about the future.
But if market expectations are determined to an important
degree by mass psychology, as a recent study of the stock market
crash last year by Professor Robert Shiller suggests is possible,
then using commodity prices as a target for monetary policy could
be destabilizing.
For this reason, I would argue that it would be unwise to adopt a
targeting procedure in which the Fed responded automatically to
market signals, whether those signals came from commodity prices
or exchange rates or long-term interest rates.
I recognize, however, that changes in such variables convey infor-
mation that should not be ignored in the conduct of monetary
policy because that information may help the Fed to evaluate what
the current stance of monetary policy may imply for the future of
economic activity and prices.
Let me turn, finally, to a few very brief comments on the role of
exchange rates in the recent conduct of monetary policy. Last year,
tightening actions by the Fed during the spring appeared to reflect
concerns that the dollar was falling too rapidly. Those actions were
not, as I interpret them, efforts to peg the nominal exchange rate
at any specific level or range with respect to foreign currencies.
Rather, they were actions to help ward off a crisis of confidence in
the dollar, an outflow of foreign capital, and a collapse of the dol-
lar's international value.
There were further tightening actions in August and September
that appeared to reflect a mixture of domestic and international
concerns, including concerns that economic overheating would de-
velop unless economic growth slowed. My reading of the economy
at that time led me to the view that the degree of tightening un-
dertaken by the Fed was wholly justified by developments in the
domestic economy.
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The rise in interest rates that stemmed from that late summer
and early fall tightening of monetary policy clearly did play a role
in the stock market's crash in October. But a far larger consider-
ation was the fact that stock prices had simply gotten out of touch
with reality and were ripe for a fall.
There may be some who would argue that the Fed should ignore
the Fed's dollar exchange value and focus attention exlcusively on
the domestic economy. To me, such an argument makes no sense.
The Federal Reserve needs to be concerned about the exchange
rate precisely because movements in that rate have vitally impor-
tant and potentially very damaging effects on the domestic econo-
my: on inflation, on interest rates, and on economic growth.
I don't have any reason to believe that international efforts to
coordinate economic policy have undermined or compromised the
independence of monetary policy in any substantive sense. To my
knowledge, agreements such as the Louvre accord did not entail
any understanding, explicit or otherwise, aa to the course of Feder-
al Reserve policy.
Such international agreements might sacrifice the appearance of
independence if market participants misinterpreted them. I am not
aware of any such problems. To be sure, downward pressure on the
dollar during the spring and summer of 1987 led market partici-
pants to expect that the Fed might react by tightening monetary
policy. The principal reason for that expectation, however, was that
market participants assumed, quite rightly, I think, that the Feder-
al Reserve could not sit idly by and watch the dollar collapse with-
out risking serious adverse consequences for the economy.
That completes my statement, Mr. Chairman. Thank you very
much.
[The prepared statement of Lyle E. Gramley can be found in the
appendix.]
Chairman NEAL. Thank you, sir, very much. Professor Kimbell,
we would like to hear from you, please.
STATEMENT OF PROFESSOR LARRY J. KIMBELL, DIRECTOR,
UCLA BUSINESS FORECASTING PROJECT
Professor KIMBELL. Thank you very much, Mr. Neal.
The UCLA forecast calls for a recession in 1988, a mild three-
quarter recession, with only one quarter showing an annual rate of
decline in excess of 1 percent of the real GNP. Higher savings by
consumers and an inventory correction account for most of the pro-
jected weakness.
Monetary policy can afford to be moderately accommodative in
view of the reduced threat of inflation and rising indications of
slack that a recession might bring. The UCLA forecast calls for an
all-urban consumer price index increase of 3.5 percent in 1988, held
down by an average refiners' acquisition cost of imported crude oil
of about $16 a barrel, $2 less than in 1978.
Interest rates on 90-day treasury bills could average less than 5
percent of the second half of 1988, or about 1 percent lower than
currently. The consensus view remains more optimistic about 1988
than we are. I would say that the evidence continues to be mixed.
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The evidence against a recession includes at least three items
that are commonly cited:
Real exports grew very rapidly in the last three quarters of 1987
and they continue to look promising in the early part of 1988.
Job gains continue to be very strong in January and February.
Consumer confidence has been restored to levels higher than before
the crash, and the stock market itself has risen to nearly 2100 on
the Dow-Jones.
I would cite, though, contrary to this, several effects of the stock
market crash that must give one some pause. Probably the most
cited effect is the wealth effect. This effect alone, I think, would
probably mean a slowdown but no recession.
Another effect is an uncertainty effect on consumers. The first
reactions and surveys of consumer sentiment showed a very sharp
drop in confidence levels. Those indicators have returned to
normal, but individual investors remain very wary of the stock
market and have not returned to participate in the stock market.
Other effects are not optimistic about the impacts on the econo-
my. Nobel Laureate James Tobin of Yale University postulates
that high market values of corporate assets relative to their re-
placement costs tends to increase investment and, on the contrary,
low values tend to encourage acquisitions of existing firms and
plants instead of building new ones.
The stock market was associated with a sharp increase in inter-
est risk premia associated with less than the best-rated borrowers.
Although interest rates were significantly lower for the Federal
Government, that is completely irrelevant to private investment.
What is of more concern would be the increase in the differential
between Government long-term yields and, say, junk bond yields.
Greater uncertainty means that higher risk premiums are likely to
persist and will tend to depress investment by less than the best-
rated borrowers.
Equity risk premia may also be increased significantly. Studies
by James Poterba and Lawrence Summers indicate that high vola-
tility in common stock prices does not have a major impact on
stock market prices unless it is expected to persist, but if the vola-
tility does persist, the price of equity capital could rise very sub-
stantially and would reinforce the higher risk premiums in de-
pressing business investment.
Let me remind you that the stock reached a near meltdown con-
dition in January of 1987 when the Dow-Jones dropped 110 points
in little more than 1 hour. It also reached a near meltdown condi-
tion in January 1988, this year, when the Dow-Jones dropped 140
points with more than 60 points decline in the last 30 minutes.
These are episodes of very high volatility that came before and
after the Great Crash of October, and we have no assurance that
we will not have another episode of very intense volatility in 1988.
Alicia Munnell of the Boston Fed estimates another perverse
effect is that the new ERISA laws change the pension contributions
in such a way that defined benefit plans, once they reach a target
level, make no further contribution. A booming stock market then
tends to reduce corporate contributions to pensions and raise prof-
its. A slumping stock market would have a reverse tendency. It
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would tend to raise corporate contributions to pensions and lower
corporate profits.
In addition to the very high leverage, then, corporate profits are
vulnerable for another reason.
Some signs of recession were already quite apparent in the GNP
Components in the fourth quarter of 1987. The fourth quarter of
real GNP grew at a rate of 4.5 percent, but if you took out the in-
ventory gains, only a growth of 1 percent. The deceleration in the
growth of real final sales from 6 percent in the third quarter to 1
percent in the fourth quarter is one of the sharpest decelerations in
history.
Real consumption fell to a recessionary rate of 3.5 percent in the
fourth quarter, only the second negative quarter since the last re-
cession, and the fall was not entirely concentrated in automobiles.
Real business fixed investment turned abruptly negative after a
very strong third quarter.
Real Federal purchases grew at an annual rate of 24.4 percent
due to purchases by the Commodity Credit Corp., which simply
means that inventory accumulation would have been even higher
without that transfer.
Other evidence points to recession, such as real retail sales, ex-
cluding automobile group, dropped at an estimated 2.9 percent
from the first quarter of 1987 to the first quarter of 1988.
As the chart that I have appended to my testimony shows, de-
clines of this magnitude have never occurred except during reces-
sions.
Michael Darby, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic
Policy and a professor on leave from the Anderson Graduate
School of Management, sent a letter with accompanying charts of
real money supply movements and business cycle developments to
members of the Federal Reserve Board and Presidents of the re-
gional Federal Reserve Banks, which I have attached to make this
self-contained.
Darby's chart shows clearly that declines in real M2 have had a
tendency to lead to downturns in the general economy so reliably
that one could use this indicator alone with some considerable con-
fidence. The declines in the latter part of 1987 suggest that we
could have a recession in 1988.
[The letter and charts can be found in the appendix.]
Professor KIMBELL. Is a mild consumer-led recession undesir-
able? This is a question I ask not facetiously. Suppose the future of
the U.S. economy were known and it would unfold exactly as we
predicted. Should monetary policy or fiscal policy be used to alter
the results?
One could easily answer that much of the recessionary story de-
picts a necessary restructuring of the economy away from excessive
dependence on consumer spending and toward more competitive
international performance. Consider the following features.
We project real consumer spending increases as 1.1 percent in
1988, which is a gain, but less than the increase in real disposable
income, only the second time since 1982 that that has happened on
an annual basis. The savings rate rises to 4.6 percent, but is still
one-third below its levels of the early years of this decade. All ex-
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ports grow very fast and performance internationally is a major
improvement.
A recession would mean that the unemployment rate could aver-
age 6.2 percent, which is identical to the average rate of 1987, al-
though disappointing by comparison with recent monthly levels.
Lower capacity utilization in manufacturing would help make
room for the export boom without serious threats of reinflation for
the next 2 years.
There are some things to worry about. High leverage by corpora-
tions makes profits vulnerable to a downturn and the forecast re-
flects this danger with a drop of 19.2 percent in 1988. Under this
environment, the key problem for the Federal Reserve would be
keeping a slowdown or a mild recession from snowballing into a se-
rious recession.
I draw the following implications for monetary policy in 1988. I
think that money supply will need to grow faster than the mid-
point of the target ranges, for example 6 percent for M2 if reces-
sion is to be avoided. But the extreme volatility of the growth of
monetary aggregates in recent years should also be avoided, and
that limits the usefulness of an extremely drastic change in policy
at this point in time.
A serious recession, obviously, would force a major turnaround in
monetary policy
I conclude that stabilization of exchange rates by any means
other than control over domestic inflation is extremely difficult in
the light of large volume of foreign exchange activity and should
not be important objective of monetary policy.
In conclusion, it may be surprising that my policy recommenda-
tions are not nearly as far apart from those presented by Chairman
Greenspan as my forecasts for the economy seem to imply. U.S con-
sumers simply cannot forever be the buyer of last resort for the
entire world. It is time to shift resources away from the production
of consumer goods and service and to encourage exports and invest-
ment. A mild, consumer-led recession is therefore not altogether
undesirable.
The stock market of 1987 must make monetary policy neverthe-
less receptive to major changes in direction should a recession, if it
develops, begin to snowball out of control. I interpret Chairman
Greenspan's remarks as consistent with this suggestion.
This is not an enviable time to be Chairman of the Federal Re-
serve Board.
[The prepared statement of Larry J. Kimbell can be found in the
appendix.]
STATEMENT OF MILTON W. HUDSON, SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT,
MORGAN GUARANTY TRUST CO., AND CHAIRMAN, ABA ECO-
NOMIC ADVISORY COMMITTEE
Mr. HUDSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I come here today wearing two hats, one as chairman of the Eco-
nomic Advisory Committee of the American Bankers Association,
and the other as an economist of Morgan Guaranty Trust Co.
My statement is primarily personal, but it is broadly in agree-
ment with the views of the predominant majority of the members
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of the ABA panel which last met in early February, just at about
the same time that the FOMC met to deliberate on its annual
target ranges.
By and large, neither I nor members of the ABA's committee
have any significant differences with the Humphrey-Hawkins
Report of the Federal Reserve Board that was submitted to Con-
gress on February 23, either with respect to the judgments that
were contained therein with regard to the economic outlook or as
to how monetary policy formulation should be approached.
Both I and the ABA group expect economic growth to be relative-
ly subdued early in 1988 as the large buildup of inventories that
took place late in 1987 is digested. But we think that inventory ad-
justment will have largely run its course by spring or by early
summer and that by that time a reacceleration of growth will be
evident in the economy.
We expect reasonably decent growth for the full year on a fourth
quarter to fourth quarter basis, at a pace not particularly different
from the FOMC's central tendency values.
We anticipate that such growth will be accompanied by continu-
ing sizable employment gains, but also, unfortunately, by some
tendency for inflation to accelerate as the year progresses, reflec-
tive of the relatively full employment that now characterizes both
labor and product markets.
The numerical projections for the full year 1988 of the various
members of the ABA panel with respect to growth do span a fairly
wide range, as is true of the projections of FOMC members. But I
would not put any great emphasis on those differences, but would
stress instead the broad commonality of view that the economy has
weathered the shock of last October's stock market crash very well,
that it will not slip into recession this year, and that renewed
strength will be visible reasonably soon, fueled by two influences in
particular: the significant improvement in volume terms in this
country's trade performance, and by the increasingly robust capital
investment that is going on.
The ABA group would have no quarrel with the 1988 growth
ranges for monetary aggregates set by the FOMC. Indeed, the wid-
ening of the bands for targeted growth from 3 percentage points in
1987 to 4 percentage points in 1988 is entirely consistent with the
view of the ABA panel that the aggregates have less guidance utili-
ty than formerly because of the loosened linkage that has devel-
oped between money and the economy.
Economists in general throughout our Nation do not fully under-
stand all of the causes of the deterioration and linkage that has oc-
curred between money and the economy, but discussion among
members of the Economic Advisory Committee of the ABA made
clear that they substantially accept the common explanation that
runs in terms of financial marketplace deregulation and innova-
tion.
That explanation stresses, as you know, the changed composition
of the aggregates and emphasizes that movement in them is often
more indicative of people's portfolio transactions than of their ordi-
nary economic transactions.
Because of such considerations, most members of the ABA panel
favor an eclectic approach to monetary policy formulation, one in
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which officials focus broadly on a range of guidance indicators in
fashioning policy, rather than narrowly on money and credit indi-
cators.
Strikingly, the rational for eclecticism was developed in a very
similar vein in both Alan Greenspan's Humphrey-Hawkins testi-
mony this year and in the Council of Economic Adviser's 1988
annual report. I would, just as an aside here, emphasize that I
think that that—the CEA annual report discussions is particularly
interesting. It is balanced and it is temperate; and it is decidedly
not "Fed bashing" even though it has been so described in some
journalistic commentary.
In my prepared text, I discuss Vice Chairman Johnson's recent
recommendation for paying closer attention to information yielded
by financial auction markets. I think his ideas have considerable
merit—with the critical proviso that those indicators are used as
information supplements to confirm what other indicators are sug-
gesting.
In my judgment, it is movement in unison of a variety of indica-
tors that provides the only comfortable foundation for monetary
policy formulation.
The only notable contrast between the views of the members of
the FOMC and members of the ABA's Economic Advisory Commit-
tee relates to the issue of cooperative efforts among leading indus-
trial nations to stabilize exchange rates. The ABA panel character-
ized last year's Louvre accord as an "unfortunate mistake". I cer-
tainly concur and indeed am inclined to use stronger language of
disapproval.
In my view, the effort to sustain the dollar at the levels that pre-
vailed early in 1987 against major currencies was seriously inimi-
cal to this country's national self-interest. I have cited in my testi-
mony an article by Marty Feldstein that appeared on March 3 in
the Wall Street Journal on its editorial page. It very effectively de-
tails the fact that the actions taken in conformance with the
Louvre accord were not in this country's national self-interest.
The Louvre accord and the commitment to sustain cross rates
among major currencies slowed the progress, in my judgment, of
U.S. industry in regaining international competitiveness, and it in-
troduced a disruptive additional element of uncertainty to financial
markets. That was because financial market participants clearly
did not share the official view that the dollar's decline prior to Feb-
ruary 1987 was essentially all that was needed.
Because market participants were skeptical and believed that,
sooner or later, the propping effort would fail, private capital in-
flows to the United States slowed, since there was a reluctance to
acquire dollar-denominated assets that in foreign currency prices
were regarded as artificially high on a temporary basis.
That contributed, I believe, to the very steep run-up that oc-
curred in long-term interest rates last year and made some contri-
bution, I think, to the severity of the stock market's October crash.
In line with the things that Lyle said, I would not want to over-
state the Louvre accord as a reason for the stock market crash be-
cause there certainly were other contributory factors, including the
remarkable self-levitation act of the market itself in rising to
values that were progressively less related to prospective profits.
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Anyone who studies FOMC policy records, is always reduced to
trying to divine what is meant, rather than inferring from plain
language. It is not easy, therefore, to say with precision just how
much weight the Fed gave to sustaining the value of the dollar in
1987. But for reasons I discuss in my text, I think it is clear that
Fed officials were conditioned in their actions, in some significant
degree, by the Louvre accord and that, throughout the spring and
summer of last year, policy was tighter than domestic consider-
ations alone would have warranted.
The Federal Reserve has reason, I believe, to be disenchanted
with last year's results, and my own reading is that Louvre-like
thinking at the central bank, at least as far as intervention per se
goes, is diminishing.
Significantly, Alan Greenspan's statements recently have tended
to emphasize that exchange rate stabilization should be achieved
by broad economic policy coordination rather than by intervention
itself. And that is a distinction, I think, that is critical.
The chairman's statements are encouraging but some uncertain-
ty still persists about the extent, the scope, and character of inter-
national cooperative efforts, especially against the background of
recent comments by Secretary Baker which indicate that, in his
judgment, further declines in the value of the dollar would be
counterproductive. The uncertainty that lingers is worrisome,
partly because it is far from clear that the dollar, even now, has
declined all that it needs to.
The Louvre accord also is troublesome because it has the poten-
tial, I think, for compromising the Federal Reserve's independence
from the Executive Branch. What happened under Louvre is that
the Secretary of the Treasury, indeed the finance ministers of the
G-7 countries, moved actively into the business of deliberating
what our monetary policy ought to be. That is because delibera-
tions on exchange rates are implicitly deliberations on monetary
policy, since currency targets are achievable only if domestic policy
weaponry is devoted to defending them.
In concept, there is no reason why the process of deliberation in-
volving both finance ministers and central banks cannot go for-
ward in a manner that leaves central bank participants entirely
free at the end of the process to act according to their own best
judgment. But within the American framework of central bank in-
dependence, there is an element of both untidiness and potential
trouble in such exercises.
There is the further question of what those efforts at exchange
rate stabilization imply by way of full independence of decision for
those FOMC members that are not party to G-7 deliberations.
Is their policymaking role diminished? Not necessarily, but there
is certainly some risk that that could occur. These and other ques-
tions that bear on the independence of the Federal Reserve or, at a
minimum, on the appearance of independence, deserve more dis-
cussion and attention than they have had so far. That would be
less so perhaps if there were cogent reasons for thinking that ex-
change rate stabilization were of tremendous utility. That, howev-
er, is not the case.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
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[The prepared statement of Milton W. Hudson can be found in
the appendix.]
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL W. RERAN, VICE PRESIDENT AND
CHIEF ECONOMIST, PRUDENTIAL INSURANCE CO.
Mr. KERAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for inviting me to appear
here.
As a way of background, perhaps I should tell you that I have
been involved in monetary policy within the Federal Reserve at the
staff level for 19 years, including 10 years as a "back-bencher" at
FOMC meetings.
For the last SVa years, I have been watching monetary policy
from the outside. I will share some of that 22 years experience with
you. My written comments go into it in more detail than I can do
in this short presentation.
I want to answer the questions you raised within the context of
the way I organize my thinking about the issue. I find it useful to
distinguish two aspects of monetary policy.
First, there is monetary strategy, by which I mean how you de-
termine what the Fed's goals are. The second is monetary engineer-
ing, which is how effective is the Fed in achieving those goals.
Economists typically don't spend much time thinking about mon-
etary strategy. The tools of the economist trade don't provide many
insights to this basically subjective issue. Besides, the goals of
policy are embedded in law: the Employment Act of 1946; the
Humphrey-Hawkins Act of 1978. This hearing is an outgrowth of
the Humphrey-Hawkins Act.
However, if you look at the goals set by Congress, they are basi-
cally a wish list. Stimulate economic growth, stabilize the price
level, promote balance in international trade and, most recently, a
stable exchange rate.
Because Congress has not legislated priorities, it in effect has
given the Federal Reserve considerable discretion in choosing
among these desirable goals when there is a conflict between them.
What are the goals that are most important to the Fed? To the best
of my knowledge, there is no document that defines the Fed's prior-
ities.
However, I think the Fed has revealed its priorities by its ac-
tions. I would like to enumerate what I think those revealed prefer-
ences of the Fed are.
First, domestic goals always dominate international goals, for
reasons I describe in my written testimony. With respect to domes-
tic goals, the Fed has changed goals in recent years. Before Volcker
was Chairman of the Federal Reserve, I believe the Fed behaved as
if its dominant domestic goal was to maximize the growth in real
GNP, subject to preventing the inflation rate from exceeding some
politically unacceptable level.
In the Volcker era and in the succeeding Greenspan era, I be-
lieve, the Fed is behaving as if its goal is to minimize the inflation
rate subject to avoiding a recession. In that sense I think it agrees
with your opening statement, Mr. Chairman.
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You could list the priorities of the Fed as, first and foremost,
minimizing inflation; second, avoiding a recession; and last, at-
tempting to stabilize exchange rates.
With that background, let me try and answer two of the ques-
tions you posed: Was stabilizing the dollar a major goal in 1987? Is
international coordination of monetary policy desirable?
My reading of Fed behavior in 1987 as well as a much longer
period, suggests that the international goal of stabilizing the dollar
was not a significant factor in the Fed behavior in 1987. Let me
give a couple of examples.
In April 1987, we had what many people characterize as a dollar
crisis. For example, the dollar fell 10 percent against the yen. Mon-
etary policy did respond with a tightening, as I show in my chart
No. 1 and 2. While the Federal funds rate did go up, the financial
markets didn't really take it very credibly. If you look at the Treas-
ury bill rate, which I interpret as a primary vehicle by which the
Fed affects the financial market and the rest of the ecomony, there
was no rise.
Why was the Treasury bill rate "stable? Why did the financial
markets not take the rise in the funds rate as a serious and perma-
nent change in monetary policy? I believe that the apparent lack of
financial market credibility to tightening policy was because the
economic data we were looking at that time suggested that the
economy was relatively weak. The markets did not believe the Fed
was going to tighten policy substantially because it did not believe
that the Fed was prepared to risk a recession.
In this case, a domestic goal of avoiding a recession superseded
the international goal of stabilizing the dollar.
Take another example: August and September 1987. In that case,
the international problems were much less. The dollar fell only 5
percent against the yen. Yet monetary policy tightened far more
substantially than it did in April. Furthermore, the Fed raised the
discount rate by Vz percentage point, which is a very public way of
tightening monetary policy. Treasury bills rose in line with the
funds rate.
In that case, the financial markets took the tight monetary
policy of the Fed seriously—a statement of serious intent to tighten
monetary policy.
Why was the Fed more credible in this episode? I believe reason
is that the incoming economic data which the Fed was looking at
suggested that the economy was much stronger in August and Sep-
tember. Real GNP in the first half of the year had grown at 3Vi
percent. The incoming data on production and employment sug-
gested the second half would be even stronger and, subsequently,
we find real GNP grew at 4V& percent in the second half of the
year.
The markets believed the Fed was seriously prepared to tighten
policy to prevent future inflation as long as they were reasonably
confident they would not risk a recession.
A third episode: October-November 1987. The stock market crash
was matched by a 15 percent decline in the value of the dollar rela-
tive to the yen. There was an international problem to be dealt
with. Yet the Fed perceived that the risks of a recession had in-
creased as a result of that stock market crash. It eased monetary
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policy dramatically in that period, following a classic lender of last
resort announcement.
What do these episodes tell us—two things.
First, the Fed will work to achieve international goals only when
they are consistent with domestic goals. It will abandon interna-
tional goals when they appear to be inconsistent with domestic
goals.
Second, the Fed will follow an anti-inflation policy, even if the
current inflation is not picking up, as long as it doesn't perceive it
is risking a recession.
I think that those are appropriate goals and are consistent with
the views you expressed at the beginning of these hearings.
Let me now switch to the other major issue; that is, monetary
engineering—or how the Fed implements its goals. On that issue, I
think the internal engineering of the Fed has been very good. That
is, when the FOMC states a policy directive, the New York trading
desk is extraordinarily good at achieving that directive.
What Annie Oakley was to target shooting on a rifle range, the
Federal Reserve staff is at hitting a Federal Reserve target. It can
hit that target with one hand tied behind its back and looking into
a mirror.
The problems with the monetary engineering have to do with
what I call external engineering. That is, once the Fed has estab-
lished an interest rate target for the funds rate or the Treasury bill
rate or, in another policy regime, the money supply, what effect is
that going to have on GNP and inflation?
Answering this external engineering question requires a macro-
economic theory which describes the behavior of the public. The
Fed has no monopoly on insights into this external engineering
issue. The Fed has to rely on academic economists, including aca-
demic-type economists within the Federal Reserve staff, within the
U.S. Government, including the U.S. Treasury, as well as those in
universities.
Unfortunately at the moment, there is a major disarray in mac-
roeconomics. Keynesian theory largely lost its credibility in the
1970's. Monetarist theory largely lost its credibility in the 1980's.
We have no other empirically supported theory which has come to
prominence in the economic profession to fill this void. Many re-
searchers are working on it, including, I might add, Michael Darby,
the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy, who is
a well known and respected economist.
I believe his letter to the various presidents and governors of the
Fed in January reflected his attempt to provide information on
what I call this external engineering issue, I would like to submit
his letter as part of my written testimony, to reflect the fact that it
did fit into that external engineering framework and was not po-
litically motivated, to the best I could tell.
I have also made an effort to solve the external engineering
problem. A brief summary of my apprasial is included in the writ-
ten testimony.
[The letter and analysis of Michael Darby can be found in the
appendix.]
Within this environment where we are so uncertain of the appro-
priate theory, the Fed has to look at indicators of policy independ-
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entry, whether they are related to economic theory or not. I believe
the Fed behaves as if its most important indicator is what happens
to nominal GNP.
If you look at Chairman Greenspan's testimony at the Hum-
phrey-Hawkins testimony on February 23, it seems to want a nomi-
nal GNP target of approximately 6 percent growth. Where does
that number come from? First: it assumes that if potential GNP
grows at 2Va to 3 percent, then real GNP can't grow any faster
than that, especially if we are close to the natural rate of unem-
ployment.
Second: inflation in GNP deflator terms is currently running at 3
to 3 V2 percent. The sum of those two numbers gives you 6 percent
growth in nominal GNP. This also happens to be consistent with
what the administration's targets for 1988. If the Fed is targeting
nominal GNP, what kind of a rule would it follow?
If nominal GNP is growing in excess of 7 percent, tight monetary
policy would be appropriate to prevent inflation from rising signifi-
cantly above the 3 to 3% percent we have had recently. If nominal
GNP grows at less than 5 percent, then we need easier monetary
policy to prevent a recession.
The problem, of course, with targeting nominal GNP is that
there is a long lag between the changes in nominal GNP and
changes in monetary policy. Furthermore, without a good economic
theory, we don't know what kind of changes in monetary policy, be
they interest rates or the money supply, will affect GNP.
So the Fed, in the spirit of finding leading indicators of the direc-
tion of the economy, has been looking at the yield curve, commodi-
ty prices, and the exchange rate along the lines discussed by vice
chairman Johnson on February 25.
As illustrated in the charts that accompany my testimony the
yield curve tracks real GNP reasonably well. With that back-
ground, let me now answer the rest of the questions.
Question: Are monetary aggregate targets that have been estab-
lished for 1988 appropriate? My answer is that they are appropri-
ate, but probably irrelevant.
Question: Will rapid money growth in 1985 and 1986 suggest
future inflation, and will slow money growth in 1987 suggest a re-
cession in 1988? Answer: I do not expect either dramatic inflation
or recession. I think neither one of those will happen.
Question: Are there other indicators of monetary policy—interest
rates, commodity prices, GNP—that are appropriate? Answer: yes.
Let me elaborate on those points. With respect to monetary ag-
gregates, be they Ml, M2, or M3, they are not at the moment
useful guides to monetary policy. I don't say that easily because I
consider myself a charter member of the monetarist club, going
back about 25 years.
I think the Fed at the moment has correctly abandoned targeting
Ml. The announced target ranges for M2 and M3 are not particu-
larly relevant because I don't believe the Fed will feel bound to
take any particular action if M2 and M3 is outside those ranges.
Given the disarray in macroeconomics, it is simply not possible
to make judgments about what a particular change in the money
supply or, for that matter, the funds rate imply for the economy. In
this environment, it is quite appropriate for the Fed to focus on
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nominal GNP sis a guide to policy and to use commodity prices, the
exchange rate, and the yield curve as leading indicators of what
may happen to real GNP and inflation.
In conclusion I think, given the handicaps that the Fed faces,
monetary policy was run with considerable skill in 1987. With the
benefit of hindsight, we might say that the Fed was unduly tight in
August and September, given what happened to the stock market
in October.
However, if real GNP grows at the 3 percent rate in the first half
of 1988 that I am forecasting, then 6 months from now, with the
benefit of even more hindsight, we might say that the Federal Re-
serve's actions in 1987 were exactly appropriate.
Monetary policy is clearly an art. Attempts to make it a science
have taken a step backward because of the disarray in macroeco-
nomic theory. Until there is a reasonably robust macroeconomic
theory that can be supported by the data, it will be difficult for
monetary policy to do anything other than it has been doing of
late.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Michael W. Keran can be found in
the appendix.]
Chairman NEAL. Let me, first of all, thank all of you. I am sorry
more Members are not here to hear your excellent testimony.
There is so much going on around here these days, so I would say a
word in defense of my colleagues for not being here. There is just
too much going on.
Mr. Gramley, I was struck by your comments concerning the de-
sirability of looking at results of monetary policy as opposed to the
aggregates. I am not sure I understand exactly what you are
saying. It is my understanding that almost all monetary economists
agree that monetary policy acts with different lag times for differ-
ent indicators, but it is commonly believed that we have some max-
imum impact on inflation after a couple of years. If you do not
want to look at aggregates, what is an appropriate measure of re-
sults for the short term?
Mr. GRAMLEY. My point, Mr. Chairman, is that I don't want you
to start from the premise that volatility of money growth is neces-
sarily bad. I think you have to recognize that we live in a different
world now than we did through most of the postwar period and in
the prewar period as well. We live in a world in which rather small
changes in the thrust of monetary policy tend to make for rather
large changes in the growth rate of the monetary aggregates be-
cause demand for money has become highly sensitive to changes in
interest rates.
So when I look back at 1985 and 1986 and I see tremendously
high rates of growth of Ml relative to the past, and I don't see any
evidence of inflation having accelerated since then, I have to con-
clude that those growth rates were appropriate.
Now, I would grant you, certainly, that we can't be certain yet
that 1988 will not have a recession. Opinions do differ. I don't see
one developing. I see the economy as being fundamentally strong.
So I look at the slowdown in growth of the monetary aggregates
during 1987 as an appropriate course of monetary policy in light of
the fact that economic growth was strengthening last year, and we
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are getting closer to the point where continuing declines in unem-
ployment could lead to an upturn in wage rate increases and infla-
tion later on.
I am one who has been converted perhaps the other way than
Mike Reran has. Mike used to be a monetarist and now he has
given up hope on the monetary aggregates altogether. I have been
a lifelong advocate of a nonmonetarist approach, but I firmly be-
lieve that the Fed should stick to targeting on the aggregates for
now because that is the best they can do for the moment.
I don't think those targets have to be adhered to rigidly. I do
think the Fed is wise in watching very carefully the growth of the
monetary aggregates and evaluating that growth in terms of what
they see developing with regard to the current pace of economic ex-
pansion, indicators of future inflation—things like commodity
prices, exchange rate movements and that sort of thing.
But I think to deviate at this juncture, to throw out the mone-
tary aggregates altogether, would be a major mistake.
Chairman NEAL. I couldn't agree with you more, and I would
also agree with you that we should not be so rigid in following this
course of action. But, I am still not quite hearing what do you
think, as a practical matter, works as a current indicator of future
impact on monetary policy? It seems to me you have said two
things.
Mr. GRAMLEY. You should look at the aggregates, but you should
remember, I think, that different growth rates of the aggregates
are going to be needed, depending on the economic circumstances
that develop.
If you have a situation in which the economy needs stimulus, so
you need to adopt a more expansive monetary policy, you are going
to push down interest rates temporarily. Given the sensitivity of
money demand to interest rates, you are going to see some rather
sharp increases in the rate of money growth.
Then when you need to tighten up monetary policy and you have
to raise interest rates to do that, monetary growth will decelerate
very, very rapidly. We live in a world, I think, in which fluctuating
growth rates of the monetary aggregates are a normal part of the
process, rather minor adaptations of monetary policy to the eco-
nomic environment.
It makes your job very difficult, but I don't think you can avoid
the fact that this is the kind of world we live in now.
Chairman NEAL. I do not disagree. But again, I do not think
anyone advocates making policy changes based on day-to-day move-
ments. Don't most monetary economists try to look at what is
going on over a period of months?
Mr. RERAN. Mr. Chairman, could I perhaps respond?
As an outsider, looking into the Federal Reserve, I try and ask
myself what is it the Fed is looking at? To the best of my knowl-
edge, as I mentioned in my remarks, I think the Fed is looking at
nominal GNP. If it is accelerating, that means to the Fed that we
must have followed an easy monetary policy 6 to 9 months ago.
And if nominal GNP is decelerating, that means that the Fed prob-
ably was following a tight monetary policy 6 to 9 months ago.
Now, you can say, knowing what you did 6 to 9 months ago is not
very useful. You want to know what you are doing today. But given
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the disarray in macroeconomics and the lack of a better alterna-
tive, it at least means that if policy was too easy for 6 to 9 months,
or too tight for 6 to 9 months, the Fed can reverse it rather quick-
ly, and that is in fact the way they have behaved in the last 5
years. They have reversed policies very quickly whenever the econ-
omy showed any movements other than what they expected it to
be.
Chairman NEAL. Yes, sir.
Mr. HUDSON. Mr. Chairman, if I might just add something, I
think in view of what Mike Reran has said about the unavailabil-
ity of any formal theoretical model that can guide the Fed, you
really come down pretty much to recognizing that this is a matter
of "feel as you go' and that it has to be eclectic in character. As
Mike says, this is an art; it is not a science. A quest for any single
indicator that is going to give you real guidance is bound to be in
vain.
I would just emphasize, without necessarily embracing all the
things that Manuel Johnson has been saying recently, that what
Manuel Johnson is after in focusing on the auction markets is indi-
cators that can yield advanced warning. If you can sort through all
the volatility that occurs in those markets and refine our under-
standing of the lead properties of those financial auction market
indicators, that may be of some help in moving a little earlier than
we otherwise would in doing the correct thing. But it is a matter,
really, of feeling your way along, and there is no easy way.
Chairman NEAL. Thank you. My time has expired, and I yield to
Mr. Roth.
Mr. ROTH. I thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate your giving
me this time to ask a few questions.
The reason I came this morning is that I thought you could help
me out with some guidance. We in this banking committee do not
directly control what the Federal Reserve does and we can't control
much of the economy in other areas. But we do have control over
banking legislation and what happens to banking.
My interpretation of history is that when our financial institu-
tions are sound, our economy seems to be sound.
We, in the next few weeks, are going to be hopefully passing the
most important banking legislation that we have passed in 50
years, because we are going to take a look at what powers banks
should have.
I was wondering if someone on the panel would care to comment
on what Congress should be doing. Should we go back and do away
with Glass-Steagall that we have had for 50 years? Should we do
nothing? What would your recommendations be from your view-
point, from your vantage point?
Mr. Hudson.
Mr. HUDSON. I think it is pretty clear that the intellectual argu-
ment for revising or perhaps completely eliminating Glass-Steagall
has certainly been made at this point and that if we were to move
in that direction it would undoubtedly bring a good deal of value to
consumers of financial services.
In the practical matter of shaping this legislation, it is not at all
clear that what will finally emerge will be a particularly attractive
vehicle for accomplishing that. Very marked differences exist in
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the judgments of Members of the House Banking Committee as to
what should be done, and, as the legislation is shaped, we may get
a significant number of impediments to effective rationalization—
so many impediments that we may have to pause at the end of the
day to see whether it makes sense to go forward with legislation
that builds in a lot of new restrictive features.
My institution, as you undoubtedly know, has been an advocate
of Glass-Steagall revision, and the arguments are very powerful.
The practical legislative route is a very tough one and it remains
to be seen what kind of a vehicle we are going to have at the end of
the day.
Mr. ROTH. I think that your analysis is right, and I hope that we
have a good vehicle, and that is why I think it is important for us
to address some of these issues. When I talk to Members of the
committee, many of them are saying if we had had the law I am
looking for on October 19, it would have been disastrous.
Do you believe that?
Mr. HUDSON. No. I don't believe October 19 and 20 have really
much bearing on this issue. I think that the essential explanation
for what happened on October 19 is in a set of factors that have
nothing to do with our particular regulatory structure.
The rapidity with which stock prices declined in those days may
well have been related to financial market technology. That is
given a good deal of attention, of course, in the Brady Commission
report and other things, but those are not issues that relate to the
kind of restrictions that are placed on commercial bank activity by
the Glass-Steagall Act.
So I am just at a loss to understand why that linkage is made.
Mr. GRAMLEY. If I might add just one comment, without in any
way disagreeing with what my friend and colleague Milt Hudson
has said, I think it is important to recognize that if we are going in
the direction of permitting additional powers to bank holding com-
panies—and I think we should—it is very, very important to make
sure we don't endanger the safety and solvency of the banking
system in the process.
One of the ways I think that has to be done is to insulate the
bank from the activities of the nonbank subsidiaries of a holding
company to the maximum degree possible. The walls around that
bank must be built very, very high. There must be no understand-
ing on anybody's part that the bank will come to the rescue of a
subsidiary that is going down the tube. Indeed, the public must be
encouraged to recognize that a nonbank subsidiary of a bank hold-
ing company can fail and will fail, and have no effect on the stabil-
ity and solvency of the bank itself.
That is an important thing for Congress to keep in mind. It is an
important thing for the regulators themselves to keep in mind.
Mr. ROTH. I know what you are saying and I agree with you, al-
though it is probably easier said than done, isn't it, when you take
a look at Continental Illinois and October 19?
Mr. GRAMLEY. I am sure it is.
Mr. ROTH. You had mentioned before that we are living in a
changing world and that is one of the reasons I am interested in
this banking legislation, why I asked to be appointed to the bank-
ing committee.
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You know, at one time in history we had barter, and then we
went to money, and then from money to checks and so on. We are
in electronic money nowadays.
What kind of world do you see in banking and in money, say, in
the next decade? What kind of changes do you perceive?
Mr. GRAMLEY. I really haven't thought with enough specificity
about that question to give you a considered answer. I do think the
process of innovation, however, is a long way from being complete.
Lots more things are going to happen and these problems of inter-
preting the monetary aggregates and their movement are going to
continue.
Mr. ROTH. I have a note here my time is up. I appreciate, gentle-
men, your very good testimony.
Thank you.
Chairman NEAL. I certainly agree with what I hear most of you
saying concerning the necessity for an eclectic approach toward
conducting monetary policy. It does appear to me also that there is
a relationship between the aggregates, the growth of our economy,
inflation, and employment that remains somehow constant if we
can only find it. It seems to me to be a worthwhile endeavor to try
to find what that relationship is and understand it better. I have a
feeling that some day that will be possible. It also sounds to me
like you all agree on many points. There are a couple of points of
disagreement, though, among you that I note, that I would like to
pursue.
The first is that Mr. Gramley and Mr. Hudson clearly disagree
on the desirability of the Louvre accord, and I would like for them
to pursue that further if we could. In addition, Professor Kimbell is
predicting a recession for this year and it is based on, as I under-
stand from his testimony, the predictive nature of the behavior of
M2—of one among your predictors. I believe that the rest of you
would probably disagree with that, so it seems to me there is an
area that we might also pursue.
Let us start with the question of desirability of the Louvre
accord.
Mr. HUDSON. I am not sure that there really is an irreconcilable
fundamental difference between Lyle and me. If I heard him cor-
rectly, what he is saying is that basically it is appropriate for
major industrial countries to endeavor to cooperate and coordinate
basic economic policy, and if in fact they did that, we would get a
desirable stability in our foreign exchange markets.
I agree with that basically. But I am saying it is a mistake to
begin by trying to govern exchange rates directly, if in fact none of
the other things relating to basic policy coordination are going
forth. And if they are going forth, you probably don't need these
interventionist activities, which can be, at times, very disturbing to
the financial marketplace.
I don't know, Lyle, whether I am misstating the basis for a more
common position between us?
Mr. GRAMLEY. I think we could find common agreement as fol-
lows. I think the Louvre accord would have worked if the United
States and West Germany had done what, in effect, was necessary
to make that accord work; namely, the United States had to take
very substantial action to reduce its Federal budget deficit. The
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West German economy had to be stimulated to grow faster. Nei-
ther country was willing to do so.
That meant that the basis for the Louvre accord was quicksand
in effect. It was bound to go down the tubes.
My comments in my testimony were relating more to the issue of
whether or not these accords undermined the independence of the
monetary policy. I don't think they have. I think they conceivably
could do so, depending on how they are structured in the future,
but I see no evidence that they have done so as yet.
Mr. HUDSON. I am just very worried to have those finance minis-
ters and Mr. Baker actively involved in deliberating what is appro-
priate monetary policy for the United States.
Chairman NEAL. I agree with you. I think it is totally inappropri-
ate for the Treasury to try to determine monetary policy. I was
pleased to see Chairman Greenspan make it clear that he did not
feel bound by the administration's statements. He responded in a
timely manner. That convinced me, at least for the time being,
that he does not feel bound by their statements, although he also
continues to say—as I imagine he must—that he is in fact conduct-
ing monetary policy in accord with the Louvre agreements
Mr. HUDSON. But I think he is always very careful to emphasize
that he is attempting to work toward policies that will bring about
the result in the foreign exchange markets that everyone would
agree would be desirable.
Chairman NEAL. As opposed to intervention and that sort of
thing?
Mr. HUDSON. Yes.
A year ago the Federal Reserve shared in the judgment that we
had reached an appropriate structure of exchange rates, as evi-
denced by the policy record of March 31.
I think events have shown that judgment to have been woefully
wrong and that there was some cost and consequence of a very se-
rious negative nature to the American economy.
Chairman NEAL. I think that is quite correct. Would you agree
with that, Mr. Gramley?
Mr. GRAMLEY. I don't see any reason for belief that the U.S.
economy's performance was adversely affected to any major degree,
no.
I do think that a misjudgment was made about whether the ex-
change rates of that time were appropriate, but I think that judg-
ment was in part based on the assumption that there would be
some fundamental changes in fiscal policies by our country and
West Germany that simply did not materialize.
I would interpret the Fed's actions in the spring of 1987 and the
early summer of 1987, not so much as trying to hold the dollar at
any specific level or range with respect to foreign currencies, but to
keep it from falling out of bed.
It was falling very, very rapidly. There were days when the
market was quite disorderly. Under those conditions, a central
bank that simply turns its back and says we have no interest in
what is going on there is risking a collapse of confidence in the
dollar, a massive outflow of capital, and perhaps the combination
of higher inflation and lower economic growth at the same time.
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So what I think the Fed was doing at that juncture was to try
and prevent that sort of thing from happening.
Chairman NEAL. Would it not also be true to say, in support of
the Louvre accord, that short-term interest rates—which as I un-
derstand is all they can really control over the short term—were
much higher than they might otherwise have been; and that, as a
result of that our currency relative to other currencies was higher
than it normally would have been, and therefore our trade deficit
was higher than it normally would have been?
Mr. Hudson indicated that it was his understanding—and it cer-
tainly is mine—that the stock market crash of October was largely
precipitated by rising interest rates over that same period of time?
Mr. GRAMLEY. I don't think that is Milton Hudson's interpreta-
tion of the stock market crash. It certainly isn't mine. My interpre-
tation is that the stock market had simply gotten out of touch with
reality.
To be sure, rising interest rates contributed to a revaluation of
stock prices, but that revaluation would have occurred in any
event with the Dow-Jones where it was in the summer of last year.
I don't think a Dow-Jones at 2700 is at all viable, given the pros-
pects for where our economy is going.
Chairman NEAL. Even if there is no other place to put money
with the potential of the market for growth or return on invest-
ment. I mean, if interest rates are down at—let's say they are 5
percent and the return on investment in equities is 3 Vi or 4 per-
cent, with a potential for growth in value—what is unrealistic
about keeping money in equity?
Mr. GRAMLEY. I think earnings/price ratios had gotten way out
of touch with reality in the summer of 1987. I think they were way
too high.
Chairman NEAL. They were certainly lower than they were
during much of the period of the 1960's and 1970's, as I recall.
Mr. GRAMLEY. One has to recognize that our economy is not
problem free and that we do have problems in this economy, and I
think financial investors had simply forgotten about the fact that
we are not living in a problem-free world. And I think that level of
stock prices was not viable.
Chairman NEAL. That would make you a seller of stocks then.
But obviously someone thought that it was viable.
Mr. GRAMLEY. Between the morning of October 19 and the
evening, investors changed their mind in rather major ways. I am
not sure that those judgments which led to the purchase of stocks
in huge volumes during the first 7 months of 1987 were based on a
thoughtful analysis of where our economy was going or a thought-
ful analysis of how high stock prices could go.
It was a lot of mass psychology beginning to develop, and when
the market began to turn the other way, people began to realize
that they had made a mistake. That I think is the basic reason why
the stock market crashed.
Chairman NEAL. During that same period of time, though, inter-
est rates were climbing. It would be a rational decision to switch,
say, to no risk Treasury securities and out of equities with some
risk. Didn't that snowball a bit?
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Mr. GHAMLEY. Mr. Neal, if you look at the performance of the
economy last year, one could hardly argue, I think that the Federal
Reserve was unjustified in raising interest rates for purely domes-
tic reasons. Interest rates had to be permitted to go up to make
sure that the economy didn't begin overheating.
You could not have continued to have money growth on the scale
we had in 1985 and 1986 indefinitely. That certainly would have
provoked a much worse inflationary problem.
I think what the Fed was doing basically in 1987 was exhibiting
the kinds of concerns that you have expressed that we have got to
keep our eye focused on inflation prospects for the longer run.
Chairman NEAL. I also agree with that and it ought to be the pri-
mary concern. I was certainly troubled during that period of rapid
growth and frankly amazed that we did not suffer more adverse
consequences from it.
Did you want to comment, Mr. Hudson?
Mr. HUDSON. I am not sure that I haven't agreed with Lyle too
readily, because I think some of the things that he implied would
result from a rapid decline in the dollar are mistaken.
I do believe that the case of gradualism in exchange rate move-
ments has been grossly overstated time and time again, and in this
instance I think that you can make a fairly persuasive argument
that if something needs to be done, namely, that we ought to have
a further decline of the dollar, that it ought to be done reasonably
quickly, and that by delaying the process you complicate the ulti-
mate need for adjustment and make the ultimate adjustment prob-
lem larger than it otherwise would be, if for no other reason than
we simply run, because we have artificially propped up the dollar,
larger trade deficits for a longer while and accumulate more debt.
So this is a very complicated argument, the issue of gradualism
versus rapidity. I don't think we can resolve that this morning. But
I would just like to lodge here a little note that I think that there
is more to be said for a quick adjustment than is sometimes im-
plied.
Just to emphasize the point that you are making about rising in-
terest rates, we did have a climb in long rates. The long bond was
trading around 7Vi at the beginning of 1987, and shortly before Oc-
tober 19 it was trading close to 10V2 percent.
The analytical question is how much of that rise you can at-
tribute to financial market anxiety over the Louvre accord. It is
not anything you will ever resolve in a precise quantitative way,
but my own judgment is that some significant part of that rise in
interest rates was reflective of what was done under the Louvre
agreement and also that the widening of spreads between the
yields available in the bond market and in the equity market had
some impact upon what happened in October.
Chairman NEAL. I thank you, both of you.
Would any of you like to comment on Professor Kimbell's
thought about recession?
Professor KIMBELL. Just very briefly, I was making the point that
Darby's chart on M2 suggested in the past M2 has been a valid
leading economic indicator and it might point to a recession. But
my own personal reading would put much more emphasis on con-
sumer reductions in purchases in non-automobile sectors.
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The automobile sales look fairly good. In fact, they are fairly
good, but we have special rebates which in the past would boost
sales to, say, 13 million annual rate. If the rebates were to come
off, I think we could easily see a 9 million annual rate.
Then we have excessive inventory development. We have hous-
ing that is almost certainly going to be down in the first quarter,
although probably rising by the second half of the year because of
lower mortgage rates, and finally the Federal Government looks to
us as though it will be pinching back in terms of defense spending.
So I would put much more emphasis on, say, the consumer vul-
nerability, high debt, need to retrench, low savings rates, than on
the M2 per se.
Mr. GRAMLEY. I would make just a couple of comments. The
future is always very uncertain. None of us economic forecasters
can do more than put down our best judgment as to what is hap-
pening.
The issue basically is one of evaluating the fundamental
strengths of the economy, and that is very very hard to do. We do
have an inventory correction underway now. We know that the
rate of book value increase in inventories in January was consider-
able lower than in the fourth quarter.
Then the issue is: Will this precipitate and snowball and develop
into an actual decline in industrial output in GNP?
I would note that if the recession is coming, it isn't coming as
fast as Mr. Kimbell thought when he put these numbers down. I
note, for example, that he anticipates an annual rate of decline of
5.8 percent in industrial production for the first quarter of 1988.
Well, we just got figures yesterday which indicated that the rate
of increase of production was revised upward for December and
January, and I made an estimate yesterday that if industrial pro-
duction goes up 0.2 percent in March, the annual rate of increase
between the fourth and first quarters will be 33/4 percent, not a de-
cline of 5%.
So if it is coming, it is a little further off yet.
Mr. HUDSON. I would just say that the real M2 numbers are fig-
ures that I have watched fairly carefully over a long period of time,
and I think that the historical record does give one some pause
when M2 slows sharply. You have to ask whether or not there isn't
a message in this relationship.
The reason I would tend to downplay that and give it very little
weight at the present time is simply that the relationships between
M2 and the economy have changed recently, so that you are no
longer able to draw the same inference about how this particular
magnitude is related to the economy.
Mr. KERAN. In terms of the outlook, we think that most of the
inventory overhang in the fourth quarter was heavily concentrated
in imports and therefore as that inventory overhang is unwound, it
will reduce imports. We can see that in the January trade numbers
that were released this morning, in which all the improvement in
the trade deficit number was a decline in imports. So that is con-
sistent with that kind of adjustment which suggests that it will not
show up as a big contraction in GNP.
I agree with Larry Kimbell about the weakness in consumer
spending this year, just as it was weak last year. That doesn't nee-
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essarily mean a weak GNP. We think that we are going to have a
strong business equipment investment this year, as we did last
year. Both factors were positive for GNP last year and this year,
and that is going to keep the economy reasonably robust.
What I worry about is perhaps 1989 when this equipment boom
which we are now in the middle of, which is clearly unsustainable,
is over and where will be the next piece of strength in the econo-
my.
Chairman NEAL. It could be exports, I guess.
Mr. RERAN. Exports were strong last year; they will be strong
this year; they will be strong in 1989. But whether they can offset
the weakness in consumption along with the collapse in equipment
investment that I see for next year is another issue. But that is
down the road.
Certainly 1988 looks pretty robust.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Roth asked a question about the proposed
Glass-Steagall changes. Have you had a chance to look at the prod-
uct of the Senate Banking Committee. Mr. Gramley, you men-
tioned that you thought it was very important that the so-called
fire walls be strong and impenetrable. Do you think that the
Senate has done a good enough job in that regard?
Mr. GRAMLEY. Mr. Neal, I have not looked at the bill that close-
ly. I really can't comment.
Mr. HUDSON. The fire walls are very important. I hope Lyle
doesn't mean that J.P. Morgan Securities should be called the XYZ
Corp. or anything of that kind.
Chairman NEAL. Let me thank you all for your help and say that
if you have any other thought or opinion on this, we are interested,
so please keep us in mind, most specifically on this question of
Glass-Steagall changes. We will be dealing with that subject pretty
soon and I am anticipating that we will make some changes.
Thank you all again.
The committee stands adjourned, subject to the call of the Chair.
[Whereupon, at 1:37 p.m. the hearing was adjourned, subject to
the call of the Chair.]
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CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY IN 1987
THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1988
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met at 10:05 a.m. in room 2128, Rayburn
House Office Building, Hon. Stephen L. Neal [chairman of the sub-
committee] presiding.
Present: Chairman Neal.
Chairman NEAL. I'd like to call the subcommittee to order at this
time.
Today the subcommittee concludes its hearings on the Federal
Reserve's Monetary Policy Report to the Congress. I have sched-
uled these hearings to allow us to conduct a careful and thorough
review of monetary policy in the current context of heightened un-
certainty and acute risk. Uncertainty and risk are exacerbated by
the collapse in equity prices last year and by the apparent collapse
in the reliability of monetary aggregates as good indicators of the
thrust of monetary policy.
It is still too soon to venture a confident assessment of the
impact of the decline in the stock market on the real economy,
though consensus forecasts seem to foreshadow a stronger economy
than had been expected. However, it turns out that impact will
probably prove to be rather temporary. Even forecasts of an immi-
nent recession tend to foresee a healthy recovery next year. Con-
versely, many who forecast a strong economy this year foresee
weakness next year or some time in the near future.
Since monetary policy operates with uncertain and variable lags,
it should not be driven by efforts to counteract or offset precisely
these swings in the real economy. It should be governed, as one of
our witnesses put it last week, by a long-term commitment to rea-
sonable price stability subject to avoiding or mitigating severe re-
cessions. That general goal is not, however, very useful unless we
have fairly reliable ways of assessing the impact of monetary policy
on the economy. I do not think the Federal Reserve will make
major errors in its future conduct of monetary policy because it be-
comes too complacent over the threat of inflation or becomes too
addicted to stimulating real growth at the risk of major inflation.
It may, however, fall into serious policy errors of excessive ease
or excessive tightness because it seems to lack reliable gauges to
measure the impact of monetary policy. Much effort is now being
devoted to establishing or reestablishing reliable indicators for
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monetary policy. It's one of the major issues I have asked our wit-
nesses to address.
Today we have a panel that nicely balances academic research
on monetary policy with the insights and perspectives of financial
market analysis. Our witnesses are Professor Robert Rasche from
Michigan State University and a member of the Shadow Open
Market Committee; Mrs. Maria Ramirez, money market economist
from Drexel Burnham; and Professor Bennett McCallum from Car-
negie-Mellon University.
I would like to welcome our witnesses this morning and thank
them for helping us as we try to understand and exert a little of
our oversight responsibility in this area. Thank you very much for
being with us this morning. We will hear from you in the order in
which I mentioned your names.
Your entire statements will be placed in the record. It would be
appropriate if you could summarize so we might have a little more
time for questions and answers. Mr. Rasche, we will begin with you
at this time.
STATEMENT OF ROBERT H. RASCHE, PROFESSOR OF
ECONOMICS, MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY, EAST LANSING, MI.
Mr. RASCHE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I'm pleased to have this opportunity to appear before you today
to present my views on the recent monetary policy report to Con-
gress by the Board of Governors and related statements.
I'd like to focus on the following issues: (1) the conception of the
monetary process that's advanced by the Federal Reserve System;
the usefulness of monetary aggregates as guides to monetary
policy; and the appropriateness of other guides to monetary policy
which have been the apparent focus of recent attention within the
Federal Reserve System.
In 1987, we saw a sharp deceleration in the growth rates of a
wide range of monetary aggregates after very rapid growth in the
previous 2 years. The FOMC responded to these historical develop-
ments by widening the ranges of the M2 and M3 target growth
rates for 1988, while leaving the midpoints of those ranges relative-
ly unchanged.
It appears that the Federal Reserve regards the extreme volatili-
ty in the growth of monetary aggregates as outside of its control or
to be of no particular consequence to the economy. I'd like to ad-
dress those two issues.
Almost 24 years ago, in a staff analysis prepared for the then
Subcommittee on Domestic Finance, Professors Karl Brunner and
Alan Meltzer critiqued the then current Federal Reserve concep-
tion of the monetary policy process. In their letter of transmittal of
that analysis they commented: "the modified free reserves mecha-
nism bears almost no relation to changes in the stock of bank
credit or money. Indeed it is so poor that it raises questions about
the usefulness of Federal Reserve policy as a means of controlling
money or credit."
Today there is little substantive difference from the situation
almost a quarter century ago. Since late 1982, the directives to the
system account manager issued at the various FOMC meetings
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have been framed in terms of increasing, decreasing or maintain-
ing the "degree of pressure on reserve positions." The conception of
the monetary policy process during the past 5 years is substantive-
ly identical to that of the early 1960's. Therefore, I conclude that
extreme volatility in the year-to-year growth of various monetary
aggregates should come as no surprise to either the Federal Re-
serve System, the Congress, or the public at large. Given the cur-
rent operating procedures of the Federal Reserve System, it is only
by accident that the observed growth rates of the monetary aggre-
gates in 1988 will fall inside of the newly established ranges.
Now this need not be the case. We know enough to implement
operating procedures that will maintain year-to-year monetary
growth within much narrower ranges than those currently estab-
lished by the Federal Reserve System.
You might argue, so what? Is there a cost to the observed volatil-
ity in monetary growth? I believe that the unambiguous answer to
that question is yes. Chairman Greenspan in appearing before you
a few weeks ago accepted the principle that progress toward price
stability requires a reduction in monetary growth rates below the
average of our recent experience. It's my opinion that excessive vol-
atility in monetary growth rates brings such progress to a dead
halt. When growth rates are excessively high, then concern is
widely expressed that rapid deceleration will bring about a slow-
down in growth in real economic activity. Conversely, when mone-
tary growth rates are extremely slow, concern is expressed that the
growth rates be quickly returned to higher levels before a slow-
down in real economic activity is induced.
The net result of these kind of reactions to sharpen year-to-year
fluctuations in the gjrowth rates of monetary aggregates is that
there is little perceptible progress toward a world of price stability.
Since 1982, for all practical purposes, the U.S. economy has been
sitting at a 4 percent annual inflation rate. The projected central
tendency of the GNP deflator by members of the FOMC for the
next year is in the range slightly below 3 percent. Your own CBO
in making its forecast for 1988 and 1989 projects GNP deflator and
CPI inflation rates in the 3.9 to 4.2 percent range. The argument
that we are making progress toward price stability or that we
expect to make progress toward price stability in the near future is
contradicted by all the evidence. The erratic monetary growth
rates permitted by and fostered by the prevailing Federal Reserve
policies are in large part responsible for our current "dead-in-the-
water" situation.
A second theme of the monetary policy report that was recently
presented to you is that the relationships between the various mon-
etary aggregates and economic activity, particularly the narrowly
defined monetary aggregates, continue to be affected by deregula-
tion and institutional change. There's one element of truth in that
argument. Something happened to these relationships around the
end of 1981. However, the best evidence is that what happened was
a one-time change in the relationship between the average rate of
growth of monetary aggregates and the average growth rate of
nominal income. The observed change occurred over a very short
period of time and since that time a new stable relationship has
been established.
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The new relationship bears many of the characteristics of the re-
lationship that prevailed in the previous quarter century and does
not show any significant increase or decrease in uncertainty from
that prior relationship. Now it's relatively fortunate that s true
since without such a stable long-run relationship manipulation of
any nominal variable by the Federal Reserve System has little logi-
cal foundation.
That conclusion should not be misinterpreted. The existence of
stable long-run relationships are not a basis for short-run manipu-
lation of monetary aggregates toward a goal of short-run economic
stabilization. The economic variables that drive the short-run fluc-
tuations in the relationship between monetary aggregates and eco-
nomic activity are largely unpredictable.
Finally, I'd like to comment on alternative guides to monetary
policy. Governor Johnson recently indicated that a number of
members of the Board of Governors are using or at least looking at
measures such as sensitive commodity prices, the difference be-
tween long- and short-term rates of interest or the slope of the
yield curve, and/or nominal exchange value of the U.S. dollar as
guides to the impact of monetary policy.
Such an approach to the conduct of monetary policy is, in my
judgment, dangerous and counterproductive. There is no doubt that
those variables like that can be and are affected by monetary
policy actions. Unfortunately, they are affected by lots of other
things which impact on our economy and unless the current move-
ments in those measures can be attributed reliably to the various
forces which are driving our economy, it's impossible to discern the
meaning of their movements for the conduct of monetary policy.
That conclusion is not my insight. It's an old argument in the
literature on monetary policy and was resolved at least a quarter
century ago.
Unfortunately, with all the measures which have been cited by
Governor Johnson in his speech, a reliable allocation of the move-
ment to the fundamental determinants of these variables, includ-
ing monetary policy actions, is beyond our current ability. This is
particularly true in things like nominal exchange rates. No one
today knows whether the exchange value of the dollar, however we
measure it, is too high, too low, or just right.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Robert Rasche can be found in the
appendix.]
Chairman NEAL. Thank you, sir, very much. At this time I would
like to hear from Ms. Ramirez.
STATEMENT OF MARIA F. RAMIREZ, MANAGING DIRECTOR AND
MONEY MARKET ECONOMIST, DREXEL BURNHAM LAMBERT, INC.
Ms. RAMIREZ. Good morning. Mr. Chairman and Members of the
subcommittee, my name is Maria Ramirez. I am managing director
and money market economist at Drexel Burnham Lambert. I am
pleased to be here today and to offer this committee my thoughts
on the appropriate course of monetary policy in 1988. My expertise
is in forecasting short-term trends in the economy, interpreting
news that affects the markets, and providing investment advice to
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market participants. Monetary policy is the key to understanding
the direction of the markets, and it is also a crucial issue that re-
quires a great deal of my time. During the past several years, I
have seen drastic changes in the behavior of the markets and
market participants. More specifically, the massive quantity of new
information and the market's volatility have created an insatiable
appetite for immediate analysis of data. This, in turn, has been a
major reason for wide gyrations in the markets.
Today, money managers around the world work around the clock
and anxiously await data such as employment or trade releases,
whether it's at 10:30 p.m. in Tokyo or 2:30 a.m. in Hawaii. Shifting
billions of dollars around the globe in response to a number that
can be revised drastically the following month is today's reality.
Trying to forecast kneejerk reactions with an econometric model is
impossible. No model can predict how different investors with dif-
ferent investment objectives will respond to various types of eco-
nomic news. It is like trying to put many pieces of a puzzle togeth-
er that look very much alike in order to form a perfect picture of
the economy in record time. This is a monumental task. All we can
do, in some cases, is use our best judgment on how the markets as
a whole may interpret economic, or other news, affecting them.
In looking at the short-term trends and trying to gauge the direc-
tion of the markets, it is very important to know consensus expec-
tations. It helps to be a good listener because absorbing informa-
tion is always more important than looking back at history and at-
tempting to use it as a guide to the future. My testimony will touch
upon the Humphrey-Hawkins report, how monetary policy is cur-
rently perceived by the markets, and what I believe the best course
for monetary policy may be for 1988.
Monetary policy, I believe, has been on the correct path, but
there have always been some experts who contend that it was
going in the wrong direction. In retrospect, given the complexity of
international capital flows, the imbalances in the economies
around the world, and the large trade flows with the twin deficits,
the policies adhered to have been generally correct.
Market participants are always quick to anticipate dramatic
shifts in policy by the Fed. Although, in the past, if the Fed had
changed policy as often as the markets had expected, it probably
would have created more instability in the economy and prices.
Even though there have been instances where monetary policy has
been too slow to respond to changes in the economy, the result was
stability on the inflation front during this decade. Before reaching
a conclusion about what I believe the current course of policy
should be for this year, it is appropriate first to discuss the money
supply, which has been the cornerstone of such policy in the past.
In the past, the money supply has served as a useful tool in guid-
ing monetary policy in the direction of balanced economic growth
and price stability. However, more recently, the relationship be-
tween money and real economic activity has come unglued, causing
market participants to focus on other leading economic indicators
of growth. In part, this decoupling of money from the real econom-
ic activity is due to deregulation of the banking industry following
the Monetary Control Act of 1980. Between 1983 and 1986, the
monetary aggregates—Ml, M2, M3—grew at a rapid pace (an aver-
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age annual rate of 11, 10 and 9 percent respectively), due to the
easier Federal Reserve policy that prevailed as of mid-1981. This
faster money growth was consistent with a pickup in economic ac-
tivity. Between 1983 and 1986, real GNP grew at an average
annual rate of 4 percent.
As of the spring of 1987, however, the growth in the aggregates
slowed. Both M2 and M3 grew slower than the average growth
rates between 1983 and 1986. The slowdown in money growth in
the spring of 1987 coincided with the slightly more restrictive mon-
etary policy that was put in place at that time. The tighter policy
was due to building inflationary expectations in the financial mar-
kets from the continued deterioration of the dollar and the lack of
improvement in the trade deficit. The Fed's move to tighten re-
serve availability temporarily abated inflationary expectations.
However, by August, the dollar once again came under downward
pressure and without improvement in the monthly trade numbers,
price pressures accelerated. This eventually caused the Fed to take
a more overt tightening move by raising the discount rate on Sep-
tember 4.
During this period, interest rates continued to climb and money
growth continued to slow. At least some of the slower growth was
due to the more restrictive monetary policy and correspondingly
higher interest rates. It was also due to the shifts in international
deposit flows resulting from the rapid dollar depreciation. I have
included some charts that show the inverse relationship between a
weakening dollar and foreign money supply growth. These charts
show that at least some of the weaker growth in the U.S. monetary
aggregates in 1987 was due to the unwillingness of foreigners to
hold dollar-denominated deposits in U.S. banks. This led to a shift-
ing of deposits from U.S. banks to foreign commercial banks. For
the most part, these deposits were the highly liquid transaction de-
posits included in Ml. This shifting of deposits became even more
rapid in the last 2 months of the year after a further deterioration
of the dollar, and Ml grew at an annual rate of negative 5.6 per-
cent in November and negative 3 percent in December. This trans-
lated into weaker growth for M2 and M3 during the same period.
Since the beginning of 1988, growth in all three of the monetary
aggregates has bounced back quite nicely. It is no coincidence that
this healthier growth came in a period of relative dollar stability.
For 1988, as stated in the Humphrey-Hawkins testimony a
month ago, the FOMC has set somewhat lower growth targets for
M2 and M3 than those prevailing in 1987. The growth bands for
M2 and M3 have been lowered, from a range of 5.5 to 8 percent to
a range of 4 to 8 percent. In my opinion, the FOMC's decision to
lower the targets is appropriate for some of the same reasons dis-
cussed by Chairman Greenspan in his testimony a month ago.
Among the reasons cited in the decision to lower the ranges was
the looser relationship between money and economic growth that I
have just mentioned. The FOMC also decided to widen the growth
bands to 4 percentage points from the more traditional 3 percent-
age points, in light of the unusual degree of uncertainty about eco-
nomic growth in 1988. Implied in the Fed's decision to ease was
also an indication of tightening. This is exactly the type of flexible
approach to guiding monetary policy that I mentioned earlier and
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that I feel the Fed should be taking. The Fed is now focusing not
only on the growth of money in relation to the economy, but also
on a broad range of economic indicators. The Fed is using this in-
formation in its decisions to adjust the instruments of monetary
policy—reserve availability and the discount rate—in response to
deviations in monetary growth from anticipated rates. By widening
the target bands, the Fed is allowing for the possibility of aberrant
shifts in money flows, which could occur in 1988 as they did in
1987.
Looking ahead to the rest of 1988, real economic growth will de-
termine whether M2 and M3 grow at the midpoint of the estab-
lished ranges, as the Fed expects. If real GNP in 1988 accelerates
at 2.5 percent, as I expect, the targeted ranges for money growth
should be achieved. However, the "yet to be determined" impact on
the economy from the October 19 stock market decline remains a
very real consideration. As we are all well aware, the stock market
collapse on October 19 wiped out about $700 billion of wealth from
individuals and about one-third has been regained since then. The
impact on consumer behavior is difficult to measure, both because
of the offsetting interest rate decline that accompanied the crash,
and the concentration of equity holdings among a small proportion
of the population. As I mentioned in several of my daily commen-
taries at that time, the stock market decline had its greatest
impact on those investors who refused to take profits as the market
was rising to reach its peak in late August before faltering in Sep-
tember. In many investors' minds, greed was the motivating factor
behind the decision to stay invested, and only when fear overcame
greed on October 19 did investors change their minds. However, it
is clear that this event ushered in a more cautious mood on the
part of consumers, as evidenced by the flight to liquidity that oc-
curred immediately following October 19. Indeed, as recent mutual
fund activity indicates, there was a decisive shifting by individual
investors from equity funds to more liquid money market funds. In
addition, total assets under management in all mutual funds de-
clined by $53 billion in October. This mood should translate into
more cautious borrowing and spending propensities by consumers
in the months ahead. The most recent monthly economic data on
personal income and consumption indicate a marginal advance in
consumer activity in the first quarter, and the most recent data on
retail sales and auto sales indicate slightly faster growth for the
second quarter. Additionally, the latest report prepared by the Fed
hi St. Louis for the March 29 FOMC meeting, otherwise known as
the Tan Book, states that "Without exception, reports confirm a
moderate expansion of the Nation's economy." All the other discus-
sions center on the fact that the economy has not receded that
much in recent months.
As for 1988, I believe the U.S. economy will continue to expand
through the sixth year of this expansion, although at a more mod*
erate pace. The 2.5 percent GNP forecast that we have includes
less of a buildup in inventories which would result in final sales
rising 2.7 percent compared to 2.1 percent in 1987. With an esti-
mated improvement of $17 billion in the net export sector, we
should also see an economy that is driven by a positive contribu-
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tion from net exports. Domestic final sales are expected to advance
about 2.5 percent compared to 2.4 percent in 1987.
In summary, we did not expect U.S. consumers to change their
spending patterns before or after October 19, but it is natural that
the consumer will contribute less to economic growth as the busi-
ness cycle becomes more mature. The ongoing strength in employ-
ment, income, and spending should result in a 1.7 percent advance
in consumer spending this year compared to 1.9 percent last year.
Finally, Government spending should remain essentially flat. In-
sofar as the housing sector is concerned, I doubt there is much
pentup demand that will be accommodated at this current level of
mortgage rates. Housing, therefore, will continue to be a drag on
GNP.
What I will do is abbreviate the rest of my comments and jump
further back to the summary on page 15. With regard to the con-
cerns about the dollar and whether the Fed's policy was appropri-
ate in 1987, I offer these comments. First of all, it was my conten-
tion in September 1985 that the G-5 "Plaza Accord" to push the
dollar lower may not result in the quick improvement that was
generally expected in the net export balance, for the simple reason
that there was at least 20 percent fluff at the peak of the dollar.
Second, as I recall, at that time and through most of 1987, a dollar-
bashing policy had been advocated by the U.S. Treasury and the
Fed was alone in trying to stabilize what at times was a free fall in
the dollar and very disorderly markets. The "Japan" and "Germa-
ny" bashings and outspoken statements by some United States offi-
cials to stimulate domestic growth through monetary easing over-
seas has achieved the opposite of its intended result. Japan's econo-
my is now growing at 8 percent and it has very well adjusted to a
dollar that is 50 percent weaker than it was 3 years ago. I would
suspect a weaker dollar could make that economy even stronger do-
mestically. In the U.K. the economy has rebounded strongly. What
was regarded as the "sick man of Europe" in the 1970's is now a
thriving industrial economy. After a softer performance last year,
the German economy has also improved. Not only have central
bankers tolerated stronger than targeted monetary growth, but
they also eased monetary policy in the spirit of stabilizing the
dollar. This came at a cost of about $120 billion in dollar support
operations which cannot be repeated again this year. The cost to
the Fed in stabilizing the dollar was only about $10 billion. In the
last 3 months it was about $4 billion.
I believe the intervention was generally effective. It turned the
bearish sentiment toward the dollar around at the end of 1987 and
I think the focus this year will really be on whether these assets
coming from overseas will continue or not. The weaker dollar has
put United States real assets up for sale at a 50 percent discount
from their value of 2 years ago. Concerns that we need to have
higher interest rates to attract capital flows to finance the deficit
are somewhat overdone. Last year, overseas private investors were
net sellers of U.S. Treasury debt and, as I mentioned, the capital
inflows to finance the budget deficit merely came from the central
banks.
Dollar stability should be one of the many important objectives
for monetary policy this year, but it should not be the only one.
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In concluding, there is no perfect and constant tool that the Fed
can use as a guide in directing monetary policy. At best, it can
monitor several indicators that either confirm what has happened
in the past, explain what is currently taking place, or give us an
indication of the direction or sentiment for the future. Because the
tools and measures are constantly changing, the Fed has to be
flexible and open-minded to change with it. Therefore, I believe
that the larger the basket of these measures is, the more "in tune"
the Fed will be with all possible developments. This will better the
chance that the course of monetary policy will not be led astray.
Understanding the dynamic interplay of market forces has
become more difficult and complex than ever before. Yet as the
markets widen and their pace accelerates, the ability to analyze
and interpret change accurately is becoming increasingly critical to
issuers and investors. As the markets have expanded to incorporate
a variety of new securities and derivative products, it has some-
times become difficult for investors, market and policy makers to
keep themselves a step ahead in anticipating the impact of the
more complex markets.
Complex trading and hedging strategies have not always been
successful, but they have affected the value of securities. The tradi-
tional debt markets now co-exist with a multitude of synthetic
products that have basically been derived from treasuries, corpo-
rate, municipal, and mortgage-backed instruments. A great variety
of investments have also been developed in the equity market.
When these complexities are looked at from a global viewpoint, it
is virtually impossible to be so narrow-minded as to use only one
variable in conducting monetary policy. As I have discussed earlier,
I trust that not only the Fed, but also the majority of Members in
Congress, will vote for the type of restraints that closely balance
both anti-inflationary and pro-growth monetary policy.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Maria Ramirez can be found in the
appendix.]
Chairman NEAL. Thank you very much. At this time I would like
to hear from Mr. McCallum.
STATEMENT OF BENNETT T. McCALLUM, HJ. HEINZ PROFESSOR
OF ECONOMICS, GRADUATE SCHOOL OF INDUSTRIAL ADMINIS-
TRATION, CARNEGIE-MELLON UNIVERSITY
Mr. McCALLUM. Thank you. I'm pleased to have the opportunity
to talk with you about monetary policy.
For some time now the center of attention in the Fed's reports to
Congress has been the monetary targets for the coming year, the
projected ranges of growth for monetary aggregates. These are the
figures by which the Fed ostensibly describes to Congress and to
the public its policy intentions.
But the February 1988 report seems to indicate that these ranges
are not actually targets which the Fed will attempt to meet. In-
stead, they are its predictions of what the M2 and M3 growth rates
will turn out to be in light of whatever it is they do during the
year, which will be determined in part by the behavior of other
variables.
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This interpretation of how policy is actually being conducted is
supported by a passage in the report which is quoted in my written
statement. From that passage and from what one knows more gen-
erally about Fed policy, from a variety of sources, it seems clear
that the target ranges for monetary aggregates do not constitute a
plan for future policy actions. There is, therefore, little reason to
spend much time discussing these numbers.
What does deserve discussion is whether the current methods of
formulating monetary policy and reporting intentions are desira-
ble. With regard to reporting, it follows from what I've already said
that the current procedure is not desirable, for if the aggregate
growth ranges do not express the Fed's intentions, what does?
There are a few other projections for 1988 included in the recent
report, but these also constitute forecasts, not goals or plans. In
fact, as far as I can determine, the report includes no explicit speci-
fication of goals and no stated criteria by which the Fed agrees
that its performance can be evaluated.
Well, those statements concern the Fed's reporting, not its actual
conduct of policy. In considering policy itself, I will find it helpful
to have at hand an outline for desirable strategy so I'd like to take
a few minutes to explain how I think monetary policy should be
conducted. This discussion will then be used in responding to sever-
al of the specific questions in Chairman Neal's letter.
The most appropriate policy objective for the Fed is to generate a
smooth and noninflationary growth path for aggregate demand—
that is, total spending—measured in terms of dollars. To be more
specific, the Fed should make nominal GNP grow smoothly and
steadily at a rate of 3 percent per year. Let me first try to explain
why this is a desirable objective and then discuss how it could be
attained.
The reason for focusing on nominal GNP is as follows: the ulti-
mate goals of monetary policy are to prevent inflation, to do what
is possible to facilitate growth of real output and employment, and
to prevent fluctuations. But there are severe limitations on the
monetary authority's ability to influence real variables such as
output and employment. It is true that abrupt changes in mone-
tary policy may affect real variables, but these effects will only be
temporary. This is one of the main things that most macroecono-
mists agree about, that real effects of monetary policy actions are
only temporary. In fact, there is widespread agreement among
scholars that over extended periods of time the average growth
rate of real variables will be essentially independent of the growth
rate of monetary variables. Thus for the United States the growth
rate of real GNP will average about 3 percent over the next 20
years whether monetary variables and prices growth rapidly,
slowly, or not at all. Then it follows that if nominal GNP is made
to grow at a rate of 3 percent, the average inflation rate will be
approximately zero.
In addition, a steady growth rate of about 3 percent for nominal
GNP would probably lead to improved performance of real output
and employment. These variables wouldn't grow faster on average,
but their fluctuations would perhaps be diminished. The severity of
the business cycle would be reduced. There are several reasons for
believing this. The only one that I will burden you with at this
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time is that the rates of growth of nominal and real GNP are very
highly correlated, as is shown for the quarterly data in Figure 1 of
my statement. This correlation suggests that smoother growth in
nominal GNP should help to bring about smoother growth of real
GNP.
Some economists would suggest that you could do even better by
manipulating nominal GNP growth up and down in response to un-
employment rates or some such real cyclical indicator. I'm very
doubtful of that because the design of a manipulative policy of that
type depends on the analyst's model of the precise mechanism con-
necting monetary actions to real output responses. But if there is
any one thing that macroeconomists truly do not understand, it is
this mechanism. A large share of the disagreement among macro-
economists that is frequently discussed by the press and others
stems from different perceptions about this precise mechanism.
It might be argued that, while good consequences would follow
from a steady 3 percent growth of nominal GNP, this is something
that the Fed cannot accomplish. The nominal GNP is not a vari-
able that the Fed controls directly. Well, that's true, but it's also
true that the Fed doesn't directly control M2, M3, total debt, or
even Ml. These are variables that the Fed does not literally control
but can strongly influence by its open market operations. Perhaps
the Fed can influence Ml somewhat more accurately than nominal
GNP, although I'm not sure of that, but it is beside the point. The
question is, can the Fed by adjustment of a variable that is under
its control keep nominal GNP close to a target path that grows
steadily at 3 percent per year?
This is a question that I've been studying in my recent work and
my findings indicate that the answer is yes. Clearly, the Fed can
control very accurately the monetary base—currency in circulation
plus bank reserves. And my studies indicate that there is a very
simple formula for setting monetary base growth rates each quar-
ter that would keep nominal GNP close to a 3 percent target path.
This formula or rule is to set base growth each quarter equal to the
quarterly equivalent of 3 percent per year, minus the recent differ-
ence between GNP and base growth rates, plus an adjustment term
that is a fraction of the difference between target and actual values
of nominal GNP in the most recent quarter. The precise algebraic
specification of this is given in my statement.
These studies indicate that this rule would have kept nominal
GNP for the United States close to a smooth 3 percent target path
over the period 1954 through 1985, despite all the various shocks
that hit the economy during that 32-year span, including deregula-
tion and technical innovation in the financial and payments indus-
tries. I won't take time here to describe the studies, but the re-
search strategy is explained in my written testimony.
I would like to mention, however, one unusual feature of my ap-
proach, which is as follows. In order to tell how nominal GNP
would have evolved over the past 32 years if policy had been differ-
ent requires a model. Now I do not believe that I have a good, accu-
rate model. In fact, I don't believe anyone else does either. What
my studies are designed to show is that the rule I have described
would have worked well according to a wide variety of different
models, some Keynesian in their specification and some classical.
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To illustrate this, I've included two plots of simulations of nominal
GNP over 1954 through 1985 in my figures 2 and 3, plots that indi-
cate how nominal GNP would have evolved if this particular policy
rule had been followed and the economy had been hit by the same
shocks that I estimate it to have been hit by.
As you can see from these figures, the simulated or generated
series stay quite close to the 3 percent target path. The actual his-
torical path of nominal GNP is also shown. It rose much more rap-
idly, and since output grew at about 3 percent, we experienced a
substantial amount of inflation.
Let me conclude with brief responses of a few of Chairman
Neal's specific questions.
From what I've said it's clear that my answer regarding quanti-
tative measures for use in evaluating monetary policy must be that
nominal GNP is the best single indicator. It's important to add that
interest rates are very bad indicators. To illustrate that, we only
need to recall that noneconomist commentators take it for granted
that the phrase "high interest rates" is synonymous with "tight
monetary policy." But in fact, tight monetary policy usually results
in low inflation rates and thereby in low interest rates, which are
influenced by expectations regarding inflation.
For example, interest rates were much higher during the decade
of the 1970's, a decade of expansive monetary policy, than during
the tight money in the 1950's. The popular confusion arises because
the temporary impact effect of a monetary tightening might be to
raise rates, while the delayed but longer-lasting effect is to lower
them. This difference in the direction of short- and long-run re-
sponses makes any market interest rate a highly unreliable indica-
tor of monetary policy.
Chairman Neal's letter asks whether the stabilization of nominal
exchange rates should be an important objective for monetary
policy. My answer is definitely no. To U.S. citizens, the price of for-
eign exchange is much less important than prices of American
goods and the growth rate of U.S. output. Recognition that the
United States is an open economy does not diminish the impor-
tance of achieving the appropriate path of demand for American
goods, that is nominal GNP. Monetary policy cannot be simulta-
neously dedicated to two different objectives. It can't be used to hit
targets for nominal GNP and also the exchange rate. Therefore,
any international agreement that stipulates exchange rate objec-
tives for the United States must have the effect of undermining, at
least partially, the Fed's ability to conduct an appropriate mone-
tary policy. But if the leading economies independently perhaps
pursued noninflationary monetary policies, there would be much
less volatility in exchange rates than we have experienced since
1973.
In conclusion, my argument can be summarized in three brief
sentences. The job of the monetary authority is to keep total nomi-
nal demand growing smoothly at about 3 percent a year. Doing so
would prevent inflation and would provide a stable environment
for real growth to proceed unhampered by monetary disturbances.
A smooth growth path for nominal demand can be achieved despite
financial innovation and regulatory change by adherence to a
simple rule governing growth of the monetary base.
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Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Bennett McCallum can be found in
the appendix.]
Chairman NEAL. Thank you, Professor McCallum. And I thank
all of you again.
I am taken with Professor McCallum's ideas. What do you others
think of them? Mr. Rasche, would you like to comment?
Mr, RASCHE. Yes. I think I'm in pretty close agreement with Ben
McCallum's idea. I think that it's clear that the objective for the
monetary authority should be to stabilize nominal demand. It's
clear that they can't do this directly. They're going to have to do
this through something they can in fact operate on. The monetary
base is one thing they can operate on directly and probably has the
closest relationship to nominal demand of anything that they can
control directly. Three percent growth in the monetary base should
be appropriate for stabilizing inflation and I think a type of feed-
back rule that Ben has in mind is probably a suitable way for
doing that.
I think he would agree that he probably hasn't investigated these
kind of feedback rules enough to know that he's got the best one
that could possibly be designed, but it certainly falls in the class of
base control rules that should give us long-run price stability and
minimize the amount of fluctuations in real output to the extent
that the Federal Reserve has any ability to do that.
Chairman NEAL. Ms. Ramirez.
Ms. RAMIREZ. The only comment that I have is, as Ben said, the
model is not perfect and the only trouble that I have with models
is that since we don't live in a perfect world even simple models
sometimes turn out to look better in print than in reality. So if the
Fed were to adopt a strict policy whereby it's ruled by only one
factor—the base of money—in governing output and inflation, it
may be too rigid.
I think that we have to look at these things in the broader con-
text and not adhere to the targeting of the base only. Overall I
would say that monetary policy's objective has been to have a 3
percent growth longer term. Maybe in some quarters it's been
more erratic than others but such growth has been consistent with
modest inflation this decade. I believe it's going to be very difficult
to get inflation much lower than what it has been in the last few
years. We are dealing with a globel economy and nominal output
cannot be targeted unilaterally. With output in some sectors being
a bit stronger than it's been in the past years, the inflation could
be more of a problem down the road [and the Fed will have to con-
tinue to conduct slightly firmer policy which in the longer term
will keep inflation low.]
Chairman NEAL. Professor McCallum, the Fed and others have
placed a good deal of emphasis on recent volatility and unreliabi-
lity of the monetary aggregates. Could you explain in as nontechni-
cal terms as possible how your rule for monetary base growth sta-
bilizes GNP despite this alleged volatility and unreliability of the
aggregates, since after all the aggregates are based on the base?
Mr. MCCALLUM. Well, a large part of this stems from changes in
institutions and regulations that influence what constitutes Ml or
what assets constitute transaction media. So these regulations in-
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volve a shuffling back and forth of things between Ml and M2 and
a sort of redefinition of these measures of transaction media. By
contrast, the base is not being redefined at all. A change in the reg-
ulations regarding what kinds of deposits can have interest paid on
them, for example, will affect the composition of Ml and M2 but it
won't similarly affect the base. The relationship between that thing
which is the actual outside money of the economy, the base, and
nominal GNP can remain relatively intact.
Now that's not to say that there are no changes in this relation-
ship, but one of the main things that my study attempts to do is to
see how well this rule would have worked during the period of the
late 1970's and early 1980's when we were having this kind of
change to an unprecedented degree. So I ran the simulations right
through those periods, feeding into the model each period the esti-
mates of the shocks that had come forth from the empirical work
that preceded it. So it seems, for reasons that are not fully under-
stood—not fully spelled out in my model—that it works.
I would like to say one thing briefly about using a variety of
models. It's been suggested that we shouldn't rely on models, but
you can't get away from that. A model is simply a coherent view of
how the economy works. To work without any explicit model is
either to be incoherent or to use an implicit model. The latter has
disadvantages in that it cannot be examined, cannot be criticized,
cannot be analyzed by others and looked at. My approach is to try
a wide variety of explicit models and see if the proposed rule will
work in all of these cases.
Chairman NEAL. Does anyone else want to comment?
Mr. RASCHE. In defense of Ben's approach, I think the strength of
what he's trying to do—I was familiar with it before he presented
it here this morning—is that the results that he's come up with
seem to be robust across a very large structure of models. To the
extent that we are uncertain about how the economy exactly
works, if we come up with results which seem to be independent of
the exact functionings of the economy, I think we can have a lot
more confidence in them.
The reason why I think that Ben's type of thing works and is re-
liable is because it focuses on what is the long-term relationship be-
tween his monetary aggregate—namely, the monetary base—and
nominal demand. While there's a lot of shortrterm noise and short-
term fluctuations in those kind of relationships, the long-run rela-
tionship has been remarkably steady. Perhaps it has shifted twice
in the last half century, once around the end of World War II and
once around 1981, but those shifts have been relatively small and
will not cause his procedure to deviate very far from where he
wants it to go.
Ms. RAMIREZ. My own belief is that models are useful in explain-
ing the past, but do not predict the future well. I think we can use
any models that justify anything that has happened in the past.
But only a combination of all kinds of models, whether they meas-
ure prices, nominal growth, domestic or overseas, flows in the cap-
ital markets globally and a host of other factors that monetary
policy should be guided by on an ongoing basis. So it's what my col-
leagues have said here-^-a multitude of models that con make mon-
etary policy more effective.
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Chairman NEAL. Ms. Ramirez, have you had a chance to look at
this data that the two professors are talking about going back over
time? Have you had a chance to explore whether or not you would
agree this is a constant relationship?
Ms. RAMIREZ. No, but I think that the constant relationship is
very explicit and looks very strong. I was made aware of this I
guess since I got the copy of the testimony. I haven't really done
much work on it myself. I should also add that I'm skeptical of
using models to forecast. I appreciate all the output that is provid-
ed by experts in this hell.
I agree that the relationship in the past has been good, but reali-
ty is really complex. A model must be flexible. Monetary policy
should not just be carried out by using one model that may have
been good in the past but may not be good tomorrow. Just as the
financial world has changed so much, and it's constantly changing,
capital flows are so erratic on a day-to-day basis that some of the
relationships in the monetary base that held together very well in
the past really are becoming unglued. That is why I think we have
to be flexible enough that we can see those changes in the relation-
ship and come up with better models [and use them in conjunction
with other factors in steering non-inflationary economic growth].
Chairman NEAL. I am not a very mathematical person either,
but I believe essentially what they are saying is that this relation-
ship that they are discussing has held up reliably using a variety of
models over a long period of time. It thus sounds to me like this
could be a valuable tool, and especially for practical use. That is,
your use, of putting this information to use in the marketplace.
Mr. McCALLUM. I think it is a very practical sort of thing that
I'm concerned with. A lot of what I know about monetary policy
comes from a many-year relationship as a consultant to the Feder-
al Reserve Bank of Richmond, and the president there, who is a
member of the Federal Open Market Committee when it's his turn,
talks actively to his research department about the position that he
should take on monetary policy issues as they come forth. He, more
than some of the bank presidents, is intimately involved with the
research department. He came up through that department him-
self.
He's looking for guidance as to how they should conduct mone-
tary policy and it's in the context of that sort of attitude about
very realistic things that I have been led to do this kind of work,
which is not high tech by academic standards. It tends to be very
practical.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. McCallum, you said that long-run real eco-
nomic growth is not affected by monetary growth. The chart on the
wall that we have referred to during the course of these hearings
from time to time shows a good past relationship between real M2
and economic growth. Wouldn't that suggest that the real money
supply, adjusted for inflation, does have an important impact on
real growth?
Mr. MCCALLUM. Well, that relationship pertains to not a mone-
tary growth rate but to levels at different points in time of the real
money supply, which is a real variable, not a monetary variable
measured in nominal units. But I'll try to answer the question by
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commenting on Michael Darby's argument about a downturn in
real M2 that came forth recently.
The main point of my comment is that it's not really clear what
Darby is proposing, whether he views real M2 as a target variable
or as a piece of information. If it's the former, I would disapprove
because it's undesirable to have real targets for the monetary au-
thority. A basic proposition of monetary economics is that the
faster you create nominal money, the smaller the stock of real
money will be, because at higher inflation rates people wish to hold
smaller quantities of transactions balances in real terms. So real
variables are very tricky for use as any sort of a guide for mone-
tary policy.
Now to get back to the argument, if Darby has in mind using
real M2 not as a target variable but as an information variable,
what I would want to see is a systematic study of whether values of
real M2 could be useful in improving on the accuracy of something
like my proposed base rule. That is, if these measures could be
helpful in hitting the nominal GNP targets more accurately.
I haven't yet examined that question for precisely his variable,
but I have done so for some other variables. I have looked at the
residuals from the demand function for real M2. That's a measure
of demand shocks for real M2. I've looked at Ml growth rates. And
in neither case is the information variable of any significant value
in reducing the target misses that are present under the operation
of the base rule.
Chairman NEAL. Professor Rasche, you indicated that you
thought that the relationship between some of the Mis and eco-
nomic activity has been reestablished. Even though there was an
aberration in 1981 and, as you indicated, there was an aberration
from historical trends, you feel that that relationship has been re-
established. I must say frankly, I do not see it, and others are com-
menting that they are having difficulty seeing it. Could you help
me with this.
Mr. RASCHE. There's a well-known significant change in the rela-
tionship between long-run monetary growth and the growth of
nominal income that occurred somewhere in the immediate post-
war period. Economists have been aware of this for a long time. It
was a major source of discussion in voluminous work by Milton
Friedman and Anna Schwartz on the monetary history of the
United States, which was left sort of unresolved at that point and,
to my knowledge, really has never been completely clarified since
then.
My own research suggests that a similar kind of shift in that re-
lationship occurred in 1981 that in large part reversed the kind of
shift that we saw after World War II.
Much of that change has been obscured in a lot of the literature
by focusing on the relationship between the level of the nominal
money stock and the level of nominal GNP or personal income or
some other nominal measure of economic activity. There are a lot
of technical problems involved in doing analysis in those terms. A
lot of technical work has been done in the last 5 years which has
pointed out the problems of working with that kind of data and the
misleading conclusions that can be drawn from that kind of data.
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We now know a lot more about doing analysis on these kind of
data than we did 10 years ago. When you start looking at it and
trying to correct for some of the inherent statistical and technical
problems in it, it appears that the nature of the changes that oc-
curred are relatively straightforward and systematic relationships
have been reestablished that in many ways parallel the previous
ones, with the exception of a different long-run trend relationship
between the two things.
Chairman NEAL. Can you identify that long-run trend?
Mr. RASCHE. My best guess is that the long-run trend in velocity
of the monetary base, to use the measure that Ben has mentioned
to you, or the velocity of Ml, to use an alternative measure, is
about zero at this point; that is in the long run, the growth rate of
nominal income will approximately equal that of the monetary
base or approximately equal that of the Ml monetary aggregate as
we currently define it; and that that relationship has basically held
over the course of the last 5 or 6 years.
Chairman NEAL. Do the others agree with this?
Mr. MCCALLUM. Well, Bob Rasche has done more than just about
anyone in studying these relationships. With respect to the very
last statement, I would point out that the policy rule that I've de-
scribed has a term in it which takes account of any adjustments
that would come about in the future.
Chairman NEAL. I did not hear that, I am sorry.
Mr. MCCALLUM. The second term in the policy rule that I've de-
scribed is an adjustment term in response to changes in the growth
rate of base velocity that have occurred in the recent past. These
changes are not totally unpredictable—there are jumps now and
then, but it's not a wild variable. So this term will pick up the ef-
fects of any technological or regulatory innovations that are tend-
ing to change the relationship between the base and nominal GNP
and will incorporate them into the responses that are taken in the
future. So one doesn't have to have completely unvarying relation-
ships for the thing to work. It's a rule with flexibility built into it
that responds to change.
Ms. RAMIREZ. I would like to add that in regard to Mr. Darby's
letter, I think what we have looked at in the last few years is some-
thing that we're not used to. We have seen very volatile foreign ex-
change markets. We've seen a lot of shift put of dollar-type deposits
that have gone into nondollar deposits as investments are attracted
to where the best returns are, with the lowest risks. So I think the
relationship that is more recent has really been distorted some-
what by the fluctuations of the dollar and the fluctuation of
money, whether it's in the broader aggregates or the narrow aggre-
gates [the charts on the growth of the money supply in the United
States, Japan and Germany and my earlier discussion indicate this
may be the case.]
Short term, the fear that the negative growth is going to result
into a deceleration of economic growth in the months ahead may
be somewhat overstated. I think that the economic data has recent-
ly continued to show that growth has been very strong, whether
it's been on the income front—personal income up this morning up
.7 percent for February, up .8 percent for January, this propensity
to spend has been very strong also. So I believe that near term that
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relationship may not hold. Until we have some stability in the for-
eign exchange market and some stability in the flows of deposits
also. It may not be a precursor of a recession.
Chairman NEAL. Professor Rasche, isn't there increased volatility
around the trend? If you look at it over a long enough period of
time, you will see some stability in these relationships. But you are
referring to a fairly long term.
Mr. RASCHE. That's correct. We have seen increased volatility.
The short-run volatility we see consists of two components. One
that's driven by certain things that we can measure, such as the
behavior of the short-run behavior of interest rates, short-run fluc-
tuations in real output and so on; and another component that to
the best of my knowledge anyway, we don't have any way of nail-
ing down exactly what causes it.
The latter component has not been any larger in the 1980's than
it was in the previous period. The former component is somewhat
larger because we've seen more volatile behavior of interest rates
in the 1980's than we saw in the 1950's, 1960's and 1970's.
So in that sense, there is a greater volatility that we observe in
the short-run behavior but we know why that greater volatility is
coming about. There's no greater volatility in the fluctuations that
we can't explain or can't attribute to other variables.
Chairman NEAL. Ms. Ramirez suggested that dollar stabilization
ought to be an important objective of monetary policy and our
other two witnesses suggested that that should not be.
Let me ask the two professors. What about in the case of a free
fall of the dollar, is that something that the Fed should take into
account?
Ms. RAMIREZ. Well, certainly I think that stability was what the
Fed mainly took into account at the end of last year and early this
year in terms of intervening to support the dollar in a very strong
and concerted effort with other central banks. I think we are start-
ing to see the fruits of a lower dollar in terms of the export data
and import data that we have seen in the last few months as the
trade gap has been narrowing. It is long overdue, and took a longer
lag than I think most people expected before we saw an improve-
ment on the trade numbers. But, we're finally starting to see it.
In order to see that improvement last you have to see the curren-
cy stable over a period of time. I don't think it should be the pri-
mary focus of the Fed's monetary policy, but I think short term it
has to be one of the key ones among stability in economic growth,
as well as trying to keep inflation within the trend that it's been in
the last few years.
You have to have the currency stable over a period of more than
a couple of months in order to see the dollar cost of imports stabi-
lize and exports improve.
Mr. MCCALLUM. I wouldn't want to say that the Fed positively
shouldn't do anything in response to a free fall, but my rule cer-
tainly doesn't call for them to.
What I would emphasize is that policy shouldn't be designed to
cope with crisis situations. Policy should keep you from getting into
crisis situations in the first place. If you run monetary policy in a
steady and stable way, you're simply not going to get into situa-
tions in which you have free fall of the dollar and stock market
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crashes and things like that. These things come about because the
economy has gotten into an unhealthy situation which itself has
largely resulted because "policy" is not run in a true policy-like
manner. It's run on a day-to-day basis rather than trying to think
about the longer horizon and the way things evolve over time. Run-
ning policy in a policy-like manner, instead of as a bunch of uncon-
nected actions, would do more to prevent crises than anything I
can think of and would make irrelevant the need to worry about
questions such as that.
Chairman NEAL. Mr. Rasche.
Mr. RASCHE. I think well-designed, long-run policies will mini-
mize the occurrence of those kinds of things. It may not completely
eliminate them. If we have major crises, such as October 19 or the
Penn Central commercial paper crisis back in 1970, the Federal Re-
serve clearly has an obligation in its lender of last resort function
to stabilize the monetary system. In that kind of short-run crisis,
it's appropriate that the Fed turn its attention to that. But I don't
see that those are the kinds of things that are going to dominate
the Fed's day-to-day attention and should be relatively rare occur-
rences if policy objectives are properly designed to stabilize the
overall economy to start out with.
Ms. RAMIREZ. If I may just add, I think within the context of pro-
viding the long-term stability in prices and economic growth you're
going to have a crisis once in a while and I think that the Fed's
response to the crises in the last few years has been as best as can
be expected.
In the testimony when I discussed the new instruments in the
marketplace and now it's been very difficult for people to antici-
pate the impact from them, it's certainly been quite a learning ex-
perience in the stock market and the bond markets. We've come to
restructure the debt outstanding, securitizing the debt, and it's
only been in times of crisis that there have been changes in policies
and I think the October 19 stock market crash has certainly gener-
ated a lot more interest in these new instruments and how to
govern them and how to maybe limit growth in them and to make
the system financially safe. I think that in the coming months
some minor regulation that would maybe control some of the
growth in these markets in terms of new instruments that are
really not very healthy would prevent some other crisis down the
road.
But in terms of the dollar and the free fall, there is a certain
degree of confidence that has been restored in the dollar and to the
extent that there is no additional pressure to stimulate policies
overseas. Now there are no major disaccords on monetary policy to
sustain growth globally. I think that the free fall in the dollar that
we had in the past months and the dollar policy may be diminished
in the future.
Chairman NEAL. Ms. Ramirez, what do you in your work see as
good indicators of monetary policy? What do you use to try to de-
termine whether the Fed is tightening or easing? What do you
think the market response is to any of these terms?
Ms. RAMIREZ. Well, we sort of start with basics—the Fed's funds
rate, overnight cost of money, what banks pay for and what most
people in the marketplace pay for this commodity. The borrowing
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targets and how the Fed is fulfilling those needs in the open
market on a day-to-day basis are important indicators and from
there I try to look at the marginal provision or lack of provision, in
terms of reserves, that the Fed puts into the system on a day-to-day
basis.
So the first thing I look at is the open market intervention as it
takes place on a day-to-day basis with relationship to the Fed funds
rate and, that's sort of what the markets look at also. [The Fed's
intentions are usually made known through marginal reserve pro-
visions and discount rate changes later.]
But those are numbers that are sort of history in terms of what
the market looks at. The markets look at what's on the telerate
screens—information that affects prices of securities—every
second. The focus is very short term. What the market looks at
these days is exactly what the Fed looks at. So they're sort of look-
ing at each other. Whether its the price measures in certain com-
modities in the futures or in the cash market; Economic news; the
oil prices; the dollar; the yield curve, and the steepness or the flat-
ness of the yield curve; they are all indicators that the bond mar-
kets have been looking at for several decades. I believe they are
some of the things that the Fed has been looking at all along be-
cause they have steered Fed policy in the past.
The dollar is something that sort of goes in trends. Sometimes
it's a key to where the market goes and sometimes it's not. With
more weakness in the dollar in the last few days, especially
today—some lows that have not been seen in the last 2 months—
this seems to be having more weight in the markets Ttoday. Really
though what the market focuses on is constantly changing and I
think that, with that, the Fed also—not constantly changes policy
on a short-term basis, but it has to be in tune to what s driving
things and at least be knowledgeable of what's going on. [Overall
the markets are driven more by perception then reality and gener-
ally believe more changes in monetary policy take place than they
do in reality.]
So I do use a combination of economic indicators that show what
the economy is doing, price measures, monetary policy on a day-to-
day basis, and aftere sorting many pieces of the puzzle try to deter-
mine where interest rates may be going.
Chairman NEAL. I must say I just think it would be wonderful if
we could come up with a rule that would be generally agreed upon
that would work to give us some long-term stability and predict-
ability in terms of economic growth and rates of inflation and so
on. I thank you all for working in these areas. Certainly the Fed
can do better than they have done over most any period of time
you want to look at it seems to me.
There is hardly any gift that would be better for this Nation
than some predictability in this area of economic growth and infla-
tion and so on. It would save much of the pain in our economy, and
I hope you all will keep working on it. I am certainly going to
follow this with great interest as we move along.
A number of years ago we thought that we had formulated a
kind of rule that might work, but frankly we began to see flaws in
it fairly quickly after formulating it, and I hope yours stands the
test of time better than others have.
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Mr. McCALLUM. Thank you. We appreciate your holding a series
of these kinds of discussions. They strike me, at least, as being very
serious and very useful discussions of genuine problems in mone-
tary policy.
Chairman NEAL. We are going to keep trying to understand it
better and work in this area. I want to thank you all again very
much for helping us with this. Are there any other comments any
of you would like to make at this time?
Ms. RAMIREZ. I would just like to say thank you for the opportu-
nity for inviting me here and I'm sure that the great work that my
colleagues—are trying to do would help you and your committee in
understanding the com-lexities of our economy and help you under-
stand that there is no perfect formula. If there was, I'm sure that
we would all benefit by it. But we learn by experience and experi-
menting. It's really the work that academia does that helps us out
a lot more in understanding things over the very short term as
well as the long-term basis. We do have to have a longer-term ob-
jective in mind and stick to that longer-term objective within the
context of short-term fluctuations. I do hope that the Fed is given
the leeway especially over the course of this year, as the economy
becomes more mature and may be more subject to some surprises
that may not be very pleasant in conducting monetary policy in
the best interest over the long run.
Mr. RASCHE. I'd also like to thank you for the opportunity to
appear. I would like to add that we certainly don't know enough to
design the perfect world that you or I or any of the rest of us would
like to see. I think that we have learned a lot in the last decade or
two about monetary policy and it is possible to design monetary
policies that will provide us with a better world than we've seen in
the past.
Chairman NEAL. Thank you all again and please stay in touch
with us. If you see something else we need to be aware of, do not
hesitate to drop us a note or call. We are interested and we want to
keep learning. Thank you all again.
The subcommittee stands adjourned subject to the call of the
Chair.
[Whereupon, at 11:20 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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A P P E N D IX
MARCH 17, 1988
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TESTIMONY
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
HOUSING COMMITTEE ON BANKING,
FINANCE, AND URBAN AFFAIRS
DELIVERED BY:
LYLE E. GRAMLEY
SENIOR STAFF VICE PRESIDENT
AND CHIEF ECONOMIST
MORTGAGE BANKERS ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA
MARCH 17, 1988
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Mr. Chairman, and members of the Subcommittee on Domestic
Monetary Pol icy, my name is Lyle E. Gramley. I am presently
Chief Economist of the Mortgage Bankers Association of America.
As members of this Subcommittee may be aware, I was formerly a
Member of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
from 1980 through 1985. That experience certainly gives me a
sense of the complexities faced by Federal Reserve policy makers
in making decisions on the appropriate course of monetary policy,
and those faced by members of this Subcommittee in the exercise
of your oversight responsibilities.
Two weeks ago, in his testimony before the House Banking
Committee, Chairman Greenspan emphasized the delicate balance of
considerations which must be taken into account in the conduct of
monetary policy in 1988. I interpret his remarks as indicative
of the Federal Reserve's readiness to move toward an easier
monetary policy if economic growth weakens unduly this year, and
an equal readiness to move toward restraint if inflation
threatens to turn up in 1988. From my own perspective, the
principal concern that the Fed will have to face in 1988 is not
warding off a recession, but holding inflation at bay. I would
like to develop this thought briefly.
The economy is now in its 6th year of an expansion in which real
GWP has risen at an average annual rate of 4.2 percent.
Unemployment has declined from 10 3/4 percent of the civilian
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2
labor force in late 1982 to 5 3/4 percent currently; substantial
improvement has also occurred in raising the utilization of plant
capacity.
He are obviously much closer now than a year or two ago to the
point where additions to output relative to our economic
potential threaten higher inflation. There is little evidence to
date that stronger pressures on consumer prices or on producer
prices of finished goods are in the immediate offing. It would,
however, be foolish to ignore the fact that prices of crude
nonfood materials, excluding energy, rose over 20 percent during
the past year, compared with a 3 percent rise in the previous 12
months, or that prices of intermediate materials less food and
energy increased 6 percent, compared with a 1 percent rise in the
previous year. Wage rate increases, the largest element of
business costs, still remain quite moderate. However, year-over-
year increases in the average hourly earnings index have been
moving up since the middle of 1987 and will bear close watching
as a potential threat to greater inflation later in 1988.
My own judgment is that it vould be risky at this stage of the
economic expansion to try to achieve a rate of economic growth in
1988 significantly above the economy's long-term growth
potential, which is about 2 1/4 percent. Certainly, another year
of 4 percent growth such as occurred in 1987 (fourth quarter to
fourth guarter) would not be an appropriate objective of economic
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3
policy for 1988. Thus, signs of a slowdown in economic growth
from the strong pace of 1987 should be welcome. Only if the
prospective slowdown threatens to reduce growth well below the
economy's long-term potential growth rate would there be strong
reasons for economic policies to counteract it.
Opinions differ as to the economic damage created by the stock-
market crash, and more generally as to the implications of the
sharp increase in inventory investment in the fourth quarter of
last year. I do not propose to sub j ect you to a lengthy
exposition of my own views, but I would like to make just a
couple of points.
First, business cycles traditionally have been concentrated in
the durable goods industries, where advance warning of impending
change is typically signalled by changes in new and unfilled
orders. As the two charts attached to my testimony indicate, new
and unfilled orders for durable goods began to rise last spring,
probably reflecting mainly increased export orders. As yet,
there is no sign that the rise of new orders and order backlogs
has abated.
Second, the underlying resiliency of the U,S. economy is
evidenced by continued very strong increases in employment
through the month of February. Indeed, the average monthly rise
of total nonfarm payroll employment in January and February
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4
exceeded that of the latter half of 1987, when GNP was rising at
more than a 4 percent annual rate, even though recent increases
in manufacturing employment have diminished considerably. The
slower rise of manufacturing jobs suggests that economic growth
is slowing somewhat early this year in response to the inventory
buildup of the fourth quarter. But the magnitude of the rise in
overall employment suggests to me that the economy will weather
the adjustment to lower rates of inventory accumulation without
experiencing subpar growth for an extended period.
Given my rather optimistic assessment of the prospects for growth
in 1988, and my concerns about the risks of an upturn in
inflation, I was quite happy to see that the Federal Open Market
Committee had lowered the midpoint of its 1988 target range for
M2 to 6 percent, from 7 percent in 1987. This is a move in the
right direction, although it clearly does not imply that actual
M2 growth in 1988 will be below last year's unusually low growth
rate. My own outlook for the economy in 1988 would not suggest
the need for M2 growth outside the 4 to 8 percent range
establ ished by the FOMC for this year. Should such a need
develop, however, the FOMC could adjust the range at midyear.
Let me turn now to the variability of money growth during the
past several years, a matter of concern to this Subcommittee.
Growth of H2 in 1985 and 1986 was close to the 8 to 9 percent
range that characterized the years since 1978; it then
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decelerated to half that amount in 1987. Growth of Ml in 1985
and 1986 was in the double-digit range, and well above the pace
typical of most years in the previous decade; it then decelerated
to about 6 percent in 1987. Was this degree of volatility
appropriate?
As members of the Subcommittee search for a satisfactory answer
to that question, I would urge you not to start from the premise
that a steady growth rate of some measure of money represents the
best course of monetary policy and that any deviation from the
desired growth rate is therefore likely to be bad. Rather, I
would suggest that you ask yourselves whether the economic
performance that resulted from these growth rates was reasonably
satisfactt ry.
The high growth rate of Ml in 1985 and 1986, for example, did not
lead to the acceleration of inflation that some monetarists
predicted. The overall inflation rate declined in 1986, when
world oil prices collapsed, and turned up in 1987 when oil prices
rose again. The year-over-year increase in consumer prices
excluding food and energy, however, was virtually unchanged from
1985 through 19B7.
The decline in monetary growth that occurred during 1987 was
appropriate, and indeed necessary, in light of strengthening
economic growth, increased danger of worsening inflation and
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6
severe downward pressures on the dollar's exchange rate for much
of the year. As I argued earlier, there is little reason to be
concerned that last year's slowdown in money growth will become
this year's recession. Some of the deceleration of monetary
growth last year, in fact, probably reflected the impact of tax
reform on individuals' willingness to borrow, and increased use
of explicit fees, rather than compensating balances, by banks to
cover their costs of servicing business accounts.
More generally, the volatility of money growth, and the
corresponding swings in money velocity, that have occurred in
recent years reflect a much greater sensitivity of money demand
to market interest rates than what prevailed earlier in the post
war period. Chairman Greenspan's testimony of two weeks ago
emphasizes that point, and it also explains, along with the
supporting documents submitted to the Congress, the principal
reasons why this has been the case. What this increased
sensitivity means is that even small changes in the course of
monetary policy, in terms of their impact on prices and yields of
financial assets and ultimately on economic activity and
inflation, tend to induce rather large short-run changes in the
growth of money balances. This is a fact of life which
complicates the decision making process at the Federal Reserve,
and it complicates your life as members of a Congressional
Committee with oversight responsibilities for monetary policy.
Nonetheless, it is a fact of life that has to be accepted.
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Frustration stemming from difficulties in interpreting Federal
Reserve policy sometimes leads to suggestions that the Fed should
perhaps begin to use other measures as targets for Monetary
policy. It is hard to be opposed to the intellectual exercise of
examining such alternatives, but I would not encourage you to
think that practical alternatives are readily available.
The literature on monetary theory and policy over the past 20 to
30 years has discussed extensively the choice of targets for
monetary policy. At the risk of oversimplification, it is
perhaps fair to say that the ultimate objectives of monetary
policy — prices, output, and employment -- are generally
regarded as relatively poor targets to guide the day-to-day
operations of monetary policy, because the response of these
variables to monetary policy is simply too far in the future and
too uncertain. Targeting on interest rates is also regarded with
skepticism -- but for different reasons. Short term interest
rates respond quickly to changes in monetary policy, but market
rates generally are also heavily influenced by demands for credit
as well as supply. A monetary policy targeting on interest rates
and ignoring the monetary aggregates can inadvertently become
much too expansive or too restrictive if demand and supply
influences cannot be separately identified, and this is
particularly difficult in periods of rapidly changing inflation
and inflationary expectations.
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More recently, attention has begun to focus on other variables,
such as the prices of a basket of commodities, as possible
monetary policy targets. Ideas such as these have yet to be
thoroughly explored, and may appear more attractive now than they
will ultimately -- simply because so little is presently known
about them. One we11-recognized problem of seeking to stabilize
an index of the average prices of a basket of commodities whose
individual prices move sensitively is that factors unique to the
supply and demand for a particular camjtiodity may create movements
in the index that have little or no meaning for overall inflation
and hence should not give rise to a change in monetary policy.
Such a problem could perhaps be handled by broadening the index.
A larger and perhaps more intractable problem stems from the fact
that commodity prices are vehicles for speculation. If
inflationary expectations worsen, long-term interest rates will
rise, and commodity prices will be driven up by speculation.
Monetary policy will then tighten, and push up long-term interest
rates further. Such a change in monetary policy would be
appropriate if, in fact, the worsening of inflationary
expectations is based on a well-grounded view of probable
developments. If markets are efficient, price developments
reflect all the available information about the future. If
market expectations are determined to an important degree by mass
psychology, as a recent study of the stock market crash of 1987
by Professor Robert Shiller suggests is possible, using commodity
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9
prices as a target for monetary policy could be destabilizing.
For this reason, I would argue that the Federal Peserve would be
unwise to adopt a targeting procedure in which it responded
automatically to market signals — whether those signals come
from commodity prices, from exchange rates, or from long-term
interest rates. The Fed needs to exercise judgment that is
independent of such market signals in determining the course of
monetary policy. At the same time, it must be recognized that
spending and inflation are influenced by changes in public
sentiment. Shifts in expectations may be signalled by changes in
long-term interest rates, exchange rates, or by commodity prices.
Such variables therefore convey information that should not be
ignored in the conduct of policy, because their movement may help
the Fed to evaluate what the current stance of monetary policy
may imply for the future of economic activity and prices.
Let me turn, finally to a few brief comments on the role of
exchange rates in the recent conduct of monetary policy. During
1987, tightening actions by the Fed that took place during the
spring appear to reflect concerns that the dollar was falling too
rapidly. Those actions were not, as I interpret them, efforts to
peg the nominal exchange rate at any specific level or range with
respect to foreign currencies. Rather, they were actions to
help ward off a crisis of confidence in the dollar, an outflow of
foreign capital, and a collapse of the dollar's international
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value.
There were further tightening actions by the Federal Reserve in
August and September that appear to reflect a mixture of domestic
and international concerns — concerns that economic overheating
would develop unless economic growth slowed, and concerns that
confidence was still fragile in exchange markets. My reading of
the economy at the time led me to the view that the degree of
tightening undertaken by the Fed was wholly justified by
developments in the domestic economy.
The rise in interest rates that stemmed from the late summer and
early fall tightening of monetary policy clearly did play a role
in the stock market's crash in October. But a far larger factor
in the stock market's collapse was the fact that stock prices had
risen to a level that was simply out of touch with reality, and
they were ripe for a fall.
There may be some who would argue that the Federal Reserve should
ignore the dollar's exchange value and focus its attention
exclusively on the domestic economy. To me, such an argument
makes no sense. The Federal Reserve needs to be concerned about
the exchange rate precisely because movements in that rate have
vitally important, and potentially very damaging, effects on the
domestic economy — effects on inflation, on interest rates, and
on economic growth.
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I do not have any reason to believe that international efforts to
coordinate economic policy have undermined or compromised the
independence of monetary policy. To may knowledge, agreements
such as the Louvre Accord have involved sterilized intervention
and understandings with regard to fiscal policies; they have not
entailed, as far as I know, any understanding, explicit or
otherwise, as to the course of Federal Reserve Policy.
Such international agreements might sacrifice the appearance of
independence if market participants misinterpreted them. I am
not aware of any such problems. To be sure, downward pressure on
the dollar during the spring and summer of 1987 led market
participants to expect that the Federal Reserve might react by
tightening monetary policy. The principal reason for that
expectation, however, was that market participants assumed—
quite rightly, I think -- that the Federal Reserve could not sit
idly by and watch the dollar collapse without risking very
serious adverse consequences for the economy.
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NEW ORDERS, ALL DURABLE GOODS
120
115 -
110 -
105 -
10O -
19B2:9 1933:4. 1983:11 1954:6 1983:1 1 9S5:S 19S6:i 1986:10 1987:5 T9S7M2
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UNFILLED ORDERS, ALL DURABLE GOODS
4QQ
1982:9 1983:4 1983:11 1984-.6 1985:1 19B5:B 1986:3 19S&:1Q 1987:5 1987:12
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Average Monthly Employment Increases
(000)
Julv-Oct. Nov.-Pec. Jan.-Feb.
Total Payroll Employment 291 315 353
Goods-Producing Industries 76 98 37
Mining 6 -4 -5
Construction 11 34 2 3
Manufacturing 58 68 19
Durables 36 42 5
Non Durables 22 26 14
Service Producing Industries 216 217 316
Transportation & Public
Utilities 22 19 12
Wholesale Trade 13 20 16
Retail Trade 46 25 141
Finance, Insurance
and Real Estate 16 9 5
Services 81 103 118
Government 39 42 25
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For release on delivery
10:00 A.M., E.S.T.
March 17, 1988
Comments on
The Summary Report of the Federal Reserve Board
A statement by
Larry J. Kimbell
Director, UCLA Business Forecasting Project
Anderson Graduate School of Management
University of California, Los Angeles
before the
subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
of the
Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
U.S. House of Representatives
March 17, 1988
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The UCLA Forecast Calls for Recession in 1988
The March 1988 UCLA National Business Forecast calls for a mild three
quarter recession in 1988, with only one quarter showing an annual rate of
decline in excess of I percent. Higher savings by consumers and an
inventory correction account for most of the projected weakness.
Monetary policy can afford to be moderately accommodative in view of
the reduced threat of inflation and rising indications of slack that a
recession will bring. The UCLA Forecast calls for the all-urban consumer
price index to rise by 3.5 percent in 1988, held down by an average
refiners acquisition cost of imported crude oil of $16 per barrel, $2 less
than in 1987. Interest rates on 90-day treasury bills win average less than
5 percent in the second half of 1988. about 1 percent lower than currently.
The Consensus View Remains More Optimistic about 1988
The evidence for or against a recession in 1988 remains more mixed than
I can recall in 15 years of forecasting. Evidence cited in the next three
paragraphs is clearly positive and undoubtedly helped persuade the majority
of economic forecasters surveyed in the monthly Blue Chip Economic
Indicators that a recession in 1988 has less than a fifty-fifty chance of
happening. The March 1988 Consensus, for example, shows a mean forecast
for real GNP growth in 1988 of 2.4 percent.
The evidence against a recession includes:
Real exports grew at annual rates of 15 percent or higher in the last
three quarters of 1987 reflecting the advantages to U.S. exporters of
the lower foreign exchange value of the U.S. dollar against the
currencies of our major trading partners, (see Table 2, Part B). Real
imports fell or grew less than real exports in every quarter of 1987,
allowing real net exports to improve each quarter. Real nel exports
improved in 1987 for the first time this decade, (see Table 1, Part B).
Job gains continued to be strong in January and February 1988, with
the unemployment rate falling to the lowest level since July 1979.
Consumer confidence has been restored to levels higher than before
the stock market Crash in October, 1987. The stock market itself
has risen to nearly 2100 on the Dow-Jones Industrial Averages.
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The Stock Market Crash of 1987
The slock market has been used as a leading economic indicator since
the 1930s, as was often mentioned during the bull market from 1982 to
August 1987. A severe drop in the stock market does not augur well for
the ccooomy and, according to several well developed lines of scholarly
research, does not help the outlook for continue expansion. A few major
strands of this literature include:
A Wealth Effect According to the life-cycle hypothesis, reduced wealth
tends to reduce consumer spending. This effect alone would probably mean
a slowdown but no recession.
A Consumer Uncertainty Effect The stock market in October 1987 was
lower in value but, more importantly, fluctuate violently, leading consumers
to be more pessimisstic in first surveys. Confidence indicators have
returned to normal bul individual investors remain very wary of the stock
market.
Tobin's Q Effect High market values of corporate assets relative to their
replacement costs tend to increase investment. Low values tend to
encourage acquisitions of existing firms and plants, instead of building new
ones.
Interest Risk Premia Interest rates fell significantly after the Crash for
the best rated borrowers, such as the federal government, or Aaa corporate
bonds. The spread between junk bonds and better rated bonds widened
significantly and remains in March 1988 much higher than before the Crash.
Greater uncertainty means that higher risk premiums are likely lo persist
and will tend to depress investment by less than the best rated borrowers.
Equity Risk Premia Studies by James Potcrba and Lawrence Summers
indicate that higher volatility in common stock prices does not have major
impacts on the stock market unless it is expected to persist. If volatility
does persist, however, the cost of equity capital will rise substantially,
reinforcing the higher interest risk premium in depressing business
investment. The stock market reached a near meltdown condition in
January 1961, when the Dow-Jones dropped 110 points in little more than 1
hour. It again reached near meltdown in January 8, 1988, when the Dow-
Jooes dropped 140 points, with more than 60 points of the decline in the
last 30 minutes. Notice that these episodes of very high volatiliiy came
before and after the great Crash of mid-October, 1987. We have no
assurances that another episode will not occur in 1988.
Pension Contribution Effect A poentially perverse implication of the stock
market Crash on corporate profits stems from the potential that lower
Stock prices may raise corporate pension contributions. Alicia Munnell
estimates that in 1986 capital gains in the stock and bond markets allowed
reduced pension contributions in defined benefit plans and this raised
corporate profits 18% higher than they would have been otherwise. In
reverse, a stock market drop tends to raise contributions, lower corporate
profits and may further exacerbate the stock market decline.
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Some Indications of Recession were Already Apparent in the
Real GNP Components in the Fourth Quarter of 1987
Other evidence that tips the odds toward recession is considerable, in
my opinion; consider the following data from Table 2, Part A:
*Rcal GNP grew at the annual rale of 4.5 percent in the fourth quarter of
1987, but this means simply that production was high—more critical for
sustained growth—real sales did not grow rapidly. High production with
poor sales led to a very substantial rate of accumulation of inventories,
Without the unintended inventory accumulation, the real GNP would have
grown at only a 1 percent rate.
*Rcal consumption fell at the recessionary rate of 3.5 percent in the fourth
quarter, only the second negative quarter since the last recession.
*Real business fined investment turned abruptly negative after a very strong
third quarter.
•Real federal purchases grew ai the annual rate of 24.4 percent due to
large purchases by the Commodity Credit Corporation; this means that
inventory accummulation would have been even higher without this transfer
from farmers to the federal government.
Other Evidence Pointing to Recession
*Real retail sales, excluding the automotive group, will drop an estimated
2.9 percent from the first quarter of 1987 to the first quarter of 1988,
based on January and February data. Declines of this magnitude have never
been seen except during recessions, as shown clearly in Charts 1 and 2.
*Michael Darby, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy,
(and a Professor on leave from the Anderson Graduate School of
Management), sent a letter with accompanying charts of real money supply
movements and business cycle developments 10 members of the Federal
Reserve Board and Presidents of the regional Federal Reserve Banks. (To
make this testimony self-contained, 1 have reproduced his chart for Real M2
below as Attachment A.)
Darby's chart shows clearly lhat declines in real M2 tend to lead
downturns in the general economy so reliably that one could use this
indicator alone with some considerable confidence. Furthermore, declines
in real M2 during 198? suggest recession in early 1988. The relationship
shown by Darby is very widely known and accepted by scholars of business
cycle developments, one reason this indicator is included with the stock
market as a component of ihe index of leading economic indicators.
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Is a Mild. Consumer-led Recession Undesireable?
This question is not asked facetiously. Suppose that the future of the U.S.
economy were known and we knew it would unfold precisely as indicated in
the UCLA Forecast. Should monetary (or fiscal policy) be used to alter the
results significantly? One could easily answer that much of the
recessionary story depicts a necessary restructuring of the economy, away
from excessive dependence on consumer spending and toward more
competitive international performance. Consider the following features:
(1) Real consumer rises 1.1 percent in 1988. less than the increase in real
disposable income, only the second such year since 1982. The savings rate
rises to 4.6 percent. Kill more than one-third below its levels in the early
years of this decade.
(2) Real exports grow faster than real imports for the lecond year in a
row. The gap between U.S. imports *nd exports remains large but at least
the direction is finally correct.
(3) The recession means thit the unemployment rate averages 6.2 percent in
1988-identical to the average rate of 1987, although disappointing by
comparison with recent monthly levels. Lower capacity utilization in
manufacturing helps make room for the export boom without serious threats
of reinflation in the next two years.
(4) High leverage by corporations makes profits vulnerable to a downturn
and the forecast reflects this danger with • drop of 19.2 percent in 1988.
Recovery in 1989, however, restores profits to higher levels than in 19S7.
To the extent that the stock market looks ahead several years, a mild
recession need not be too worrisome.
The Key Problem for the Fed: Keeping a Slowdown or Mild
Recession from Snowballing to Serious Recession
The obvious problem with this forecast is that the continuing nervousness
in financial markets could lead to a more serious recession. As Chairman
Greenspan's testimony acknowledges. major money center banks have
problem loans to developing countries, energy producers and some real
e&cate borrowers. Some of the thrift institutions are also not in a position
to suffer further losses.
1 draw the following implications for monetary policy during 1988:
(1) The forecast implies that the money supply will need to grow faster
than the mid-points of (he target ranges, e.g., faster than 6 percent for
M2, if recession is to be avoided.
(2) The extreme volatility of the growth of the monetary aggregates, (too
fast in 1985 and 1986, too slow in 1987, in my opinion), thould be avoided,
limiting the usefulness of an extremely aggressive change in policy at (his
point in time. A serious recession, should it develop, will mean a forceful
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change would be recommended and, I presume, likely to be acceptable to
the FOMC.
(3) Stabilization of exchange rates by any means other than control over
domestic inflation is extremely difficult in light of the large volume of
foreign exchange activity. It should not be an important objective of
monetary policy, although assurances that the U.S. wilt continue to keep
inflation under control will tend to reduce the chances of further
substantial devaluations of the U.S. dollar.
In conclusion, it may be surprising that my policy recommendations are
not nearly as far apart from those presented by Chairman Greenspan as my
forecasts for the economy may seem to imply. The U.S. consumer cannot
continue forever as the "buyer of last resort" for the entire world. It is
time to shift resources away from the production of consumption goods and
services and to encourage exports and investment. A mild, consumer-led
recession is therefore not altogether undesireable.
The stock market Crash of 1987 must make monetary policy receptive to
substantial changes in direction should a recession, if it develops, begin to
snowball out of control. I interpret Chairman Greenspans remarks as
consistent with this suggestion.
This is not an enviable time to be Chairman of the Federal Reserve
Board.
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Money Supply (HI) 6.? 7.0 6.6 11.1 7.0 9.2 13.1 10. B 4.8 5.9 5e
Honey Supply (HZ) a n q4 9.3 12.5 7.9 9.1 a. 3 6.5 4.9 5 6 64
Velocity (Ml) 2.5 44 -2.7 -32 3.5 -2.6 -6.6 -4 3 -0 7 0.7 1 7
Velocity (H2) Q.S Z 1 -5.1 -4.4 2.6 -2.6 -Z S -0 5 -0.8 0.9 11
Gross National Product a 9 11.7 3.7 7.6 10. B 6.3 5.6 6.0 4.1 6.6 75
Real GNP -0.2 1.9 -2.5 3.6 6 8 3.0 2.9 2.9 1.0 3.2 37
SNP Deflator 9.1 96 6,S 3.8 3.8 3.2 2.6 3.0 3.1 3. A 37
InterestRates fl) on:
90-day Treasury Bills 11.4 140 10.6 8.6 9.5 7.5 6.0 5.8 5.0 4.9 49
Prime Bank Loans 15.3 189 14 9 10. S 12.0 9.9 8.3 a 2 7 5 6.8 69
Hew Corporate Aaa Bonds 12.5 150 13.9 11. B 12.3 11.0 a. e 9.3 8.8 8.4 B2
f-r'aae Hate Less Inflation 4.S 96 9.2 6.7 8.3 6.5 6.1 4.2 3.6 2.9 30
Federal riic«l Policy
Effective Tax Dates (I);
Personal Income 13.6 141 13 7 12.5 11.8 12.3 12.1 12.7 12,0 11.9 1?2
Wages (Soc. Sec.) 13.6 145 14.7 15.1 15.5 15,7 15 B 15.7 16.5 16.5 16B
Corporate Profits 29.6 290 2B.9 29. < 31.3 33.3 35.1 40.3 41.1 41 S 41 0
Defense Purchases--* change
Current ] 17.1 174 15.7 10 6 9.3 10.7 7.2 6.3 0.6 0.3 04
Constant $ 4.? 53 7,5 6.7 5.6 8.3 5 9 5.4 -1.1 -3.0 -35
Other Expenditures--* change
Transfers to Persons 20.1 142 12.1 7.5 1.2 6.5 5,2 4.1 7.4 6.7 5.0
Grants to SiL Gov't 10 ? -ri 9 -4.6 2.8 S. 5 6,6 7.2 -3.3 5.9 3 6 4J
Net Interest 25.4 357 1G.B 11 S 22.7 12.6 4.Z 5.1 3.0 2,1 34
Billions of Current Dollars
Revenues 553-8 6395 635.3 659.9 726.0 788.6 871 4 91? .2 937.71012.411127
Expenditures 615. 2 7033 781.2 835,9 895.5 984.71032.01066.5HID B 1153.61193 6
Deficit -61.3 -630 -145.9-176.0 -169-6-196.0-204 . 7-151.2-173.1-141.4 -809
As Shares of SNP
Revenues 20. J 21.0 ZO 1 19.* 19. 1 19.7 19,5 7D.4 20.1 SO. 3 20a
Expenditures 22 *i ?10 24.7 Z4 . 5 23 . 72« 6 24.4 23. 6 23.8 23 2 223
Defense Purchases 5.2 55 6.1 6.3 6.2 6.5 6.6 6.6 6.4 6.0 56
9.0 c ? 10 0 10 0 9.1 9 1 9 i 9.0 9.? 9 2 g Q
Net Interest 2,0 !.» 2.1 2.8 3.1 3.! 3.2 3.2 3.1 3.0 z9
Deficit -2.2 -Z.1 -4.6 -5.; -4.5 -4 9 -4.B -3.4 -3.7 -Z.B -i 5
Details of Heal GNP—X change
Real GNP -0.2 1.9 -2 5 3.6 6.6 3.0 2.9 Z 9 l.D 3.2 37
Final Sales 0.5 1.0 -1.1 3.0 4.7 4.7 2.S Z.I 1-7 2.7 32
Consult ion -0 2 1.2 1.3 4.7 4.8 4.6 4.2 1.9 1.1 2.3 2B
Business Fixed Investment -2.6 4.2 -7.2 -1.5 17.7 6 B -2.3 0.9 3.5 0.8 63
Producers Durable Equip. -6.1 1.4 -9.3 4.7 20.3 6.3 2.9 3.2 5.0 1.2 74
Structures 4.3 9.2 -3.7 -11.2 13.0 3.9 -12.8 -4 7 -0.3 -0.6 32
Residential Construction -19-6 -7.6 -16.9 42.0 14.5 2.2 12.5 0 0 -3 6 a. 4 68
Exports 9.1 0.9 -7.8 -3.8 6 8 -1.7 3.3 12. a 12.6 6.4 75
Imports -6.0 3.4 -2.2 9.6 23.9 3.9 10.5 7.3 S.I 0.3 4e
Federal Purchases 4.5 5.1 5.1 0.9 5-7 11.5 2.5 1.6 -1.4 -1.4 -23
State & Local Purchases 0.2 -0.9 -0 3 1.3 3.5 4.1 4.8 3 2 l.fl 0.7 1 4
Billions of 19BZ Dollars
Real GNP 3187.23148.J 3166.03Z79. I 3501.*3607 4371J.33BZQ.3JB5B.3 5979.94126.B
Fin«1 Sates 3194.13224.9 3190.63ZBS.5 3439 13600.13699.43778.43842.33947.3407Z3
Inventory Change -6.9 23.9 -24.5 -6.4 6? 3 7.4 13.8 42.0 16.0 32.7 546
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Table 1, Fart B. Sumnary of The UCLA National Business Forcast
1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 19B6 1967 1968 1989 1990
Industrial Production and Reaource Utilisation
Production — X change -1.9 2.2 -7.1 5.9 11. 2 1.9 1.1 3.6 0.5 4.7 6.0
Capacity Lit 11 Manuf.(X) 79.3 78.3 70 3 73.9 80.5 BO.] 79 7 81.0 79.1 ei 0 64.2
Real Bus. Investment
as X of Real GNP 11.9 12.2 11.6 11.0 12.1 12,6 12.0 11.7 120 11.7 12.0
Employment (mil) 99.3 100. 4 99 5 100. B 105.0107.2 109 6 112.4 114.4 115.5 1160
Unemployment Rate (X) 7.2 7.6 9.7 9.6 7.5 7 2 7.0 6.2 6.Z 6.3 5.5
[nf la t ton— X change
Consumer Price Index 13.5 10.4 -64.6 3.Z 4.3 3.5 1.9 3,7 3.5 3.9 4.1
Consunptlon Deflator 10.8 9.2 5.7 *.\ 3.8 3.* 2.J 4.0 3.J 3.B 3..9
GNP Deflator 9.1 9.6 6.5 3.B 3.6 3.? 2,6 3..0 3..1 3..4 3..7
Producers Price Inde* H.I 9.1 2.0 1 2 Z.4 -0.5 -2.9 2..6 2..6 3..Z 3,7
Factors Related to Inflation—I change
Nonfarm Business Sector
Wage Compensation 10.5 9.4 7.8 4.3 3.9 4.4 3.9 2..8 3..6 4..0 4..7
Productivity -0.5 1.0 -0.6 3.3 2.0 1.2 1.7 0..8 -0..0 20 1..9
Unit Labor Costs 11.0 8.3 8.4 1.0 1 8 3.2 2.Z 2..0 3..6 2..0 2.B
Farm Price Index 3.4 Z.I -4.9 2.4 3.0 -9.9 -2.3 2..7 2..3 2..1 2..0
Natural Gas Deflator 19.3 13.2 20. 7 16,7 0.7 -0.7 -4.9 -4.6 -1..9 I..3 4..8
Imported Crude Oil ($/bbl)33 97 37.07 33.59 ?9.35 26.8727 00 14.32 18.06 16.03 17,95 19.65
New Hone Price (J1000) 64.71 68.82 69.29 75.46 60.0284.27 92.23104,39 111.03 115.09H3.72
Income, Consumption and Saving--X change
Disposable Income 10.9 10,9 6.3 7.4 9.9 6.5 6.4 5..3 5..8 55 6..3
Real Disposable Income 0.1 1.6 0.6 3,1 5.9 2.9 4.0 1,2 Z..0 1..6 2.3
Real Consumption -0.2 1.2 1.3 4.7 4.8 4,6 4.2 1..9 1.1 Z.3 2..8
Savings Rate (X) 7.1 7.5 6.8 5.4 6.1 4.5 4.4 3n 4fi 4.1 ,17
Housing and Automobi les— mi 1 lions ofunits
Housing Starts 1.300 1 096 1.057 1.705 1.766 1.741 1.B12 1.634 1.476 1.653 1,774
Retail Auto Sales 9.0 8.5 e.O 9.2 10.4 11.0 11.4 10.3 9.7 10.2 11.0
Bi 1 1 ions of Dollars
Before Taxes 237.1 226.5 169.6 207.6 239.9 ZZ4.8 231.9 375.4 ZE8.4 305,4 357.7
After Taxes 152.3 145. 4 106.5 130.4 146.1 1Z8.1 126.9 137.1 110.6 146.2 17Z.6
Retained Earnings 97.6 81.8 39.6 58.8 67 1 46. B 40.1 43.3 11.3 45.7 69.2
Percent Change
Before Taxes -7.8 -4.5 -2S.1 22. t 15.6 -6.3 3 1 IBn -17 1 n7 17 1
After Taies -10.0 -4.5 -Z6.7 22.4 12.0 -l?-3 -1.0 8.1 -19.2 3?.0 18.0
SIP 500 Stock Price Index 118.8 128.0 119.7 160.4 160,5 186. B 236.3 286.8 274.6 298.6 302.3
International Trade
U.S. Dollar— X change -0.1 9.8 10.3 4.0 7.7 3.9 -16.7 -11.2 -J.0 -0.9 0.6
Industrial Production:
Canada — X change -1.5 0.4 -8.9 5.4 14.1 5.2 1.3 4.8 2.3 1.5 3.4
Japan- -X change 4.6 1.1 0.4 3.5 11.0 4.5 -0 3 4.0 3.5 0.8 4.5
OECD Europe--! change 0.4 -2.0 -1.9 1.0 3.2 3,0 2.3 1.7 1.Z 2.4 3.8
Real Exports--* change 9.1 0.9 -7.8 -3.B 6.8 -1,7 3.3 1?.8 126 6.4 7.5
Real Imports— X change -6.0 3.4 -Z.2 9.6 23.9 3.9 10.5 7.3 51 0.3 4.8
Net Exports (oil. 8!!) 57.1 49.3 26.4 -19.9 -84.1 -106.!-145.8-135.7-110.8 -62.0 -72.4
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Table 2. Part A. Quarterly Sumaryof the UCLA NationalBusiness Forecait
1986:41987:1 1987:2 1987:31967; 4 1988:1 1986.2 1988:3988:4 1989:11989:2
Monetary Aggregates. Velocity, 6NP--S change
Honey Supply (HI) 14 4 13.9 6.8 t.a 4.0 5.3 5.5 6.2 5.8 6.0 5 9
Honey Supply (H?) 9.3 6.6 2.7 2.8 4.1 6.6 5.4 5.9 3.B 6.6 5.7
Velocity (HI) -10.7 -4.6 -0.5 6.5 3.1 -Z.S -5.0 -3.1 0.4 3.2 0.9
Velocity (H2) -6.6 1.9 3 5 4.4 3.1 -3.6 -*.3 -2.6 2.4 2.6 1.2
Gross National Product 2.1 8.6 6.3 7.3 7.3 2.7 0.2 ?.9 6.3 9.4 6.9
Real GNP 1 5 4.4 2.S 4.3 4.5 -0.2 -3 1 -0.6 3 S 5.9 3 0
6NP Deflator 0.7 4.2 3.5 i.8 2.7 ? 9 3.5 3 5 2.7 3.3 3.8
InterestRates (X) on.
90-day Treasury Bills 5.4 5.5 5.7 6.0 5 9 5.6 5.2 4.7 4.6 4.7 4.B
Prlne Bank Loans 7.5 7.S a.o e 4 B.9 e,s J.6 J.I 8.8 6.6 6.S
New Corporate Aaa Bonds 8.4 8.1 9 1 9.7 10 2 9.4 8.8 B.6 8.5 8 5 8.4
Prime Rate Less Inflation 5.8 4.6 3.9 4.1 4.1 4.6 3.9 3.4 3.3 ?.7 2.7
Federal Fiscal Policy
Effective Tax Rates (X):
Personal Income 1? 4 1?.3 13 2 12.6 12.6 12.1 12.4 11.7 11.6 11.8 11. B
Wages (Soc. Sec.) 15.1 15.6 15.6 \5 T 15.7 16.5 16.5 16.4 16.4 16.6 16.6
Corporate Profits 36.5 40.1 40.2 40.2 40.8 41.5 41.1 40 9 41.1 41.2 41.4
Defense Purchases — X change
Current S -11.4 12,8 10.1 E.3 1.2 -0,9 -2.2 -1 6 -1.8 5.3 -1.0
Constant $ -10.5 7.6 9.8 7.5 -1.5 -4.1 -3 6 -2.7 -3,0 -Z.5 -3.4
Other Expenditures--* change
0 9 5 2 5 j 2 2 1Z 0 9 5 9 2 6 5 9 4 4 l
Grants to S&L Gov't -22.3 -2.3 15.7 -9.1 -6.2 ?4 4 9.4 1 5 4.0 3.6 3.5
Net Interest 11.? 5.0 0.9 9.2 16.3 -1.7 -3,1 -4.4 9 B -0.2 1.7
Billions of Current Dollars
Revenues 052. S 879.3 92? 9 923.0 943. B 940.5 941.2 921.8 947.3 979 3 998.4
Expenditures 1041.2 1049-61063.1 105S.B1103.1 1098.11100.?1105.7 1139.2 1144.6 1M6.4
Deficit -1BB-I-170. 5-119. 2-135.8-159.3-157.7-159.0-183 .9-191.9 -165.2-143.0
As Shares of GNP
Revenues 19.9 20.1 20.8 20.4 20.5 20.3 20.3 19 7 20.0 20.2 ?0.3
Expenditures 24.3 ?4.0 23.9 23. 4 24.0 23.7 23.7 ?3.7 ?4.0 ?3,6 23.3
Defense Purchases E.5 6.6 6.6 6 6 6.5 6.5 6.4 6.3 6.2 6.2 6 0
Transfers to Persons 9.1 9 0 9.0 8 9 a. B 9.0 9.2 9.4 9.4 9.4 9,3
Met Interest 3 2 1.2 3.1 3.2 3,2 3.J 3.? 3.1 3.1 3.1 3.0
Def 1C i t -3.9 -j. * -j. v -j . j -3 S
Details of Deal GNP— X change
Real GNP 1.5 4.4 2.5 4.3 4.5 -0.? -3.1 -0.6 3.5 5.9 3.0
Final Sales 3.7 -2.3 3.5 6.0 1.0 0 6 0.4 0 B 3.6 3.7 2.4
Consumption O.S -0.7 1.9 5.4 -3.1 3.8 -1.3 O.B 1.6 3.8 2.6
t 1 ~-\H L .t*.} U .T / 9t* J^. fOt -\fJt. ^ 3 \J -43 > 7 -3 0 "D 2 3 G
Producers Durable Equip. 4.E -15.3 16.5 26.4 -Z.I S 4 5.3 -4.3 -1 6 -0.7 3,5
Structures 6.5 -13.0 0.0 24.6 5.3 -6.9 -3.9 -8.3 -6.3 1.3 3.9
Residential Construction 2.2 -7.7 -2.8 -6.5 6.1 -17.5 -1.4 2.0 13.2 6.0 10.4
Exports 9.5 10.2 17.9 23,7 15.1 1Z.6 8.1 6.9 E.E 6.1 6 1
Imports -0.8 -5.2 11.1 22.4 9 7 3.9 -2.8 -0.4 -3.5 -4 B 6.0
Federal Purchases 15. Z -1&.6 6.6 4.S 24.4 -20. S -5.7 -2.0 10.5 -B.2 -2.1
State & Local Purchases 2.4 5.0 1.7 1.2 5 3 0.8 1.1 1.0 0.6 O.E 0.6
Billions of 1982Dollars
Real GNP 3731,53772.23795 33835.93877.93676.03845. Z3B39.43B72.83928.43957.5
Final Sales 3745.83724 53756.33811.43821.33826.93830.93836.63873.0390B.53931.9
Inventory Change -14.4 47 E 39.0 24.6 56.7 49.1 14.3 0,9 -0.? 20.0 ?5 6
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Table 2 Port B. Quarterly ~r Tht,lift t ttmt 4«» 1
19B6-4 1987:1 1987:2 1987:3 1987:41SBB:1 iaee 2 1988:31986:4 1989:11989:2
Indus Irial Production and Resource Util 1?aLion
Production--); change 3.9 3,1 4,3 8.7 E.6 -5,8 -34 -0.8 3.9 6 1 6.1
Capacity Util. Hanuf.(X) 79 n 80,0 80 5 81.4 B2.2 BO. 4 79I 78.2 78 5 79 4 80 2
Real Bus. Investment
as X of Real 6NP 11.9 11,3 11 5 12.1 11.9 12,0 122 12,0 11.8 11.7 11.7
Employment (mil) 110.4 111,3 112.1 112.9 113.5 114.4 1144 114.3 114.3 114.7 115.2
Unemployment Rate (X) 6.8 6,6 6 2 6.0 5.9 5,7 60 6.4 6.7 6.6 6.4
Inflation— I change
Consumer Price Inde* 2-7 5,4 4 9 3.9 3.6 3,0 35 3.4 3.6 4.2 4.1
Consumption Deflator 2.6 5,8 5.1 3.9 4.3 2.5 41 3.7 3.5 3.9 3.9
SUP Qeflrtor 0.7 *,1 1,6 !.B 2.1 Z.9 35 3.b J.7 3.3 3.8
Producers Price Index 1.4 «,5 6.1 5.3 1.8 1.2 2 7 2.2 3,1 3.6 2.8
Factors Related to Inflation— X change
Nonfarm Business Sector
Wage Compensation 1.0 1.1 3.1 3.5 3.4 4.3 3 2 3.2 3.3 4.9 4.0
Productivity 0.0 0,4 1.5 4.1 -0.4 -0.6 -37 0.5 4.1 3.7 0.5
Unit Labor Costs 4.1 0,7 1.6 -0.7 3.8 5.1 72 2.7 -0.8 1.2 3.4
Farm Price Index 6.2 -9.9 21.4 -2.2 -2.6 5.6 04 3.0 -0.0 4.5 1.2
Natural Gas Deflator -9.1 -2.Z -1.1 -5.1 -4,1 -0.7 -04 -1.0 -0.8 1.1 2.5
Imported Crude Oil (J/bbl) 13.47 16.88 18. 28 19.03 18.05 16.10 15.65 15.91 16.45 17.46 17.52
New Home Price (11000) 95.13 97,37 103.47 106.10110 63109.54110.19111.96 112.41 113.17 114.28
Income, Consumption andSaving--* change
Disposable Income 3,1 8.7 0,6 8.5 10.2 5,6 19 6.3 4.0 6.9 5,3
Real Disposable Income 0.5 2.7 -4.3 4.5 5.7 3.0 -2 1 2,5 0,5 2.9 1.3
Deal Consumption 0.5 -0.7 1.9 5.4 -3,1 3,8 -13 0.8 1.6 3.8 2,6
Savings Bate (X) 3.6 4.4 3.0 2. B 4.8 4.7 44 4.8 4.6 4.4 4.Z
Housing ant Autcmobi les— mi 11 Ions of units
Housing Starts 1.717 1.779 1.6DE 1.619 1.534 1.426 1.456 1.484 1.527 1.564 1,643
Retail Auto Sales 11.3 9.5 10.0 11.5 10.0 10.6 97 9.2 9.2 9,3 10.1
Corporate Profits
Billions of Dollars
Before Taxes 247.9 257.0 266.7 284.9 291.1 246.7 2140 205.9 247.3 280,7 292.0
After Taxes 134 0 129.0 134.5 141.9 143,2 119.1 1040 100.5 119.5 135.3 140,0
Retained Earrings »6.4 1S.T «,1 16. T 45.9 20,* 46 0.7 19,6 35.3 39 6
Percent Change
Before Taxes 21 1 15.5 19,5 26.4 9.0 -48.4 -434 -14,3 106.1 66. J 17.1
After Taxes 12.2 -14.1 IB. 2 23.9 3.6 -52.1 -42 0 -12.5 99,5 64.3 14. G
SIP 500 Stock Price Index 243.7 279,3 293,3 319.4 255,4 264.6 2714 276.0 286.4 295.0 298.9
Internationa Trade
U.S. Dollar— K change -0.6 -19.9 -H.8 4.S -19.7 -7.1 -3 a -2.1 -1 2 -0.5 -O.B
Industrial Production:
Canada — X change 2,3 6.8 6.5 9.9 8,9 -0.3 -2 5 -2,1 -0.3 2,3 4.2
Japan--! change -D 2 5.2 0.3 15.1 16,1 -2. a -30 -1.5 0.5 1.8 0.4
OECD Europe— X change -2.3 -0.0 7.2 -2.3 7,5 -1.0 -19 1,1 1.9 2.2 3.7
Real Exports— I charge S.5 10.2 17.9 23.7 15.1 12.6 81 6.9 6.6 6.1 6.1
Real Imports — X change -0.8 -5.2 11 1 22.4 9.7 3.9 -2 a -0.4 -3.5 -4.8 6.0
Net Exports (bil. B2JJ -151.8-135.2 -132.7 -136.4 -136 4-128.4 -115 i -106.5 -93.4 -79.1 -80.1
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Chut 1 Chut 1
Rutery of Real Ret til Stla Hiitory of RH| Reliit Stla
(Excludinf Automotive Croup) (Etucludinf Automotivi Group)
(Billioni of 1MJ Dollua) (Four-quuitr Ptmnl Chuigt)
Ch«rt S Chut 4
Rcil Groii Nstiont! Product Rial Final S<l
(Annual Percent Chui(e) (Annual Pirttnt Ch.nje)
|73:1 |T7
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Chut S Chart 6
Real Grail National Produc R*al Grou National Product
(BiUioru of IBB! Doll an) (Four-quartar P*i»nt Chanfe)
1800^
3700 _
seoo_
3&00_
3100
!SOO_
3100
5100
[82 |84 190
Chart 7 Chart)
Corporate Profits Standard i Poor'i
Befor* Tuci, Compoiitc Indvx. it Common Stock Pc
After TIM«,~ (Rimdiied. 1082:1 = 1.00)
(BimoniofDollo
|B2 \SA 186
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Chart a Chart 10
Nominal Pric* of Imported Crud* Oil U.S. Dollar Exehanff Rati
(Dollan/Barnl). (1MO-M=1.00)
Rul Prlci of Imported Crud* Oil
(1M1 DoUan/Baml),
(00 161 |ae l»
Chart 11 Chart 11
Conmimer Prlci Indu, ^^^ Coiuumptlon Diflator,
PndueuB Prio Inda, Indox of Waf* Comp*iu»tlon,
(Four-quarter P«t*nt Chabf*] (Four-quartar Fount Chui(*y
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Chut 19 Cturt 14
Ritl Moiuy Supply (Ml) Rul Uour Supply (Ml)
(Four-quuUr Pu our-4)iiut«r Ptrunt
|00 |M (M |TI |Tfl |*0 |M (88
ChtiiU Chut Id
Velocity of Montr (Ml) Viloeity of Money (MJ)
(EUtlootGNPloMl) (EUtloofCNP to Ml)
1.86
1.80
1.76
l.TO
1.U
1.60.
l.tl
1.BO
IM |eo [as
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REAL M2
M2/CPI
2.5
2.4 -
2.3 -
2.2 -
2.1 -
2 -
in (-2. 87.) » o
Ifl ta
1.9 - It M
H q-
l.B -
1.7 - QT] rfVf
I I (- 7 . 2 7.) Q. rr
-a
1.6 - oo
1.5 -
1.4 -
1.3 -
1.2 -
1.1 -
1 -
0.9
1959: 1 1963: 1 1967: 1 1971: 1 1975: 1 1979: 1 1963: 1 1987: 1
monthly: latest date. 87:12
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Release Timer 10 A.M., 1ST, March 17, 198B
Statement by
Milton N. Hudson
Senior vice president and Senior Economic Advisor
Morgan Guaranty Trust Company of Mew York
to the
subcommittee on Domeetic Monetary Policy
of the
Committee on Banking, Finance, and Urban Affair*
U.S. HOUM of Representatives
On* Hundredth Congress
Washington, D.C.
March 17, 1988
Z am vary pleased to participate in thie
Committee'a consideration of the conduct of monetary policy.
I am here both in my capacity as Chairman of the Economic
Advisory Committee of the American Bankers Association and
as Cenior Vioe President and Senior Economic Advisor of
Morgan Guaranty Trust Company of Hew York.
The statement vfaioh I will make is primarily a
personal one, but it is broadly consistent with views held
by a dominant majority of the members of the ABA'a Economic
Advisory Committee. That group laet met on February 3rd and
4th and, with 15 members in attendance, spent a full day1*
time deliberating current monetary policy issues. X have
appended to my prepared testimony the summary statement
released at that ti»e giving the group'e assessment of the
1988 economic outlook and it* recommendations for the
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Paga
conduct of aonatary policy. That aarly Fabruary Mating vas
tha firat auoh eecaaion on which tha ABA1* Icono»io Adviaory
Comittaa hat aought In a ayatamatic vay to raach a
oollactiva judgvant on aonatary policy iaauaa. Although that
affort vaa experimental In natura, tha format la ona that va
ara liXaly to repeat at regular interval* in tha futura.
That i* because va vara extremely pleased with tha quality
of tha dialogue and baoauaa va h«va had confirmation that
other* ara interests* in knowing what tha ABA's asonevici
panal (which rapraaanta inatltutiona that ara vary divaraa
in alia, activity, and gaographic location) think about tha
conduct of monatary pel ley.
Tha viava which maabara of tha ABA'a loonomic
Adviaory Comittaa axpraaaad on Fabruary 4 turnad out to ba
ramarlcably aimilar to thoaa of tha Fadaral Raaarva aa
avbodiad in ita Buaphray-Hawkina Raport to Congraaa on
Fabruary 2)* Lika tha Fadaral opan Itarkat Comaittaa, tha ABA
panal anticipate* that 19S8 will ba a yaar of raaaonably
good growth in tha Aaarican aconeny, with continuing aiiabla
gaina in aapleymant --accompaniad (largely bacauaa of tha
laaaanad slack that now axiata in labor and product aarkata)
by ioaa tandancy for inflation to aeealareta ralativa to
laat yaar.
Tha ABA p*nal aacplicitly racogniiad that in tha
uneartain anvironaant ganaratad by laat Octobar'a atoak
»&rkat craah aurpriaaa ara distinctly poaaibla. It tharafore
urged that tha FONC r amain vary aanaitiva to tha poaaibla
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Paga 3
naad to ohanga policy on abort notioa. Tha tanor of tha
diacuaaion among tha bank aconomiata mad* elaar, howavar,
that they viavad tha riaka of a high aida braafcout of growth
in 1968 (and hanoa of a high aida braakout of inflation) to
ba largar than tha riaka of aarioua •oonomic vaakaningi
conaaquantly, tbay adviaad that tha FOMC ba aapaoUlly
oautioua about moving in tha diraotion of additional
monatary accommodation.
Tha ABA group did raoommand adoption of a aat of
rangaa for tha growth of aonatary and dabt aggrvgataa in
1918 modaatly diffarant from thoca that tha TCMC
eubaaquantly apeolfladr but tbftt dlffarano* i» not
oonaaquantial, flinoa tha FOMC'a action at ita moating of
rabruary 9th and loth in vidaning ita targatad rangaa for
aaoh aggragata (from thraa paroantaga pointa in 1987 to four
paroantaga pointa in 19B0) waa antiraly oonaiatant with tha
apirit of tha ABA panal'a diecuaaion of tha uaa and
limitationa of growth targata for monay and dabt. Stroaaing
that hiatorioal ralationahipa batwaan monatary growth and
aoonomio parformanoa hava tandad to datariorata in raoant
yaara, tha ABA aoonomiata aaphaaiiod that it would ba
inadviaabla for tha Fadaral Xaaarv* to adhara rigidly to
monatary policy targat rangaa. Diaeuaaion mada olaar that
moat mambara of tha ABA panal had a atrong prafarano* for an
aclaetic approach to monatary policy datarminatlon vary
aimilar to that which tha FOHC in praetiea follow*, within
auoh a eontaxt, tha bahavior of tha aggragataa doaa hava
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Pag* 4
important guidance value but need* to be evaluated In the
light ef pattorno exhibited by a broad rang? of Annnonlc
variable* and financial varlablaa othar than tha aggregate*.
In •ummary of tbaaa ganaral point*, I would aay
thara ara relatively fav difference* batvaan tha viawa of
meubera of tha FONC and the viava of member* of tha ABA'a
Economic Advlaory Committee with racpect to aithar likely
aoonoaio development* in 1981 or how monetary policy
determination ahould ba approached. The only notable
eontraat relatea to tha iaaue of cooperative efforte among
leading induatrial eountrlee to etabilice exhange ratea
among major ourrenciea. The formal etatemante of the federal
Reeerve do not elaborate aa fully aa one might wish the
viawa of offioiala on the extent to whioh monetary policy
ehould be conditioned by exchange-rate •tabiliiation
ef forte, irevertheleaa, it ia clear, particularly on tha
baaia of Federal Beaerve aotiona in the epring of ll»7, that
the objective of reeiating dollar depreciation hae at timea
been an important element in Federal Reaerve policy, with no
recorded diaaent aa to the adviaability of that objective by
any member of the FONC. The ABA eoonomiata, by eontraat,
pointedly aaaart that monetary policy ehould not be
eigniflcantly conditioned by a oonoarn with the external
value of the dollar/ mainly beoauee they queetion the
ability of any group of otficiala, however able, to maX*
better judgment* than the merketplaoe ae to what exchange
ratee are appropriate. Tha ABA panel member* oharacteriied
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the Louvre Accord *• «»n unfortunate miataXe." This matter
of currency atabilisation efforts is something I will return
to a bit latar on.
As I have mentioned, my personal views regarding
the conduct of monetary policy ara broadly tha same as those
of tha ABA panel. In particular, I hava no quarral with tha
ralativa deemphasis by tha federal Reserve in racant yaare
of tha monetary aggregates a* policy guidaa —either with
tha daciaion not to apacify a targat ranga for Kl or with
tha Pad'a tolaranea of alternating rapid and alow growth of
tha broader aggregate*, for a variety of reaaona relating
to auoh thing* aa financial deregulation and Innovation tha
f
Bonatary aggragatea hava coma to be increasingly aenaitiva
to changea in interest rates. That has cauaad their behavior
to be doainated aa much or more by the public's financial
portfolio deciaions as by their economic transactions. Thia
has made the aggregates inherently much more volatile than
formerly. As long as these oireumstanoea prevail, the
monetary aggregates will have circumscribed ueefulneas in
the conduct of monetary policy. That is because, to use
Chairman Greenspan's words, growth in the aggragatea can
Tlieaa reasons have been repeatedly elaborated on by
•Jialyata in reoent years, so there is no need to repeat them
here. Chairman Greenspan's testimony before the Bouse
tanking Committee on February 23 set forth systematically
the causes of the lessened linkage between money growth and
economic growth. »o. too, in very similar vein did comment
in this year's Annut^ Report of the Council of Economic
Advisers.
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Page 6
range over * fairly vide spectrum and still be consistent
with satisfactory performance of the economy.
Thie dots not mean, of court*, that the sggregates
can be ignored, on the contrary, because of the powerful
evidence that money, prices, and income have b«*n critically
intertwined over th* long run, the monetary aggregates n««d
to b« monitored olo»«ly/ with technical analyaie alvaye
eeeking to try to isolate the extent to which economic
activity i» in fact being conditioned by money growth. And
at eo»e point, conceivably, eepecially ae deregulation work*
Iteelf out, e eettling down could ooour in which a tighter
linkage la reestablished between money end the economy.
•inoe that doee not eppear to be imminent,
however, the present realities are that the Federal Reserve
must eeek guidance from a broad range of indicators ae it
pursue* ite fundamental objective of trying to foster
sustained nonlnflationary growth. IB growth too weak or too
strong, is It balanced or unbalanced, are price preeeuree
being reasonably contained, will they remain contained in
the future? Thoee ere the key questions that repeatedly
preeent themselvee as Fed offieiale wrestle over and over
•gain with the issue of whether policy should be eaeed or
tightened relative to what it has been.
* great many of the economic and financial
indicators that can contribute guidance In answering those
questions are obvious ones that we would all agree upon, but
ultimately there is really nothing in the economic and
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financial reals, that ia net germane, vhiob means that
•valuation In tha and inevitably takes en a oonaldarabla
element of subjectivity. Like it or not, monetary policy ia
an art net a ecienoe --with tha quality of tha result
depending critically on tha energy, ingenuity, and
Xnovledgeability of tha playara. That emphaaiiea tha
importance of •electing tha etrongeat possible oandidataa
for federal Reserve office and of maintaining supportiva
staff organiaationa of the highest quality. That ia
something, happily, that in the main our country baa bean
very successful it.
The queat for ineighte into the eoonomic and
financial prooeea —end for new indicators that can be
helpful-* ie en unending one. It hae Juet been carried a
uaeful etep farther by Manuel Johnaon'e reminder that
financial auction aarkete often yield important information
of early warning value. The vloe Chairman of the Federal
Xeaerve Board made no claim that commodity price markata,
foreign exchange market a, end the yield curve relations that
emerge in debt securities markets have unique capacity,
either singly or in combination, to tell us what monetary
policy should be. But he did make the very eensible
observation that we ought to be maintaining a caraful vetch
on theee indicators (which oondenee the knowledge end
expectations of large numbers of buyers end Bailers end
which ere readily available all the time) es supplements to
other information --paying attention in particular to
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whether their directional aovuant i* aimilar or dlaparat*.
To eom* extent, the** indicator* may have baan neglected
beoau** thair high volatility complicate* interpretation t
but thair potential for yielding corroborating ineighta
would eeam conaidarabl* 1C thair movement* ara atudiad
within the eontaxt of all the other thing* that analyata
wet oh, Mr. Johneon'a highlighting of that potential ie
oonatruotive, particularly to the extent that It *timulatea
research aiaed at refining knowledge of the "lead11
propertiee of the trio. The notion that information yielded
by auction aarkete need* to be uaed vithin the oontext of a
broader ^formation fraaework !• a critical qualifier. In
the abeanae at preaent of any narrow group of indicator*
cloeely end reliably linked to the eoonoay, it la aoveaent
In unleon of a variety of Indicator* that provide* the only
comfortable foundation for policy formulatiofi. That ie wy
ooaoluBlon, but I believe_it i» clearly iBpliolt In the
things the Vloe Chairman wa* My ing.
In hie dlaouaaion of the Information yielded by
auction markete, Mr. Johneon touched peripherally on the
lourve Accord, which !• the •ubject I want to turn to next.
After strewing the. potential value of foreign exchange
market* a* information conveyor*, the vice Chairman noted
—without fully elaborating the point-- that official
exerci*e* timed at etebiliilng exchange rate* remove
information from the market. For *oa* analyst* that fact
alone would be eufficlent reason for official* to *hun
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stabilisation endeavors.2 Mr. Johnson's text does not male*
clear how troubled he la about the distortion of market
signals cauaed by exchange markat intervention, but it ia at
least useful that hia discuaaion drawa naadad attention to
that i»aua.
Controversy ovar tha Louvre Accord ia focused for
tha moment on iaauaa that ara far more leden with auction.
Tbaaa include such mattara aa vhathar cooparativa efforta at
exchange rata atabiliiation damagad tba parforaanca of tha
A»arioan aoonoay laat yaar, whathar Louvra II thraatana
damaga at praaant« and vhathar cooparativa effort* at
•xchanga rata atabilication ara oonp«tibl« with BaAningful
Fadaral Raaarva indapandanca.
Aa I'va notad, maabara of tha ABX'a IconoBic
Adviaory conittaa atrongly ballava that tha Louvra Accord
vaa a viataka, and 1 aaphatioally concur, indaad, I think it
vu ona of tha moat biiarra avanta in modarn financial
hlatory, ini>ioal to our national aalf Intaraat and
raaponeiva inata*d to tha narrow •oonoale aalf intaraat of
nation* auoh ma Japan and tfaat G«r>any (which quita
xmdaratandably wiahad to ahift as vuch aa poaaibla of tha
burdan of eorracting intarnatlonal trada diaaquilibrlu* away
Thie concern about tha loaa of information in foreign
axohanga Barkata is cloaaly akin to frequently voiced
worries about the loss of information in debt markets on
occasions whan central banks pursue interest-rate targeting
in a way that severely restricts rate fluctuations.
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from themselves) •* And I worry very much that we do not seen
to have yet fully extricatad ourselves from the risks
inherent in intarvantioniat aotivitiaa, despite tha clear
•vidanca that laet yaar's involvement bad seriously negativa
consequences and despite tha dark ehadow that baa feeen cast
ovar Federal Raaarva independence.
Tha agreement fashioned at tha Louvra in February
a yaar ago was tha product of official eoncarn, so va vara
told, that market forcaa vara capable of producing a furthar
significant decline in tha dollar (vary possibly a "fraa
fall1*4} «t a tlma whan official* Mliavad that tha dollar
Tha bait abort articulation of tha axtant to which tha
Louvra Accord aarvad foraign intaraata and naglactad ours ia
in an artiola writtan by Dr. Martin Faldatsin that appaarad
on tha aditorial paga of tha Wall atraat Journal on March 3,
use.
4Tba "fraa fall" acanario baa baan dwalt on rapsatadly
but has baan tha subJact to l«ss analytic*! attention than
ons would wish. Mo ona would dany tha possibility of aarkat
ovarshoots (rslativa to lavala •rundaaantals'1 would imply)
but to tha extant such possibilitiss snist thay would saoa
to provida justification for temporary offieial intervention
(say, to correct conditions that ars clearly disorderly)
rather than for more lasting governance of exchange rate
movements. That is meant to be e suggsstive comment only,
since obviously the question of bow efficient or inefficient
foreign-exchanga markete are is exceedingly complex. But
just to carry the suggestive comment a bit further, I would
note that the "free fall" scenario downplays the importance
of sslf-correcting end self-limiting tendencies of market
movements. The notion that a fall in the price of the dollar
will reduce rather than increase the demand for dollars,
thus reinforcing the momentum of decline, is at the very
least far from evident. Indeed, the reasonable assumption to
maks is that Investor appetite for dollar assets will tend
to inoreass as dollar assets become cheaper. Rudiger
Dornbusoh and Jeffrey Frankel nave made an interesting
(Footnote Continued)
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had fallen efficiently to correct international paymente
dieequilibriua. Official* offered no perauaiiva aupportive
evidence for their judgment that the dollar bad reached an
appropriate laval and quit* olaarly few people in the
marketplace ehared their view*, aa became *vid*nt froa tha
•normoua official purchaaaa of dollar* that aubaequently
provad neceaaary to fcaap tha dollar proppad up.
It la inpoaalbla to aay with praoiaion bow such
waight tha Padaral Haaarva gav« to auataining tha valua of
tha dollar in 1M7. Tha aarlaa of FGMC policy racorda iaauad
for 1917 ara fruatratingly obaoura about that, and, aino*
tha fadaral Baaarva haa long ainea diaoontinuad it* formar
u*aful praotiea of maintaining full minutuaa of rOKC
Mating* and publishing th*> with a lag, thi* i* a nattar
that aay n*var ba antiraly clarifiad. Wa do have a raoord,
hovavar, of tha many public atatamant* which Chairman
VoloSear aada around th* time of the Lourva Accord that
aiphaaicad tha riaXa ha thought would attend a further
decline of th* dollar and w* al*o know that, at tha firat
full FOMC meeting aftar he returned from th* Pari*
gathering, foreign exchange aarkat developmenta ware given
(Footnote Continued)
contribution to th* di*cu*aion of foreign exchange market
•fficiency in *Th* Flexible Exchange Rate Syatamt txp*ri*noa
and Xlt*rnttiv*a" (national Buraau of Iconoaio meaearoh
working Paper Kuabar 3404, Daoaaber If•?). lb«y oonelud*
that market efficiency f*ll* abort of th* theoretical ideal,
but they do not eabraoa th* view that government
intervention would do better.
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greatly elevated status, indeed primacy, in the FOMC policy
directive. That provides a reasonable basis for concluding
that the fining of monetary policy that subsequently
occurred waa importantly related to oonoarn over the dollar
and that throughout tha spring and summer of 1117 policy vaa
tighter than domestic considerations alona would have
warranted.
In >y judgment, tha consequences of dollar-support
•fforte vsra very negative* flinoe market partioipanta wars
olsarly sksptical about tha wisdom of support, a graat daal
of confusion and uncertainty was addad to tha financial
aarkstplaoa. Tha official «ffort to sustain tha valua of tha
dollar olsarly accantuatad tandanciss for privata forslgnara
net to Invast in dollar-dsnominatad assats bseausa of thsir
conviction that tha propping effort vas doomsd to failurs
and that soonar or latar tha dollar would r«»ua* Its drop*
With a dlainclination to buy dollar assats at valuas that
war* regarded as artificially high, private capital inflows
te the United Itatsa slowed, contributing to the vary staap
runup in D.I. long-term interest rates that ooourred between
the early part of the year and tha autumn. This implies that
the Louvre Acoord bears seme responsibility for tha severity
of October's slump in stock prioea, since there oan be no
doubt that the widening spreads that emerged ae 19§7
progressed between equity yields and bond yields crested
vulnerability for atoolc prices.
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Mot only did tha currency stabiliiation effort
hava that array of financial aarfcat oonaequanoea, tha
artificial propping up of tha dollar unquestionably aloved
the progress of U.S.industry in regaining ooapetitiveneaa.
After the dollar reeuned its decline in the wake of October
19, there vaa conaiderabia raliaf in Industrial circlea that
the contradictions involvad for the red in trying to manage
both tha dollar and tha economy had a«aaingly b«an raaolvad
in favor of tha traditional focua aainly on tha aeonoay.
That, hovavar, ia atlll not antiraly olaar, avan though XIan
araanapan baa b*an saying soaa things that ara anoouraging
««est raoantly in tcatiaony tha day bafora yaatarday at tha
Joint Boonoaio Coaaittaa, vhara, according to nave accounts,
ha indicated that last Daoaabar's ravisiting of tha Louvra
Aooord had aaph&sisad broad •conomlg policy coordination to
halp atabiiliaa ourranciaa rather than intarvantion par sa.
But thara raaain alaaants of unoartalnty about tha aoopa and
eharactar of international oooparativa afforts. And tha
lingaring doubt that exists is vorrisoaa, partly baeausa it
is still far from oarUin that tha dollar has deolinad all
that it naada to. Xndaad, a substantial nutfwr of thoughtful
analysts ara oonvinoad that a furthar oonsidarabla daclina
It's perhaps worth aaphasixing that opposition to
official Mnageaant of exchange rates hu no bearing on the
•attar of whether officials, in accord with Manuel Johnson's
reoonendations, should pay Bore need to the intonation
yielded by Boveaents of foreign exchanga rates. The two
issues ere entirely separate.
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of the dollar Is going to be necessary if reasonable
International payments balance !• to be restored. The lesson
of 1987 la that official* ought not to try to substitute
their judgment about appropriate axchanga rates for that of
tha market.
Tha final reason for thinking that tha United
•tates ought to baoX away from cooperative efforts at
exchange rate stabilisation is that such efforts potentially
compromise Federal Reserve independence from the executive
branch. o>7 deliberations on exchange ratea targets are
implicitly deliberations on monetary policy because currency
targets are achievable only if the doaestlo policy weaponry
of central banKs is devoted to defending then. The Secretary
of the Treasury and the Finance Hlniaters of other 0-7
countries are not only party to those deliberations; some
would argue they are almost certainly senior parties even
though the heads of central banks are present. In concept,
there is admittedly no reason why the process of
deliberation cannot go forward in a manner that leaves
central bank participants entirely free at the end of the
process to act according to their own best judgment. But,
within th* American framework of central bank Independence,
there is st the very lesst an element of untidiness in
bringing the Treasury (to say nothing of other finance
ministries) so actively into deliberations about the
appropriate posture of monetary policy. Xnd it is certainly
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Pag* IS
not hard to laagina oircuaatancaa in which * Traaaury agando
(normally broadar and at tlmaa potantially guita diffarant
fro* tha Fadaral Xaaarva'a aganda) could praaant awkward
problaw for a Fad Chairman. Bayond that Bat of iaauaa,
thara ia tha ffurthar quaatlon ef what afforta at axchanga
atabllitation i*ply by way of full indapandanoa ef daciaion
for tha alavan FOHC Baabara that ara not party to G-7
dalibarationa. la thair polioymaking rela diainiahad? Not
naoa»aarily, but thara !• cartainly aoma riak that that
oould occur. Thaia and othar quaationa that baar on tha
indapandanoa of tha Padaral Kaaarva (or at a miniwa on tha
appaaranoa of indapandanoa) daaarva aora diacuaaion and
attantion than thay hava had mo far. That would ba laaa ao,
parhapa, if thara wara oogant raaaoni for thinking that
•xchanga rata •tabiliiation wara of tra»aMoua utility.
That, howavar, ia not tha oaaa.
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AMERICAN
BANKERS
ASSOCIATION
PUBLIC RELATIONS 0 1120 CONNECTICUT AVhNUETN.w" WASHINGTON, D.C 20036 O (202)663-5000
COOT ACT: Mary-Liz Keeny FOR IMMEDIATE 1ELEASE
(202) *«-54« (08)
ABA'S ECONOMIC ADVISOSY COMMITTEE SAYS RECESSION UNLIKELY;
FED TO HOVE CAUTIOUSLY IN EMBRACING EASIER MONETARY POLICY
WASHINGTON, ?eb. 4 -- Moderate •eonoaic graven fueled by Improved export*
*n4 etrengehenlng C4pie*l Investment will keep * recexloa AC bay during 1988,
predict* th« Kuonomic AdvL^aty Cw»*ltt»« ot the Aatrican B«n)ur* 4*»oclition.
Th« group dott for««»e th* likelihood of (one tlu^jleh etonoale *ctt-»lty «
Inventory idjuitacae proceed*, ptrtlcolejrly in the »uto lndu»try, eeeordlng to
Hilton HudtoD. chairman of the comittea and aenlor vice preildent of Morgin
Ouarenty. '»uc, we anticipate re«cel»r«tlon in economic jrowth later this year
bftftkutc inventory adju*taint wtll be ehort'llved end peraontl cotuumption will
•tren^then,' be explained. 'TtiU will otcui lit reepon»e to u already •merging
pattern of atconger privet* wage and **l*ry gain*.*
On a fourth quarter to fourth quarter beele, th* panel le eitpectlng reel
OH? to grow by 2.3 percent in 1988. The group «pecee Inflation to accelerate
by the «aeon4 half of Cha year with the CVI and the CNP deflator likely to grow
by 4,4 and 3.9 peroant renpectlvely.
Strong ezporta reflective of both dollar depreciation and decidedly favor-
able coat trend* In Manufacturing will be critically Important In euatalning
•coiwBic grovth. Thie *atiu that 198B will be a year of definite progrea* In
reducing the country'a aiternal trade
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AJ a corollary, the group believe* it would be • mistake for monetary
policy co be aignlficancly conditioned by a conc*rn vlth the external value of
the dollar. The group view* the Louvre Agreement, which Involved cooperative
•fforti among industrial countries co keep th« dollar from declining, to h*ve
btan in unfarcuntt* miit«tt»--on« th«c contributed to riling int«r»it r*t*c in
the U.S. It ttxongly hop«i the Louvr* VAI not • prelude to Beneged currency
r*tee or whet !• known ta * "target zone •yaten."
With the major itructur«l changei th«t hive occurred in the world economy
orer the put five ye«r§, no group hei the cepeclty to be »ure what ere Appro-
priate eroae ritee for eurrencl.ee. It ie the panel'• belief that this process
it Bueh better left to free urket determination.
Keeping thli in mind, the Econonlc Advleory Committee would, hovever,
•anetion oecutonal intervention by central banka in currency market to correct
disorderly condition*.
The penel also determined that, while the Federal Reeerve ehould eec range*
for money and credit aggregatea, it would be inadvieable to adhere too rigidly
to monetary policy target rangee. Thli dariv» from the fact that the hlitori-
eal rtlatlonehip between monetary growth and economic performance ha* tended to
deteriorate eignlflcantly In recent year*.
The panel did agree that monetary aggregatea historically have been a very
Important conditioner of economic and price performance. It la adviaeble that
the Federal fteeerv* continue to monitor the aggregatea as long aj policy !• not
mechanically determined by the aggregates.
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With capacity utilisation In many IwSuacrlea now approaching relatively
high levela, the panel believes that capital •pending will grow by at leait 4
percent In rail t*rn» In 1966. tnla forecast IB eupportod by tha aizeable
buildup of e«.ulp»ant order backlog! in 1967.
Tha growth of the eeonony in 196ft would b* even noro daciaiva if the
European aeoaoalc outlook v*r* «ot cloudy. Th* panal placn rpaeial a*pH»fls on
eha naad for «ort •xpinilvo policy action* by European counttlei, Boat particu-
larly tha Fadazal Kapubllc of Garaany who** policy caution it now ptTcaivad by
•any of har trading partnara aa con»tr«lning ganaral luropaan growth. Tba group
la inpraaaad by tha currant atrangth baing atxown by tha Mian countria* mnt BOBC
loportantly Japan which rainforcoa Ita conviction that a raeaaiion it improba-
bla.
With raoanlon unllkaly, tha panal baliavat that th* Tadaial Op»n JUiVtet.
CoiDittaa naada to b* cautioua In awvlng In tha direction of additional Monetary
aecoDBodaCion. But In tha oonaittae'i judganant th*ra tea aufficiant uncartain-
tlai ragarding noaz-tam •ebnoaie atrangth, particularly ralating to Inventory
adjuataane. that a poatur* of flexibility la appropriat*,
If tha data that baeoa* available ov*t tha naxt aonth or ao Indicat* any
aurprialng alippaga of acewwic parformanea, eh* group would urge tha central
bank to b* raaponjlva and to provide aona inauxanca by way of additional aate to
provant cumulating voaknaaa.
In let diaeuJiion, tht group fale acrongly that tha principal preoccupation
of eha Federal Ktiarva ahould be with the objective of achieving •table,
non-inflationary growth.
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ECCWOHIC ADVISORY CCWOTTEE
of the
AMERICAN BANKERS ASSOCIATION
Monetary Policy Recommendation
Fourth quarter 19B7 to fourth quarter 1988
Ranges of K2 5 to 8
Growth for
Monetary M3 5 to 8
and Debt
Aggregates Domestic
(percent nonf inancial 7 1/2 to 10 1/2
change) debt
Consensus Economic Forecast for 1986
1987 1988
Nominal GNP 7.2 6.4
Percent Real GNP 3.8 2.3
change ,
fourth Implicit
quarter deflator 3.3 3.9
to for GNP
fourth
quarter Consumer
price 4.4 4.4
index
Billions of Federal
dollars for budget 148 160
fiscal year deficit
Unemploy-
5.8 6.0
ment rate
Level at Federal
the end Funds 6.8 7.4
of the Kate
year
Thirty year
Treasury 9.0 9.5
bond rate
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Ftbr -y 4, 1988 ECOMMC ADVISORY COBtlTTEE of i MCRICM BMKERS ASSOCIATION
CONSENSUS ECONOMIC OUTLOOK1
1987 by Quarter 1988 by Quarter
1st 2nd 3rd 4th 1st 2nd 3rd 4th
National Product and Components (annuallzed percent chanoes onseasonal ly adjusted economic statistics)
GNP In current dollars 8.6 6.3 7.3 6.7 5.2 6.4 7.1 7.1
GNP in 1982 dollars 4.4 2.5 4.3 4.2 1.3 2.2 3.0 ? B
Personal Consult Ion -0.7 1.9 5.4 -3.8 1.5 2.2 2.2 1.8
Nonresident 111 Investment -14.6 11.7 25.8 -3.6 4.8 3.2 4.2 3.6
Residential Investment -7.7 -2.8 -6.5 5.9 -3.4 -2.0 -0.7 0.0
Eiports 10.2 17.9 23.7 16.2 10.8 9.3 10.5 10.0
Imports -5.2 11. \ 22.4 6.3 -1.4 1.6 2.2 2.4
Government Purchases -6.2 3.8 2.6 12.6 -2.2 0.3 2.1 3.4
Inflation (annuallzed percent chanoes on seasonally adjusted economic itatUHcs 1
G C N on P s u I m m e p r l i P c r it i c P e r i I c n e d e D x e flator 4 6 . . 2 2 3 4 . . 5 6 ? 3 . . 8 6 L 3 . . . 2 1 3 3 . .5 8 4 3 . . 2 3 4 4 . . 1 7 4 5. .3 0
Automobile) and Housing (seasonally adjusted annual rate) oCoD
Automobile Sales (Millions) 9.5 10.0 11.5 10.0 9.9 10.0 10.1 10.0
New Private Housing Units
Started (thousands) 1795 1612 1610 1517 1524 1526 1535 1520
1987 1988
End of QU»rteT 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 1st 2nd 3rd 4th
Other Business Indicators
Index of Industrial Production 127.4 129.1 131.2 131.3 m.7 134.8 136.2 117.3
Unemployment Rate (percent) 6.6 6.1 5.9 5.8 6.0 6.0 6.0 6.0
Interest Rates
Federal Funds (eff«ti«l 6.14 6.19 7.26 6.81 6.63 6.75 7.00 7 37
30-Year Treasury Bonds 7.79 8.44 9.61 8.95 8-50 8.60 9.00 9.50
iwe
Fed. Gov't Budfiet Deficit (fiscal year) 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987
Deficit In Billions of Dollars 78.9 127.9 207.8 185.3 212.3 220 7 148.0 160.7
1 HUtorlcaFdata throuoii 19B7; 1989 Is forecast.
2 Growth rates of national product components In 1982 dollars.
3 Hi-.t.orleal d*la from the Federa| Be serve Bulletin.
a Historical data from Federal Reserve Statistical Release H.15 (519).
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99
A.TTI1DIEG LIST
Economic Advisory Committee
Capital Hilton Hotel
Washington, DC
February 3-4, 1988
CHAIRMAN
Hilton U. Hudson Sydney Snlth Hicks
Senior Vice President & Senior Senior Vice President & Director
Economic Advisor First RepublicBank Dallas, N.A.
Morgan Guaranty Trust Company FRB #3. Post Office Box 83100
23 Uall Street Dallas, TX 75283-3100
New York, NY 10015
Thomas F. Huertas
Vice President
MEMBERS Citibank, N.A.
399 Park Avenue
James E. Amiable, Jr. Neu York, NY 10043
Senior Vice President & Chief
Economist Peter P. Kozel
First National Bank of Chicago Senior Vice President & Chief
One First National Plaza. Suite 0476 Economist
Chicago, 1L 60670 Shawmut Bank, N.A.
One Federal Street
Paul A. Anton Boston, MA 02211
Director of Econonlcs
First Bank System, Inc. Carol A. Lelsenring
1200 First Bank Place East, 5FE129 Executive Vice President & Chief
Minneapolis, HN 554BO Economist
CoreStates Financial Corp
Frederick S. Breineyer Broad & Chestnut Streets
Vice President & Chief Econoalst Philadelphia, PA 19101-7618
State Street Bank & Trust Company
225 Franklin Street M-7 David Lereth
Boston, MA 02110 First Vice President
Sovran Bank, N.A.
Robert H. Chandross Sovran Center, 3rd Floor Pavilion
Vice President & Chief Economist/ 12th & Hain Streets
North American Head Office Richmond, VA 23219
Lloyds Bank PLC
199 Water Street. 9th Floor David L. Llttmann
New York, NY 10038 Vice President & Senior Economist
Manufacturers National Bank
Frederick W. Deming Post Office Box 659
Senior Vice President Detroit, HI 48231
Chemical Bank
277 Park Avenue
Neu York, NY 10172
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Nomn Robertson
Senior Vice Prealdent & Chief Econoalit
Mellon Bank, N.A.
5222 One Mellon ftuik Center
rituburgh. PA 15258
D*nlil T. V«n Dyke
Vice Precidant & Senior Econealet
DeparmenC *301S
Bank of A*erlc«. H.T. & S.A.
Feet Office Box 37000
San Fruiciico. U 94137
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TESTIMONY
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
MICHAEL W. KERAN
VICE PRESIDENT AND
CHIEF ECONOMIST
THE PRUDENTIAL INSURANCE COMPANY OF AMERICA
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 17, 1988
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TESTIMONY BEFORE
HOUSE BANKING mHMITTEE/SUBCOHHITTEE ON MONETARY POLICY
Mr. Chairman, thank you for inviting me to appear before your committee. I
participated in monetary policy staff work within the Federal Reserve for 19
years (Including 10 years attending FOMC meetings). For the last 3 1/2 years I
have observed monetary policy from the outside. I am pleased to share this
combined 22 years of experience with you and Congress. Hy written testimony
Includes a background paper with a more detailed discussion of my views than is
possible in the 15 minutes I will talk this morning.
In your letter of invitation you asked four questions. I would like to
answer those questions within a broader framework that I use for thinking about
monetary policy.
It is useful to distinguish two aspects of monetary policy -- strategy and
engineering. By monetary strategy I mean an evaluation of the goals of monetary
policy. By monetary engineering I mean how effective is the Federal Reserve In
Implementing these goals.
Monetary Strategy
Economists do not typically spend much time thinking about monetary strate-
gy. The tools of the economist are not designed to provide Insights In this
subjective area. The goals of policy have been set by law in the Employment Act
of 1946 and by the "Humphrey/Hawkins* Act of 1978 of which this hearing is part.
However, these laws represent a Congressional wish list.
-- Stimulate economic growth.
-- Stabilize the price level.
-- Promote balance 1n international trade and, more recently, a stable
exchange rate.
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Because Congress has not set legislated priorities, the Fed, in effect has
considerable discretion in deciding which of these desirable goals will be
treated as dominant when there is a conflict between goals.
To the best of my knowledge, there is no document which states how the Fed
prioritizes these goals. However, I believe that the Fed has revealed its
priorities by its actions. I see the Federal Reserve as having the following
priorities.
Domestic goals dominate international goals. The last time the Fed allowed
an international goal to dominate a domestic goal was in September-October
1931 (over 56 years ago) when the British left the gold standard. The
Federal Reserve tightened monetary policy dramatically by raising the
discount rate in two steps from 1.5% to 3.5% in an attempt to prevent an
outflow of funds to the United Kingdom. That episode contributed to
turning a serious recession into "The Great Depression". The Fed has never
again let International goals interfere with domestic goals.
The Fed has changed its domestic goals in recent years.
Before Volcker, the Fed's domestic goal appeared to be maximum real growth
as long as the inflation rate stayed below some politically intolerable
level.
The Fed's domestic goal, under Volcker and his successor, Greenspan,
appears to be to minimize the inflation rate subject to avoiding a reces-
sion.
If you accept this, we can then prioritize the Federal Reserve's monetary
goals as follows:
(1} Minimize inflation.
(2) Avoid recession.
(3) Stabilize the exchange rate.
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With this perspective we can answer two of the questions posed in your
letter.
Was stabilizing the dollar a major goal In 1987?
Is International coordination of monetary policy desirable?
My reading of Fed behavior suggests that International objectives of
stabilizing the dollar and international coordination were not significant
factors in 1987.
Let me give some examples.
April 1987. The dollar fell 10! against the Japanese yen. (Chart 1) The
Fed responded with a very modest tightening In monetary policy. (Chart 2}
The Fed funds rate was raised 30 basis points from the average In March to
the average In April. However, the Treasury bill rate was largely un-
changed which Is Indirect evidence that the financial market did not take
the rise in the funds rates as a serious/permanent change in policy. That
is, the slippage between the funds rate, which the Fed controls, and the
three-month Treasury bill rate, which the Fed wishes to influence, was in
line with past experience. Why was the Fed's apparent tightening taken so
lightly by the financial market? I'd argue it was because the economic
data at the time suggested that the economy was relatively weak. Industri-
al production had increased less than 4% at an annual rate In the previous
six months (Chart 3). The markets believed the Fed was not going to
tighten monetary policy substantially because It did not want to risk a
recession. The domestic priority of avoiding recession superseded the
International goal of stabilizing the dollar.
August-September 1987. The dollar declined only 5% against the yen.
Nevertheless, the Fed tightened monetary policy more significantly and
publicly than In April. It raised the discount rate by one-half percent In
early September and allowed the funds rate to rise by 60 basis points
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ntL tut urn ITU/I aaui&t un
CHART 1
6.60-1 rl60
6.60-
rl50
6.40-
620 •
-140
6.00-
5.80-
-130
5.60-
<HFI
5.40-1
4 6 12 4 62
MAR WAY JUL SEP NOV JAN WAR
19B8
CHART 2
| i in..iii
4 61 2 4 62
MAR WAY JUL SEP NOV JAN MAR
•J <*£L WVNK AVUUE OF J^fflmn T. I ILL UK 19QB
CHART 3
6.40-.
6.20-
6.00-
• 6
5.80-
5.60-
5.40-
5.20-
5.00-
OCT JAN APR JUL QCT JAN
1986 1987 19BB
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between July and September. The fact that the Treasury bill rate rose in
parallel fashion suggests that the financial market treated this episode as
one when the Fed was serious about tightening monetary policy. Why was the
Fed more credible in this episode? Because the incoming economic data
suggested the economy was getting stronger. First half real GNP was known
to have increased by 3.5% and the incoming data on industrial production
and employment suggested that second half real GNP would be even stronger.
(He now know that real GNP in the second half of the year grew at 4.5%
rate.) The Fed was prepared to tighten policy to prevent future Inflation
because it was reasonably confident such action would not risk a recession.
October-November 1987. The stock market crash was matched with a 15% fall
in the dollar/yen exchange rate (Chart 1). But, because the perceived
risks of a recession had increased, the Fed immediately responded with a
substantial easing of monetary policy and an announcement of its classic
lender of last resort role. The Fed funds rate fell 1.0% and the Treasury
bill rate fell by 1.1X between the first two weeks in October and the first
two weeks in November.
What the 1987 experience shows 1s:
(1) The Fed will work to achieve International goals only when they are consis-
tent with domestic goals. It will abandon International goals when they
are perceived to be inconsistent with domestic goals.
(2) The Fed will take anti-Inflation actions, even if current Inflation is not
moving up, if it can do so without risking a recession.
I believe this set of priorities is quite appropriate.
Honetarv Engineering
The other domain of monetary policy has to do with the Fed's implementation
of Its goals. For lack of a better term, I call this monetary engineering.
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The Internal engineering side of monetary policy is handled very capably by
the Federal Reserve Staff. When the policy directive comes from the FOMC, it is
faithfully and accurately executed by the New York Trading desk. What Annie
Oakley was to target shooting, the Federal Reserve staff is to hitting an
interest rate target. The Federal Reserve staff is so good that it can hit a
Federal funds target with one arm tied behind its back, looking at the target
through a mirror.
The major problems of implementing policy occurs in what I call external
engineering. How does a change in the funds rate, the Treasury bill rate (or in
a different policy regime -- the money supply) affect GNP and inflation?
Answering this external engineering guestion reguires a macroecononic theory
which describes the behavior of the public. The Fed has no special insights on
this issue. It must rely on the economic profession, in general, and academic
economists in particular (including academic economists within the Federal
Reserve Staff).
At the moment there is a major disarray in macroeconomic theory.
Keynesian theory largely lost its credibility in the 1970's.
Monetarist theory largely lost Us credibility in the 1980's.
There has been no other empirically supported theory which has come to
prominence within the economics profession to fill the void. Many researchers
are working to fill this gap. (I have developed my own model which attempts to
fill the external engineering gap. A summary version of that model is included
in the background version of this testimony.)
In this environment, the Fed needs some proxy or leading indicator which
may or may not be well grounded in economic theory.
I believe the Fed looks at nominal GNP as the single most comprehensive
measure of its domestic pol icy goal s. On the basi s of the Fed's
Humphrey-Hawkins presentation on February 23, it seems to want nominal GNP
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growth of approximately 6%. How does one arrive at that number? If you assume
that the potential rate of growth of the economy (year tn and year out) Is
between 2.5% and 3%, then real GNP cannot exceed that on average. Inflation
(measured by the GNP price deflator which excludes Imported inflation) has
recently been In the range of 3% to 3.5%. The sum of the potential GNP growth
plus the recent average rate of Inflation Implies nominal GNP growth of about
6%. This Is also consistent with the Administration's forecast for 1988.
Treating this as a Fed target, I would expect the Fed to operate on the
following rule.
If nominal GNP grows 1n excess of, say 7%, tighten monetary policy so as to
prevent inflation from systematically rising above the 3% to 3.5% range.
If GNP grows less than 5*, ease Bonetary policy to avoid a recession.
The problem with this approach Is that GNP responds to changes In monetary
policy with a six to nine month lag. It would be desirable to shorten that lag.
In that spirit the Fed Js probably looking for other Indicators of the direction
of the economy. It 1s In that spirit I believe that one might look at the yield
curve, comodlty prices or the exchange rate.1
There Is some weak evidence that the yield curve Is a leading Indicator of
changes 1n real GNP. (See Chart 4.) A positive yield curve suggests easy
monetary policy and rapid GNP growth. A negative yield curve suggests tight
monetary policy and weak or falling GNP.
Prices of sensitive commodities are a leading Indicator of future Inflation
and of changes 1n Industrial production. Chart 5 shows that conmodlty prices
do lead the general Inflation rate; but, ft may also be a false signal. Just as
*See address by Hanuel H. Johnson, "Current Perspectives on Monetary
Policy" delivered at the CATO Conference, February 25, 1988.
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CHART 1
YE«/t
6.80-. -160
6.60-
-150
6.40-
6.20-
-140
6.00-
5.80-
-130
5.60-
5.40- L120
4 61 2 4 is ™
MAR MAY JUL SEP NOV JAN MAR
1988
CHART 2
FEU FlfflDS MTE <K. I-umB TOS1BV Ulr ULTT
4 61 2 4 62
MAR MAY JUL SEP NOV JAN MAR
•s KEK ravine AVERAGE OF j-raTH T. »ru UTE 198B
CHART 3
-10
77 7B 79 80 81 82 83 64 85 66 67 68
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CHART 4
-5.0J I--10
77 78 79 BO 81 82 83 84 95 86 87
CHART 5
70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87
CTMITT HUB at CHART 6
-60J --2Q
70 72 74 76 78 60 82 86 88
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the stock market has forecast nine of the last six recessions, comnodity prices
have forecast five of the last two surges of Inflation. Commodity prices,
however, may be a better Indication of the strength of aggregate demand and do
track changes In industrial production aore accurately (Chart 6).
Finally, changes In the exchange value of the dollar through Its effects on
the price of Internationally traded goods can be a major leading indicator of
future inflation. The statistical association is not that strong but when
combined with other indicators such as comnodity prices, it may do a better job
of forecasting future inflation.
I am now In a position to answer the other questions In your invitation
letter.
Are the monetary aggregate targets for 1988 appropriate?
Will rapid Ml money growth In 1985-1986 suggest future inflation and will
slow money growth 1n 1987 suggest future recession?
Are there other indicators of monetary policy, interest rates, commodity
prices, GNP?
Hy answer would be that the monetary aggregates, be they HI, H2 or M3, are
not a useful guide to monetary policy and the economy at this time. I say that
even though I have been a charter member of the monetarist club for the last 25
years.
The Fed has correctly abandoned targets for HI. The announced target
ranges for M2 and H3 are not particularly relevant because I do not believe they
will "bind" the Federal Reserve to take any actions simply because their growth
rate is outside of the ranges.
Given the disarray in ucroeconoalcs it 1s not possible to know how a
particular change in monetary aggregates or the fund rate will affect the
economy. It Is quite appropriate, in this case, for the Fed to focus on nominal
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GNP as a guide to policy and on the yield curve, conmodity prices and the
exchange rate as leading indicators of what happens to real GNP and Inflation.
Conclusion
Hy bottom line Is that the Fed conducted monetary policy with considerable
skill In 1987. With the benefit of hindsight we might say that the Fed was
unduly tight In August and September given what happened in the stock market in
October. However, if real GNP grows at the 3% rate that I am forecasting in the
first half of 1968, then six months from now, with the benefit of even more
hindsight, we might say that the Fed's actions in 1987 were exactly correct.
Monetary policy 1s clearly an art. Attempts to make monetary policy a
science have taken a major step backward in recent years because of the disarray
In macroeconomlc theory. Until there Is a reasonably robust macroeconomic
theory which is well supported by the data, It will be difficult for monetary
policy to be any different fron what It Is now.
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BACKGROUND ANALYSIS: THE THREE DIHENSIONS OF MONETARY POLICY
Monetary policy 1s a complex and confusing topic. The reason Is that there are
different ways to approach It. It is analogous to the story of the seven blind
men who were asked to describe an elephant. Each has a piece of the reality but
none sees the big picture.
To comprehend this monetary "elephant" one must examine its three components.
(1) Internal engineering. This is largely the domain of the Federal Reserve's
staff as they attempt to link up the tools of monetary policy with the
ability of the Fed to control the market for bank reserves. The quality of
the Internal engineering determines the degree of precision in controlling
the price of bank reserves (the federal funds rate).
(2) External engineering or the link between monetary policy and the economy.
This Is the domain of the academic economists who study the relationship
between changes In Interest rates or the money supply and the effect on the
wider economy. How does monetary policy affect the business cycle in the
short run and Inflation In the long run?
(3) The grand strategy for intentions) of monetary policy.
-- Should policy be directed to maximizing real growth subject to keeping
Inflation at or below some politically acceptable level?
-- Should monetary policy be designed to minimize Inflation subject to
avoiding a recession?
Confusion About MonetarLPoTlcv Cones In Mixing UP These Three Elements.
Street Fedwatchers typically understand and analyze the internal
engineering issues. They rarely understand or analyze the external engi-
neering Issues.
The chairman and the staff of the Federal Reserve know the Internal engi-
neering. However, there 1s no guarantee that they know or understand the
external engineering.
Economists outside of the Fed system don't necessarily know the internal
engineering but they may understand the external engineering as well or
better than the Federal Reserve staff.
The disarray in macroeconomics comes froa a breakdown In the external
engineering. As a result, 'non-theoretic* leading indicators are being
widely used.
Congress Is primarily interested In grand strategy but because the Fed Is
vague on this Issue, Congress tries to pin the Federal Reserve down on the
engineering Issues.
I will attempt to sort out these three segments 1n more detail here than Is
possible in the testimony.
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Internal Engineering of Monetary Policy
The Federal Reserve has three major tools in its monetary policy arsenal --
reserve requirements, open-market operations and the discount rate. These can
be used to control the market for the reserves of financial Institutions which
issue checkable deposits. For convenience, we will refer to all such institu-
tions as "banks". The modeling of the "market" for bank reserves is the inter-
nal engineering side of monetary policy.
Supply and Demand: We can define the market for the reserves of the banking
system in terms of both supply and demand. From the_demand perspective. 99% of
reserves are required to be held as a fixed percentage against checkable
deposits. The Fed can change the bank's demand for reserves by changing re-
quired reserves.
In Figure I, we show that the
demand for reserves rises as
interest rates fall. The reason is -
that the public demand for check-
able deposits rises with a fall in FIGURE 1
interest rates so the derived Market For Bank Reserves
demand by banks to hold required Fed Fundi Rale
reserves must also rise.
From the supply side, the banking
system can^ only acquire reserves
from the Federal Reserve -- either
borrowing or buying reserves. The
banks can borrow reserves from the
Fed by paying the discount rate.
Alternatively, the banks can buy
reserves by selling Treasury
securities when the Federal Reserve
is engaged in open-market opera-
tions. From the Federal Reserve's
perspective, the latter is called
"non-borrowed reserves".
Non-borrowed reserves represent by
far the 1 argest share of the
reserve supply. It is the ability Ul
of the open-market operations to ^^^^^^™«^^^-^^^^^^^™^—^^—
control the level of non-borrowed
reserves which makes it the primary
instrument of Fed policy.
In Figure 1, the two components of reserve supply are depicted. Non-borrowed
reserves (NBR) will be invariant to the interest rate because they are deter-
mined by open-market operations of the Fed. In principle, these open-market
operations can be conducted at any level of interest rates. Borrowed reserves
(BR) will be a significant share of reserve supply when the interest rate on
bank reserves, the federal funds rate, is above the discount rate (DR). As the
funds rate moves above the discount rate, the supply of reserves will rise
because the incentive of banks to borrow reserves increases. The supply
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function becomes progressively less elastic the more reserves banks borrow from
the Fed. This reluctance to borrow is based on active Fed discouragement of
large extended borrowings as well as a tradition among bankers that large
borrowings from the Fed is a sign of poor management. The intersection of the
supply and demand for reserves will determine the price of reserves (FFj) and
the quantity of the total reserves In the banking system (Qj).
The Federal Reserve is technically capable of controlling the market for bank
reserves over a two-week "control" period. The quality of that control is
dependent on the quality of the internal engineering conducted by the Federal
Reserve staff. It Is fair to say that the Federal Reserve staff does a superb
job with internal engineering.
Except for direct participants, i.e. people who buy and sell overnight funds,
the federal funds rate Is not important for its own sake. Its importance has to
do with the effect on other short-term interest rates such as 90-day Treasury
bills. The Fed can have a strong, if indirect, influence on these longer dated
securities when the financial market perceives that the Fed is controlling the
funds rate. If the Fed is not attempting to control the funds rate, then there
will be little relation to T.Bills.
This Is illustrated in Chart 1.
Between October 1979 and October CHART 1
1982 the Federal Reserve focused
its monetary policy tools on FED FUNDS - TREASURY BILL
controlling bank reserves -- it did
not control the funds rate. In
this environment, there was only a
weak relat1onship between changes 4
In the funds rate and changes in
Treasury bills. However, In the 3
period before October 1979 and
after October 1982, when the Fed
was either directly or indirectly 2-
controlling the funds rate, there
was a close relation to Treasury 1-
bill rates.I
0-
When the funds rate is controlled,
then any change (over a four-week
-1-
period) can be Interpreted as a
change In Federal Reserve policy. 1977 1979 1981 1983 19B5 1987
iThe average monthly difference between the funds rate and Treasury bills
In the reserve control period was 200 basis points with a standard deviation of
100 basis points. The average monthly difference between the funds rate and
Treasury bills In the funds rate control period was 60 basis points with a
standard deviation of 30 basis points. The higher average funds rate is due to
the higher credit risk.
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This month's federal funds rate is a good forecaster of the funds rate three
months from now unless there is a reason to assume that the Fed is going to
change policy.2
There are two techniques that the Fed has employed to control the funds rate --
direct and indirect.
(1) Direct. The Fed can set a fed funds rate target and stand ready to buy and
sell to all qualified government security dealers at that rate. This was
the technique used before October 1979. In Figure 1 the supply function
would be represented by a horizontal line at the target funds rate.
(2) Indirect. It can set a target for bank borrowing from the Fed through the
discount window. The Fed can ensure that banks will borrow the targeted
amount by manipulating non-borrowed reserves of the banks via open market
operations. The larger the fraction of their reserve needs met by borrow-
ing from the Federal Reserve bank, the higher the federal funds rate. This
indirect technique has been used by the Fed since October 1982.
Chart 2 shows the history of the
relationship between borrowing and
the funds rate less the discount CHART 2
rate. For reasons discussed above,
TARGETING nORB01TEP_jlESEnvES Pel.
the higher the level of borrowing, (Quarterly) Points
the higher will be the funds rate 4.51
relative to the discount rate.
If the Fed wishes to tighten
monetary policy, it needs to raise
the federal funds rate. It can
accomplish this either by raising
the discount rate or by raising the
borrowing target. An Increase in
the discount rate will raise the
floor for the federal funds rate.
However, the discount rate is a
very public way of changing mone-
tary policy. If the Fed wishes to
J--1.5
tighten without making it public,
it can do so by simply raising its 79 81 83
borrowing target.
Applying the expectations theory of Interest rates, a 90-day rate will be
equal to the current 1-day rate and the expected 1-day rate for the next 89
days. When the Fed Is explicitly controlling the.1-day rate (the fed funds
rate), 1t sets up market expectations that the future rate will be close to
today's rate unless there Is a change in credit risk.
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External Engineering; Monetary Policies Effect on the Economy
In the previous section, we showed thit the Fed has both the tools and ability
to control either short-tern Interest rates or bank reserves (and the money
supply). However, the Fed cannot control both. It must make a choice.
If the Fed chooses to control the bank reserves and money supply. It must
have a good Idea of the public's dennd for money.
If the Fed controls short-tern Interest rates, It must have a good idea of
what rates would have been without Federal Reserve Intervention.
In contrast to Internal engineering, the Fed has no special advantage In evalu-
ating the behavior of the public -- external engineering. Yet this Is what Is
needed to understand how changes In short-tern rates or the money supply will
affect GUP and Inflation. Research on this subject conducted within the Federal
Reserve Is identical to that conducted in acadenlc Institutions.
Virtually, all of the external engineering research has been done with respect
to estimating the public's demand for real money balances. It 1s perhaps one of
the oust Intensely analyzed concepts In economics. Having a good idea of the
public's demand for money Is key to Interpreting the effects of changes In the
money supply on GNP.
If the supply of money rises 1n proportion with the demand for money, there
will be no effect on GNP.
If the money supply rises In excess of growth In the demand for money, that
will Increase GNP.
If the money supply Increases at a rate less than the demand for money,
that will depress GNP.
It was the long-standing stability In the denand for money combined with the
stable ratio of money to GNP (velocity • GNP/H1) that did so much to bring
monetarist economics to prominence.
The apparent breakdown In the demand for money combined with the large increased
variance In velocity has undermined the role of monetarism as a guide to policy.
This has been a serious blow to the use of the money supply, total reserves or
the monetary base, as a target for the Fed. It Is the major reason why the Fed
went back to targeting the federal funds rate. However, from an external
engineering perspective the funds rate has precisely the sane problems as money
supply.
High or Increasing short-term Interest rates do not necessarily Imply tight
monetary policy which might reduce the growth In GNP.
Low or falling short-term Interest rates do not necessarily Imply easy
monetary policy which might promote faster GNP growth.
Stable short-term Interest rates do not necessarily imply neutral monetary
policy which might lead to stable GNP growth.
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One cannot interpret changes In Interest rates without knowing what they would
have been without Federal Reserve intervention.
Little research has been done on this topic either inside or outside the Federal
Reserve because:
There is no widely accepted theory.
Data collection and analysis are complex.
Theoretical controversy. Keyneslan economists say that the interest rate is the
price of money and it will be determined by the supply and demand for money.
This Is called the liquidity preference theory. It has broken down as a guide
to forecasting for exactly the same reason that the monetarist approach has --
the Inability to model the supply and demand for money.
Monetarists argue that the Interest rate is the price of credit and is deter-
mined by the supply and demand for credit. Changes in the money market are only
one of several factors that can Influence the credit market. This 1s called the
loanable funds theory. Monetarists have been generally unsuccessful in convert-
ing the loanable funds theory into a quantifiable model. The data needed to
test this theory does not appear to be available. The data that is available,
primarily flow of funds data, has not worked.
In general, tte breakdown of the monetarist approach and the lack of a viable
and widely accepted Interest rate approach means that there is considerable
disarray In macroeconomics in general and in the external engineering aspects of
monetary policy in particular.
This disarray in macroeconomics has Induced most forecasters and policymakers to
look for leading indicators which are not necessarily closely tied to economic
theory but which history has shown to be reliable indicators of the future
course of the economy or Inflation.
An Experimental Loanable Funds Model
In 1985 I constructed an experimental loanable funds model. It has been used In
the Prudential to forecast the effects of monetary policy on GNP with consider-
able success. This model accurately forecast the slow (2ft) real GNP growth in
1986 and the faster (4%) real GNP growth In 1987. I briefly describe the model
here. A more detailed description of the model including empirical estimates 1s
available upon request from the author.
If the Fed is to effectively use an Interest-rate control procedure, two condi-
tions should be satisfied.
(1) Short-term Interest rates must be, in fact, a good measure of the true
opportunity costs of holding liquid balances.
(2) There must be some way of deciding whether a particular level of short-term
Interest rates represents tight or easy monetary policy.
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(2) There must be some way of deciding whether a particular level of short-term
Interest rates represents tight or easy monetary policy.
Deregulation: With respect to the first Issue, there were serious problems with
using Interest rates as a guide to monetary policy when Regulation Q constrained
the Interest rate paid on deposits of banks from the mld-1960's through the
mld-1970's. Market Interest rates rose on several occasions above Regulation Q
ceilings and banks lost funds to the unregulated market. This decline in
deposits led to a parallel decline In bank loans and a contraction in the
economy which was disproportionately large for the size of the Interest rate
rise. Dlsintermedlatlon had at least as big an Impact on the economy as the
rise in interest rates.
In Ouly 1978, banks were permitted to Issue deposits which paid Interest rates
which were reasonably close to market rates. This solved the dlsintermediation
problem and Interest rates became a good measure of the opportunity cost of
liquidity.
The Equilibrium Rate: We define the equilibrium as that rate of Interest which
Is consistent with real GNP growing at the rate of growth of the labor force.
Thus, parallel changes In actual and equilibrium interest rates would be associ-
ated with constant real GNP per worker. When the actual interest rate rises
above the equilibrium rate,
CHART 3
monetary policy would be considered TftEHsmt BIII 1STF
tight and therefore put downward
pressure on the growth of GNP.
When the actual Interest rate falls
below the equilibrium rate,
monetary policy would be considered
easy putting upward pressure on GNP
growth. (Chart 3) shows the
equilibrium Interest rate, as we
construct 1t, In comparison with
the actual Interest rate on 3-month
Treasury bills.
The equ111br1urn 1nterest rate 1 s
made up of the following.
(1) Short-run Inflation experfo- 1987
jlons. Changes In market
CHART 4
Interest rates associated with
changes In short-run Inflation
expectatIons do not change
real Interest rates and
therefore do not change the
real opportunity cost of funds
or real GNP growth.
(2) Equilibrium real Interest
(Chart 4) We have
Identified three factors which
could affect real Interest
1973 1976 1979 1982 19)5 19BB
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on real GNP. These are (1) budget deficits, (2) trade (or more generally,
current account) deficits and (3) the productivity of capital.
An Increase In budget deficits will Increase government credit demands and
therefore drive up real Interest rates without putting downward pressure on real
GNP. This is because the government credit demand Is matched by a government
demand for goods of equal magnitude and therefore 4s neutral with respect to
GNP.
Current account deficits play a similar role but In the opposite direction. The
current account deficit Increases the foreign supply of funds which would tend
to lower real Interest rates without Increasing GNP. The Increased foreign
credit supply will lower real interest rates sufficiently to offset the trade
deficit's depressing effect on GNP.
An increase In the productivity of capital will increase private credit demand.
There Is some rise in real Interest rates which is sufficient to offset the
positive effect on real GNP of a rise in productivity.
The equilibrium nominal rate Is the CHART 5
combination of these three effects
on real rates plus Inflation
expectations. (See Chart 5.) The THE EOUILIBRIIW MmML RATE
Importance of distinguishing
between actual and equilibrium 12 1
interest rates Is 111ustrated 1 n
Chart 3. The actual interest rate 10 -<
has been largely unchanged since
mid-1986. The equilibrium Interest
rate has moved such as to create
easy monetary policy from mid-1986 6-
to the present. This Is the reason
we forecast strong GNP growth In 4-
1987 and first half 1988. We
forecast a decline In the equilib- 2-
rium rate through mid-1989. This
Is the reason we have forecast a
50% probability of a recession In
1 MM.
1989.
1979 1981 1983 1985 19B7 1989
Grand Strategy of Monetary Pol lev
Host economic analyses focus on the engineering Issues and not on strategic
Issues. There are two reasons for this.
(1) Engineering Issues are more tractable from an analytical perspective and
therefore are within the appropriate domain of professional economists.
(2) It is widely believed that once the engineering Issues have been solved and
there Is good execution of monetary policy, the proper goals of policy are
so obvious as to be unnecessary for serious debate and analysis.
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I would argue that monetary strategy Is not obvious. Furthermore, the Federal
Reserve fundamentally changed Its monetary strategy in Hay 1983 under the
leadership of Chairman Volctcer. His successor, Alan Greenspan, appears to be
following the same strategy.
This change has had a profound Impact on both the short-run business cycle and
long-run inflation. To put the Issue In perspective, we will first describe the
strategy that existed prior to Hay 1983 and then the new strategy that has been
In place since then.
Monetary Strategy Before Hav 1983. In the past, the primary focus of monetary
strategy was to maximize the growth 1n real GNP over the business cycle. To
Implement this strategy, monetary policy was easy until the inflation rate
exceeded a politically tolerable level. Because it took some time for inflation
to respond to easy monetary policy, there were three to five years of easy money
before the rise in- the Inflation rate triggered tight monetary policy.
As the Inflation rate moved higher, the political constituency for
anti-Inflation action became larger -- and monetary policy grew tighter. It
would remain tight until the unemployment rate exceeded politically tolerable
levels. Because employment and unemployment respond relatively quickly to tight
monetary policy, It only lasted for a year or less before easy monetary policy
was renewed.
This monetary strategy worked reasonably well in the fifties and sixties. As
Illustrated In Chart 6, relatively long business cycle expansions were followed
by relatively short recessions. The inflation rate never exceeded 4.5S and
frequently fell to as low as 2%. The unemployment rate never exceeded 7% and
frequently was below 4ft. The sum of Inflation and unemployment (labelled the
misery Index) was relatively stable In the range of 5S to 8%.
CHART 6
INFLATION, UNEMPLOYMENT ind "HISEHY"
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The problem came In the seventies and early eighties when this monetary strategy
broke down. The Inflation rate rose above 10% on two occasions triggering a
sufficiently tight monetary policy which drove the unemployment rate close to
10%. The misery Index surged above 14X 1n the 1970 's and stayed there through
the early 1980's. Both Inflation and unemployment were higher than either
Keyneslan economic theory or historic experience would have previously consid-
ered possible.
There are two reasons frequently offered for the breakdown of this monetary
strategy.
First, supply-side shocks associated with the rise In the price of oil led to
simultaneously higher Inflation and lower real growth.
Second, the business cycle, worldwide, became more synchronous which magnified
the expansions and contractions In the domestic business cycle. In previous
decades, the rest of the world acted as a stabilizing influence on the develop-
ments in the United States.
Whatever the causes, the consequences clearly were sufficiently undesirable that
they called for a fundamental shift in strategy.
1983. The focus of monetary strategy currently Is to prevent infla-
tion from ever reaching politically intolerable levels, not simply to react to
inflation after it occurs. Hay 1983 is an important date because at that
month's policy meeting the Fed moved modestly toward restraint even though the
unemployment rate remained above 9%. There was no near-term risk of
reaccelerating Inflation and we were barely six months beyond the trough of the
worst recession in over forty years.
The Fed Implements this new monetary strategy in the following way: It allows
policy to be easy until nominal GNP growth exceeds some target level which
currently is about 7%. When this occurs, policy becomes tight until the nominal
GNP growth falls below some target level which currently U probably about 5%.
As the lag between changes in monetary policy and GNP is relatively short, about
six months, this new strategy implies more frequent periods of tight monetary
policy.
The goal of this strategy 1s to ensure that the cumulative growth in aggregate
demand, represented by the growth in nominal GNP, never reaches a level that
supports a systematic rise In inflation. By keeping inflation within political-
ly tolerable levels, the Fed has been able to avoid the Draconian tightening of
monetary policy such as occurred prior to the 1974-1975 and 1981-1982 reces-
sions. Therefore the risk of a major business cycle contraction has been
reduced. The success of this strategy is measured by the steady decline in the
misery Index from 15% in 1982 to 8% in 1986.
The emergence of lower and steadier Inflation in the range of 3% to 5% and a
less severe business cycle recession have been very positive developments.
Consumers have enjoyed t greater sense of confidence because of reduced
variability In Inflation and the steady decline in the unemployment rate.
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Business is able to make more credible long-run plans without the uncer-
tainty with regard to their future costs, prices or demand for their
product.
The bond market has responded to the lower and more stable rate of infla-
tion with a substantial decline in long-term interest rates.
The stock market is less concerned about the severity of business cycle
recession and this has been one important fact in the rise in the price
earnings ratios.
It is reasonable to expect the Fed to continue following this strategy now that
Paul Volcker, its author, is no longer in the position of authority. We are
optimistic on that score. This strategy will most likely be continued for two
reasons:
(1) The Federal Reserve's Governors as well as the professional staff under-
stand the advantages of this strategy and can be expected to train Alan
Greenspan in its virtues. However, if for any reason the new chairman
should stray from monetary virtue, he will probably be brought back to the
straight and narrow by the next factor.
(2) The bond market has an insti- CHART_7
tutional memory of the nega-
tive effects which inflation
has had on bond prices. It
continues to be concerned
about the Fed monetizing the
large structural deficits and
creati ng future i nf1 ation.
The bond market appears to
express that concern by
pricing down bonds and raising
long-term interest rates when
GNP growth accelerates and
conversely when GNP deceler-
ates. (See Chart 7.) This
happened in 1983 and 1984 when
strong growth In GNP was
matched by bond market con-
cerns about future inflation,
causing long rates to in-
crease. Those fears dissipat- 1981 19B3 1985 1997
ed in 1985 and 1986 when GNP SHP - U OTR. WV1N6 HVEMGE OF 5* GRWTH MIE.
decelerated and long rates
declined.
However, they have picked up since April 1987 when the unexpected strength in
nominal GNP renewed fears about future inflation. The stock market crash in
October 1987 has temporarily abated inflation concerns.
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DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
WASHINGTON
February 25, 1988
I enclose for your information a copy of a letter detailing
some research results I have been circulating for comment and
evaluation, which you requested. The enclosed letter has not
been cleared by any other Treasury official, ao it does not
represent a Treasury position on the usefulness of real monetary
aggregates as forecasting tools. I believe that it would be
premature for Treasury to consider taking such a position at this
time.
A3 you may know, the July 7th FOHC minutes report some
discussion of the potential usefulness of nominal H1A as a
forecasting tool in response to earlier research done in my
office and elsewhere. I have argued that this traditional
definition of the money stock retains some value while the
broadened HI definition fares poorly relative to M2. On the
other hand, Robert Laurent at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
is doing very interesting work using the spread between 20-year-
Treasury-bond and federal-funds yields as an indicator which
should not be subject to the influences of the major regulatory
changes in the early 1980s. It will reguire much further
research to sort out the relative usefulness of the various
indicators which seem to give different signals.
Sincerely yours.
Michael R. Darby
Assistant Secretary
for Economic Policy
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
House Banking Committee
Room 109, House Annex 2
Washington, P.C. 20515
Enclosure
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DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
WASHINGTON
January 21, 1988
I want to share with you some information I've been following
on the behavior of real monetary aggregates. AB you know, real M2
la a component of the leading indicators. But looking at real money
alone seems to give an earlier warning of business cycle turning
points than does the composite Index of leading indicators. In
addition, real money has been a quite accurate indicator of
substantial slowdowns as well as recessions.
Historically, a decline in real money has preceded the onset of
a downturn in the economy by about one year. Real money is derived
by dividing the money data by the consumer price index, normalized
on 1982. See the attached Table and Figures for details. The
analysis is not affected by substituting the PCE deflator for the
CPI. The CPI is chosen because it is available on a more timely
basis.
The latest decline in real money has been taking place for
about one year. If past relationships hold, tnls implies that
economic weakness. If it la to occur, probably will begin sometime
during the first quarter of 1988.
The sharpest decline in the present phase has been in real MIA
(-4.2lp.a.), followed by real Ml and real M2 (-1.7%, -1.1%). The
magnitude of the decline in real MIA is quite comparable to that for
the recessions of 1960, 1970, and 1974-75. The decline in real Ml
is much smaller than for past recessions, but this probably reflects
the changed definition and character of Ml since 1981. The decline
in K2 is comparable to that preceding the recession of I960, but
about one-half that of the recessions of 1970, 1974-75, and 1981-
82. I suspect that the behavior of M2 is also being buffered by the
payment of market related rates in contrast to its past behavior.
The real money supply data gave a "false" recession signal in
1966, but a correct signal for a slowdown in real growth. In the
second half of 1966, real MIA and real Ml fell, while real M2 was
approximately unchanged. In the first half of 1967 we had the so-
called mini-recession which was just mild enough to miss being
included in the NBER list as a recession. its abortive nature may
reflect the Ped's sudden move to ease in January 1967.
I would be moat interested in your views on thig information.
Sincerely yours,
Michael R. Darby
Assistant Secretary
for Economic Policy
President, Federal Reserve Bank
Attachments
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Business cycles (Yr: Mo.) Peak of Real* Monetary Aggregates
Tableau format:
# Months lead (%p.a. change to
business peak)
Peak MIA Ml M2
60:04 9 (- 3.7%) 9 (-3.7%) 8 (-0.0%)
69:12 11 (- 3.3%) 11 (-3.3%) 11 (-2.2%)
73:11 10 (- 4.2%) 10 (-4.2%) 10 (-2.8%)
80:01 16 (- 7.4%) 16 (-5.2%) 16 (-4.4%)
81:07 10 (-16.9%) 10 (-6.0%) 10 (-2.6%)
Recent real money peaks Duration % growth to 87:11
MlA 86:12 12 months - 4.2%
Ml 87:01 11 months - 1.7%
M2 87:01 11 months - 1.1%
* Deflated by Consumer Price Index
Notes for succeeding figures
P = Business cycle peak
T = Business cycle trough
* = Lead month for real monty turning point.
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REAL M1A
MtA/CPI
360
1959: 1 1963: 1 1967: 1 1971: 1 1975: 1 1979: 1 1983: 1 1987: 1
monthly: latest dote. 87:12
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REAL M1
Ml/CPI
650
1959: 1 1963: 1 1967: 1 1971: 1 1975: 1 1979: 1 1983: 1 1987: 1
monthly: latest dote. 87:12
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REAL M2
M2/CPI
2.5
2.4 -
2.3 -
2.2 -
2.1
2 -
104-2.1)1.)
t.9
1.8 -
1.7 -
I 1 (-?. 27.) to
CO
1.6 -
1.5 -
1.4
1.3 -
1.2 -
1.1 -
1 -
0.9
1959: 1 1963: 1 1967: 1 1971: 1 1975: 1 1979: 1 1983: 1 1987: 1
monthly: latest dote. 87:12
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A P P E N D IX
MARCH 24, 1988
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TESTIMONY
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
HOUSING COMMITTEE ON BANKING,
FINANCE, AND URBAN AFFAIRS
DELIVERED BY:
MARIA FIORINI RAMIREZ
MANAGING DIRECTOR
MONEY MARKET ECONOMIST
DREXEL BURNHAM LAMBERT INCORPORATED
MARCH 24, 1988
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Mr. Chairman, and members of the Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary
policy, my none is Maria Fiorini Ramirez, and I am Managing Director
and Honey Harket Economist at Drexel Burnham Lambert Incorporated. I
an pleased to be here today and to offer this committee my thoughts on
the appropriate course of monetary policy in 1988. Hy expertise is in
forecasting short term economic trends, interpreting news that affects
the markets, and providing investment advice to market participants.
Monetary policy is key to understanding the direction of the markets,
and it is also a crucial issue that requires a great deal of my time.
During the past several years, I have seen drastic changes in the
behavior of market participants. More specifically, the massive
quantity of new information and the market's volatility have created
an insatiable appetite for immediate analysis of data. This, in turn,
has been a major reason for wide gyrations in the markets.
Today, money managers around the world work around the clock and
anxiously await such data as employment or trade releases, whether
its 10:30PM in Tokyo or 2:30AM in Hawaii. Shifting billions of
dollars around the globe in response to a number that can be revised
drastically the following month is today's reality. Trying to
forecast kneeJerk reactions with an econometric model is impossible.
No model can predict how different investors with different investment
objectives will respond to various types of economic news. It is like
trying to put many pieces of a puzzle together that look very much
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alike in order to form a perfect picture of the economy in record
time. This is a monumental task. All we can do, in some cases, is
use our best judgement on how the narkets as a whole may interpret
economic, or other news, affecting them.
In looking at short term trends and trying to gauge the
direction of the markets. It is very important to know consensus
expectations. It helps to be a good listener, because absorbing
information is always more than looking back at history and attempting
to use it as a guide to the future. My testimony will touch upon the
Humphrey Hawkins Report, how monetary policy is currently perceived by
the markets, and what I believe the best course for monetary policy
may be for 1988.
The last few years have been difficult ones for those involved
on both sides of the markets. Those making policy have been led by
events that have sometimes been surprising. Those involved in the
markets have had a difficult time in interpreting and understanding
different developments. Monetary policy, I believe, has been on the
correct path, but there have always been some experts who contend that
it was going in the wrong direction. In retrospect, given the
complexity of international capital flows, the Imbalances in the
economies around the world, and the large trade flows with twin
deficits, the policies adhered to have been generally correct.
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Market participants are always quick to anticipate dramatic
shifts In policy by the Fed. Although, In the past, if the Fed had
changed policy as often as the markets had expected, it probably would
have created more instability in the economy and prices. Even though
there have been instances where monetary policy has been too slow to
respond to changes in the economy, the result was stability on the
inflation front during this decade. Before reaching a conclusion
about what I believe the current course of policy should be for this
year, it is appropriate first to discuss the money supply, which has
been the cornerstone of such policy in the past.
In the past, the money supply has served as a useful tool in
guiding monetary policy in the direction of balanced economic growth
and price stability. However, more recently, the relationship between
money and real economic activity has come unglued, causing market
participants to focus on other leading indicators of economic growth.
In part, this decoupling of money from real economic activity is due
to deregulation of the banking industry following the Monetary Control
Act of 1980. This legislation, among another things, caused a
shifting of deposits away from traditional time deposits into new
highly liquid interest bearing deposits, called "HOW" accounts. This
shifting of deposits eventually led to a redefinition of the Ml
monetary aggregate, as well as a refocusing of policy away from this
narrower measure to the broader aggregates of M2 and M3. Between 1903
and 1986, the monetary aggregates (Ml, H2, and M3) grew at a rapid
pace (an average annual rate of 11.0 percent, 10.0 percent, and 9.0
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135
percent, respectively), due to the easier Fed policy that prevailed as
of nid-1981. This faster noney growth was consistent with a pick-up
in economic activity. Between 1983 and 1986, real GNP grew at an
average annual rate of 4 percent.
AS of spring 1907, however, the growth of the monetary aggregates
slowed. For 1987 as a whole. Ml grew at an average annual rate of
11.5 percent, H2 at g.5 percent and H3 at 6.8 percent. Both H2 and M3
in 1987 grew slower than the average growth rates between 1983 and
1986. The slowdown in money growth in the spring of 1987 coincided
with the slightly more restrictive Monetary policy that was put in
place at that tiae.The tighter policy was due to building inflationary
expectations in the financial markets from the continued deterioration
of the U.S. dollar and the the lack of improvement in the U.S. trade
deficit. The Fed's move to tighten reserve availability temporarily
abated inflationary expectations. However, by August, the dollar once
again came under downward pressure and without Improvement in the
monthly trade data, price pressures accelerated. This eventually
caused the Fed to take a more overt tightening move by raising the
discount rate on September 4th.
During this period, interest rates continued to clinb and money
growth continued to slow. At least some of the slower growth was due
to the more restrictive monetary policy and correspondingly higher
interest rates. It was also due to the shifts in international
deposit flows resulting from the rapid dollar depreciation. I have
included some charts that show the inverse relationship between a
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weakening dollar and foreign money supply growth. In particular, the
charts on the following pages show the very rapid decline in the
$-Dmark from its peak in February, 1985 and the correspondingly rapid
growth in German central bank noney stock during this period. These
charts show that at least some of the weaker growth in the U.S.
monetary aggregates in 1987 was due to the unwillingness of foreigners
to hold dollar-denominated deposits in U.S. banks. This led to a
shifting of deposits from U.S. banks to foreign commercial banks. For
the most part, these deposits were the highly liquid transaction
deposits included in HI. This shifting of deposits became even more
rapid in the last two months of the year after a further deterioration
of the dollar, and HI grew at an annual rate of negative 5.6 percent
in November and negative 3.0 percent in December. This translated
into weaker growth for H2 and H3 during the sane period. Since the
beginning of 1988, growth in all three of the monetary aggregates has
bounced back quite nicely. It is no coincidence that this healthier
growth came in a period of relative dollar stability.
For 19BB, as stated in the Humphrey Hawkins testimony a month
ago, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOHC) has set somewhat lower
growth targets for H2 and H3 than those prevailing in 1987. The
growth bands for H2 and H3 have been lowered, from a range of 5 1/2 to
8 percent, to a range of 4 to 8 percent. In my opinion, the FOHC's
decision to lower the targets is appropriate for some of the same
reasons discussed by Chairman Greenspan in his testimony a month ago.
Among the reasons cited in the decision to lower the ranges was the
looser relationship between money and economic growth that I have just
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TRADE WEIGHTED DOLLAR
WEIGHTED NCEX AGAINST G-K) COUNTRES
Jan-65 Mty-85 Sw-85 Jan-66 May-86 Sap-66 Jan-67 May-87 SM-67 Jm-W
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discussed. The FOHC also decided to widen the growth bands to 4
percentage points from the more traditional 3 percentage points, in
light of the unusual degree of uncertainty about economic growth in
1988. Implied in the Fed's decision to ease was also an indication of
tightening. This is exactly the type of flexible approach to guiding
monetary policy that I discussed earlier, and that t feel the Fed
should be taking. The Fed is now focusing not only on the growth of
money in relation to the economy, but also on a broad range of
economic indicators. The Fed is using this information In its
decisions to adjust the instruments of monetary policy - reserve
availability and the discount rate - in response to deviations in
monetary growth from anticipated rates. By widening the target bands,
the Fed is allowing for the possibility of aberrant shifts in money
flows, which could occur in 1988, as they did in 1987.
Looking ahead to the rest of 1988, real economic growth will
determine whether M2 and H3 grow at the midpoint of the established
ranges, as the Fed expects. If real GNP in 1988 accelerates at the
2.5 percent pace that I expect, the targeted ranges for money growth
should be achieved. However, the "yet to be determined" impact on
the economy from the October 19th stock market decline remains a very
real consideration. As we are all veil aware, the stock market
collapse on October 19th wiped out $700 billion of wealth and about
one-third has been regained since then. The impact on consumer
behavior is difficult to measure, both because of the offsetting
interest rate decline that accompanied the crash, and the
concentration of equity holdings among a small proportion of the
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-9-
population. \& I mentioned in several of ay daily commentaries at the
time, the stock market decline had its greatest impact on those
investors who refused to take profits as the market was rising to
reach its peak in late August before faltering in September. In many
investors' minds, greed was the motivating factor behind the decision
to stay invested, and only when fear overcame greed on October 19th,
did investors change their Binds. However, it is clear that this
event ushered in a more cautious mood on the part of consumers, as
evidenced by the flight to liquidity that occurred immediately
following October 19th. Indeed, as recent mutual fund activity
indicates, there was a decisive shifting by individual investors from
equity funds to more liquid money market funds. In addition, total
assets under management in all mutual funds declined by $53 billion in
October. This mood should translate into more cautious borrowing and
spending propensities by consumers in the months ahead. The most
recent monthly economic data on personal income and consumption
indicate a marginal advance in consumer activity in the first quarter,
and the most recent data on retail sales and auto sales indicate
slightly faster growth for the second quarter. Additionally, the
latest report prepared by the St. Louis Fed for the March 29, 19BB
FOHC meeting, otherwise known as the Tan Book, states the following:
"Without exception, reports confirm a moderate expansion
of the nation's economy. Strength in the manufacturing
sector and continued moderate growth in employment are
sustaining the current expansion. Consumer spending,
which had provided much of the earlier stimulus to the
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economy, has continued to expand sluggishly. Auto sales,
however, improved and have risen strongly in some districts.
Construction activity remains mixed, while bank loan demand
is generally flat. Consumer lending has declined sharply in
keeping with the slower growth of consumer spending. The farm
sector outlook remains positive."
As for 1988, I believe the U.S. economy will continue to grow
through the sixth year of this expansion, although at a more moderate
pace than 1987. We anticipate real GHP to rise 2.5 percent in 1987.
In terms of the composition, as the following table shows, I
anticipate less of a build-up in inventories ($35 billion vs $42
billion) which would result in final sales (real GNP less changes in
inventory) rising 2.7 percent compared to the 2.1 percent recorded in
1987. With an estimated inprovenent of $17 billion in the net export
sector, we should see an economy that is driven by a positive
contribution from net exports. Domestic final sales (final sales
minus net exports) may advance 2.2 percent compared to 2.4 percent in
1987.
In summary, we did not expect U.S. consumers to change their
spending patterns, before or after October 19th, but it is natural
that the consumer will contribute less to economic growth as the
business cycle becomes more mature. The ongoing strength in
employment, income, and spending should result in a 1.7 percent
advance in consumer spending this year compared to 1.9 percent last
year. Services are likely to continue to lead the way with an
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1987 CMP HISTORY FORECASTS FOR 1988 GNP
4(.ll 14.11 2Q.11 30.11 48.11 1911 IS. 1* 2H.61 ».66 4U.11 1911 t
CHUG!
GIF 1111.5 1112.2 3T95.3 1135. t 1111.9 3110.1 3113 1906 1025 194S 1916 2.5
UOHTI IITI 4.4 2.4 4.) 4.4 1.0 1 9 1.1 2.0
CIJKI If MS. in. -14.4 47.1 39 !U 5S.7 42 0 K Ji M 4* Ji
IIIIL S1LIS 1K5.7 1114.6 3756. I 1111.3 1121.1 1776 4 1661 1811 31}! 1199 3111 2
GKWTl UII -1.1 1.4 S.I 1,0 4.4 0.1 1.2 0.1
in IIPQJTS -lil.l -IIS. I -112.1 -131. 4 -116,4 -I3S.T -121 -111 -125 -117 -119
DM. IIIIL SILIS 1H7.5 mil im,9 1949.7 19S7.7 1914.0 1964 391) 4012 4016 4000 1,1
GIHTI Hit -i.i 1 0 S.I 0.6 2.1 0,5 M 0.4
COISOI1B UPtniTOHS 2410.4 2416 24IT S 2121.7 2iOO 1 2496.3 2S17 2S11 2541 2555 2111 1 1
DIIIIBLIE 191 31S.1 385,* 406.9 164,1 161.1 381 111 115 162 315 -0.7
IOIDDUBIIS 110. 1 113.2 179 IIi.7 669 9 811.0 170 111 171 811 114 -0.1
SlilKIS 1241. 1 int. I 1221.1 I23U 1I4E.6 1231.2 m 1269 1261 1100 1211 1.8
HID imSTBHT C15.4 624.2 614,7 6S1.1 660.6 644.2 m 610 701 m 695 6.1
IMII5IDUTIIL 4U.2 42S 417,8 (63.1 463.3 441.1 (80 460 SOi SOI 493 10.1
STIDCTIHS 114.6 120.4 120,4 121.2 lil.S 124.2 !2i 125 110 110 121 2.6
IWIFKIT 311.6 305.6 317. i 336,6 m 4 323. S 15S 355 175 311 366 11.0
IISIIIIITIIL m.i III.! 196.6 191. i 1S1.3 196. 5 m 190 196 192 192 -2.1
eomniiT 11 1. 1 75!, f 766.7 171.7 19E.3 113.6 191 762 770 162 111 0.5
flllUL 344.6 12T.1 112.6 11E.1 3SS.2 331.9 346 147 345 HI 344 1.1
STitl iK LOCil 411,1 02.1 414.) 41U 441.1 431. 1 4M 415 425 424 434 -o.s
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-12-
expected advance of 3.8 percent. He do foresee a healthy refurbishing
of industries and the need for new equipment, which may result in a
12.6 percent rise in equipment outlays. Finally, government spending
should remain essentially flat. In »o far as the housing sector is
concerned, I doubt there is much pent up demand that will be
accommodated at this current level of mortgage rates. Housing,
therefore,' will continue to be a drag on GNP.
In the months ahead, should the economy's pace exceed the 2.5
percent pace we foresee, it could lead to some revival of inflationary
fears in the financial markets. Right now, the latest monthly data on
inflation show modest inflationary pressures. While consumer prices
may continue to average roughly 4.5 percent in 1988, there are some
price pressures developing on the producer level. This should be a
reason for caution in the months ahead. In particular, there have
been steady increases in the prices of capital equipment, as well as
raw materials used in durable and nondurable manufacturing. In my
opinion, these price pressures may be developing because of some
capacity constraints in those industries where export growth has
picked up in the past several months. Should these price pressures
translate into higher than expected consumer prices or a heating up of
inflationary expectations in the financial markets, then, if other
conditions warrant It, the Fed would most likely respond with a
tightening of reserve conditions. Such a posture in limiting upward
pressure on inflation could be received in a positive way, because
bond markets generally respond favorably to a slightly firmer monetary
policy with an expanding economy. This does not necessarily portend
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another increase in the discount rate. Rather, a tightening of
reserve availability, through higher discount window borrowings, night
occur. At present, the Fed is targeting a "frictional" level of
these borrowings, somewhere around the $J50-$200 million level per
day. A tightening nay consist of a neve to the $400 or $500 Billion
per day. Indeed, this is exactly how the Fed responded to higher
inflationary expectations last spring, when It first raised the
targeted level of borrowings, and ultimately the discount rate in
September.
After the stock market collapse in October, the Fed temporarily
suspended this conventional operating procedure of targeting borrowed
reserves, as it moved to provide excess liquidity to the banking
system during a period of uncertainty. At this time, the borrowing
target was abandoned, and instead, the Fed concentrated on providing
stability to the markets by targeting a certain level of short-term
interest rates. This level was around a 6 3/4 percent fed funds rate.
In early January of this year, the Fed returned to targeting borrowed
reserves. However, the low level of borrowings that the Fed is
currently targeting has had a destabilizing effect on the fed funds
rate due to the nature of the borrowings target-feds funds
relationship.
If 1 may digress for just a few moments to expand on this point.
At the end of 1962, the Fed moved away from a rigorous non-borrowed
reserves target tied to the growth in HI, to a borrowed reserves
system. In brief, this system Is designed to produce a certain
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average spread between the fed funds and the discount rate by
attempting to force a predetermined amount of borrowing at the
discount window. Operationally, the Fed estimates the level of
reserve demand, then tries to supply enough reserves through open
market operations to satisfy that demand, less a certain amount that
banks are forced to borrow at the discount window, only when the
spread between the fed funds rate and the discount rate widens beyond
what the market perceives as an acceptable range, are banks induced to
borrow at the discount window. In this way, the relationship between
borrowings and the fed funds rate allows the Fed to use its initial
borrowings assumption to regulate short-tern movements in overnight
rates. However, the system is flexible enough that there is still a
certain amount of leeway in the fed funds-borrowings relationship.
Host recently, the spread between the fed funds rate and the
discount rate has narrowed from 3/4 of a point to 1/2 a point, while
the Fed's borrowing target most likely remained unchanged at $200
million. This is the "small easing step" that Chairman Greenspan
referred to in his testimony. It is the fairly loose relationship
which exits between borrowings and fed funds rate which permitted the
Fed to call the downdrift in the fed funds rate an "easing" even
though there probably was no formal lowering of the borrowing target.
Looking ahead, if the fed were to tighten policy in the next several
months, it would do so first by allowing the fed funds rate to drift
upward toward the 6 3/4 percent level, then by formally raising the
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borrowing target to the $300, $400 or $500 Billion per day level
depending on the degree of tightening. For each $100 million increase
in borrowing there would correspondingly be an increase of roughly
three-eighths of a point in the fed funds rate.
With regard to the concerns about the dollar, and whether the
Fed's policy was appropriate in 1987, I offer these comments. First
of all, it was my contention in September 1965 that the G-5 "Plaza
Accord" to push the dollar lower nay not result in the quick
improvement that was generally expected in the net export balance, for
the simple reason that there vas at least 20 percent fluff at the peak
of the dollar. Second, as I recall, at that time, and through most of
1987, a dollar bashing policy had been advocated by the U.S. Treasury,
and the Fed was alone in trying to stabilize what at times was a free
fall in the dollar and very disorderly markets. The "Japan" or
"Germany" bashings and outspoken statements by some U.S. officials to
stimulate domestic growth through monetary easing overseas has
achieved the opposite of its intended result. Japan'e economy is now
growing at an & percent pace, and it has very well adjusted to a
dollar that is 50 percent lower than 3 years ago. I would suspect a
weaker dollar could make that economy even stronger domestically. In
the UK, the economy has rebounded strongly. What was regarded as the
"sick nan of Europe" in the 1970'a is now a thriving industrial
economy. After a softer performance last year, the Germany economy
has improved also. Not only have central bankers tolerated stronger
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than targeted monetary growth, but they also eased monetary policy in
the spirit of stabilizing the dollar. This came at a cost of about
$120 billion in dollar support operations by the major central banks
outside the U.S. The cost to the Fed was less than $10 billion. In
effect, the dollar stabilized only at the point when the Fed and the
Treasury intervened at the end of 19B7. In the 3 months ending
January 31, 1988, such intervention was $4 billion.
I believe that such intervention was effective in turning around
the bearish sentiment toward the dollar and preventing a useless free
fall. U.S. goods will be produced for export if they are not only
cheaper but also of higher in quality than those produced elsewhere.
The weaker dollar has merely put U.S. real assets up for sale at a 50
percent discount from their value of 2 years ago. Concern that we
need to have higher interest rates to attract capital flows to finance
the U.S. budget deficit, and concern about the consumer consumption
binge are both overdone. Last year, overseas private investors were
net sellers of U.S. Treasury debt, and as I Mentioned the capital
inflows to finance the budget deficit were from central banks.
Private investors' capital inflow started moving into real assets 2
years ago. That trend has accelerated dramatically in the last three
months as the dollar's stability has made such investments easier to
justify.
Dollar stability should be one of the many important objectives
for monetary policy this year. While monetary policy may be
coordinated in the general spirit of the Louvre Accord, it will become
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148
increasingly difficult for other central bankers to be as
accommodative as they have been in their support for dollar
stability. Domestic Monetary policy will have to be increasingly
sensitive to price pressures - both domestic and imported. To this
extent, I believe that stability in the dollar at the current levels,
plus or minus 5 percent in 1986, vill allow more independence to the
Fed in carrying out monetary policy in 1988 than it did in 1987.
There is no perfect and constant tool that the Fed can use as a
guide in directing monetary policy. At best, it can monitor several
indicators that either confirm what has happened in the past, explain
what is currently taking place, or give ue an indication of the
direction or sentiment for the future. Because the tools and measures
are constantly changing, the Fed has to be flexible and open-minded to
change with it. Therefore, I believe that the larger the basket of
these measures is, the more "in tune" the Fed will be with all
possible developments. This will better the chance that the course of
monetary policy will not be led astray.
Understanding the dynamic interplay of market forces has become
more difficult and complex than ever before. Yet as the markets widen
and their pace accelerates, the ability to analyze and interpret
change accurately is becoming increasingly critical to issuers and
Investors. As the markets have expanded to incorporate a variety of
new securities and derivative products, it has sometimes become
difficult for investors, market and policy maKers to keep themselves a
step ahead in anticipating the impact of the nore complex markets.
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Complex trading and hedging strategies have not always been
successful, but they have affected the value of securities. The
traditional debt markets now co-exist with a multitude of synthetic
products that have basically been derived from treasuries, corporate,
municipal, and mortgage backed instruments. A great variety of
investments have also been developed in the equity market. When these
complexities are looked at from a global viewpoint, it is virtually
impossible to be so narrow minded as to use only one variable in
conducting monetary policy. As I have discussed earlier, I trust that
not only the Fed, but also the majority of members in Congress, will
vote for the type of restraints that closely balance both anti-
inflationary and pro-growth monetary policy.
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Drexel Burnham Lambert
Drexel Burnham Lambert Incorporated
60 Broad Street
New York, NY 10004-2367
212 480-6000
AMONG THE SOURCES FOR THESE CHARTS WERE THE FOLLOWING:
Bureau of Labor Statistics
Bureau of the Census
Bureau of Economic Analysis
Federal Reserve Board Bulletins
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I
•
I
" P!
I i
8 -i.
I S
4. i 6 i i 6
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M-1 MONTHLY GROWTH RATES
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED chart 2
J*v85 May-flS S*p-65 JM-66 Jm-68
M-1 MONTHLY MONEY SUPPLY
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED
Nov-85 Mar-86 Jul-86 Nov-66 Mat-B7
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M-2 MONTHLY GROWTH RATES
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED CHART 3
Jan-flS May-85 Snp-BS Jin-86 May-86 Sap-86 Jan-87 May-87 Sep-67 Jan-SB
M-2 MONTHLY MONEY SUPPLY
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED
S3.200
S3.100
S2.500
Nov-85 Mat-86 Jul-86 Nov-66 Mar-87 Jul-87 Nov-B7 Mar-88 Jul-3Q Nov-BB
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M-3 MONTHLY GROWTH RATES
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED chart
s*p-as JW-BG M*-66 s»p-eG j*n-ae
y
M-3 MONTHLY MONEY SUPPLY
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED
M.OOO
S3.9CX) -j
13.800 H
i
S3.700 -
S3.600 -
S3.SOO -
S3.4OO ~
i
S3.300 -
$3.200 -^ •'
S3.1OO
Nov-BS Mar-86 Jd-BB Nov-86 M«r-fl7 JuH-97 Nov-67 Mar-88 JuhBB Nov-66
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REAL GNP
ANNUAL RATE OF GROWTH
1980 1981 1932 1963 3984 1965 1986 1987 1988
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CHANGE H TOTAL NOTA RM PATHOUS
CHANGE M SERVtCE PROOUCtta PAYROLLS CHANGE H GOODS PROOUCHG PAIROliS
M"H
JH-W1 J—-» Jn-K Jv-U Jui-H JntS Jm-»
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INDEX OF LEADING INDICATORS
MONTH.Y SMCE JANUARY 880
200
190 -
180
170 -
160 -
150 -
140
130 -
120
Jan-aO Jan-61 Jan-62 Jan-ft3 Jan-84 Jan-65 Jan-66 Jan-B7 Jan-88
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CHANGE IN TOTAL NONFARM PA TROLLS
KMTH.T JHCf BHS
II
CHANGE IN SERVICE PRODUCING PATROLLS CHAMGE H GOODS PRODUCING PATROILS
bONITir 5"tCE 4U±
Ilil
Jm<-te M-K j^-ar JII-
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CONSUMER CONFIDENCE
11 -
10 -
9 -
I
to
If}
I 8
7 -
6 -
5 -
UNEMPLOYMENT RATE
Jan-60 Jtn-81 JMn-82 Jan-83 J*n-84 Jan-85 Jan-86 Jan-B7
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MUTUAL FUNDS INDUSTRY
NET ASSETS UNDER MANAGEMENT CHART 10
Mar-87 May-8T Jul-07 Sep-87 Nov-87
^H TOTAL EQUITY
MUTUAL FUNDS INDUSTRY
NET ASSETS UNDER MANAGEMENT
1290
Jan-fl7 Mar-87 May-87 Jul-B7 Scp-B7 Nov-87 Jan-Bfl
^H TOTAL SHORT-TERM
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REAL PERSONAL CONSUMPTION EXPENDITURE
VB REAL PERSONAL NCOME
Jtn-&5 Miy-86 Sflp-85 Jarv-86 May-86 Sep-86 Jan-87 Mty-87 Sep-87
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U.S. HOUSING STARTS
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED ANNUAL RATES
2.0
1.9 •
1.8 -
1.7 -
L6 -
15 -
14 -
13 -| I
Jan-B5 JuT-85 Jan-B6 Jul-86 Jan-87 Jd-87 Jan-86
^M MONTHll SINCE 1/85
HOUSING STARTS
QUARTERLY AVERAGE AT ANNUAL RATE
2-2 -
2,0 -
16
1.4
L2 H
1.0
0.8
0.6 H
0.4
0.2 -
0.0 -
10.78 1079 10.60 IO.6I 1O.82 10.63 1O.84 10.85 10.86 10.87
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TEN-DAY AUTO SALES
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED ANNUAL RATES
CHART 13
EARLY JAN 65 EARLY JAN 86 EARLY JAN B7 EARLY JAN 88
MONTHLY AUTO SALES
SEASONALLY ADJUSTED ANNUAL RATES
Jan-88
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NOMINAL RETAIL SALES
ANNUAL PERCENT CHANGES
to
o
I I T I I I I I I I I I I I I ! 1 I I I
Jan-80 Jan-81 Jan-B2 Jan-83 Jan-84 Jan-85 Jan-86 Jan-67 Jan-88
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INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION
ALL INDUSTRIES
10
122
Jan-85 May-85 Sep-85 Jan-66 May-86 Sep-66 Jan-87 May-87 Sep-87 Jan-88
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YEAR-OVffl-YEAH PERCENT CHANGE
CONSUMER PRICES
CO
CO
-2 -
PRODUCER PRICES
Miy-65 8ep-65 Jan-66 Mty-86
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MERCHANDISE TRADE DEFICIT U.S. MERCHANDISE TRADE DEFICITS
UOWHT SMCE JMlMT HU iE*«r suet «r»
MERCHANDISE TRADE DEFICIT
U.S. NON-OIL DEFICIT OL U» HH-tM. DEFOIS
UCMTH.1 MKE JUUUtr IBM
v-BT Sip-lf
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REAL INTEREST RATES
FEOFlfOS VS 30-YEAR BOW
Jan-78 AfV-79 jui-eo Oct-81
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FED FUNDS RATE
VS DISCOUNT RATE AN> PRWE RATE
FED FUNDS RATE
Ol
CO
4 \ i i i-r i r i i i i i | i i i •[ i i i i T i i | i i i r | i i i i~i T |
01/07/87 04/01/87 06/24/87 09/16/87 12/09/87 03/02/88
• FED FUCS RATE + D6COLNT RATE
O PRhERATE
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The Federal Reserve and the Conduct of Monetary policy in 1908
Statement of
Robert H. Rasche
professor of Economics
Michigan State University
East Lansing, Michigan 48824-1038
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am pleased to have.
the opportunity to appear before you today to present my views on
the recent Monetary Policy Report to Congress by the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System and related statements,
and to comment on issues in the conduct of monetary policy in the
near future. My comments will focus on the following issues (1)
the conception of the monetary process that is advanced by the
Federal Reserve System, (2) the usefulness of monetary aggregates
as guides to monetary policy and (3) the appropriateness of other
guides to monetary policy that are the apparent focus of
attention within the Federal Reserve at the present time.
1987 saw a sharp deceleration in the growth rates of a wide
range of monetary aggregates, after very rapid growth during the
previous two years. Ml growth (for which the FOMC choose not to
set a target range in February, 1967) was 6.2 percent from the
fourth guarter of 1986 to the fourth quarter of 1987, down from
15.6 percent during the previous year. M2 growth from the fourth
quarter of 1986 to the fourth guarter of 1987 was 4.0 percent,
down from 9.4 percent in the previous year. M3 growth was 6.4
percent from the fourth quarter of 1986 to the fourth quarter of
1987, down from 9.1 percent in the previous year. In the latter
two case* the growth rates over 1987 are below the target ranges
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2
set by the Federal Reserve System in the February, 1987 Report of
Monetary Policy objectives. In all three cases, the growth rates
over 1986 are above the target ranges set by the Federal Reserve
System in the February, 1986 Report of Monetary Policy
Objectives. The FOMC responded to these historical
developments by widening the ranges of the M2 and H3 target
growth rates for 1988, while leaving the midpoints of those
ranges relatively unchanged.
It appears that the Federal Reserve regards the extreme
volatility in the growth of monetary aggregates as (a) outside of
its control and (b) of no particular consequence to the economy.
I wish to address these two issues in turn.
Almost twenty-four years ago, in a Staff Analysis prepared
for the Subcommittee on Domestic Finance of the Committee on
Banking and Currency of the U.S. House of Representatives,
Professors Karl Brunner and Alan H. Meltzer critiqued the then
current Federal Reserve conception of the monetary process.
In their letter of transmittal of that analysis they commented:
"the modified free reserves mechanism bears almost no relation to
changes in the stock of bank credit or money. Indeed it is so
poor that it raises questions about the usefulness of Federal
Reserve policy as a means of controlling money or credit."
Today there is little substantive difference from the
situation almost a quarter century ago. Since late 1982, the
directives to the system Account manager issued at the various
Federal Open Market Committee meetings have been framed in terms
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3
of increasing, decreasing or maintaining the "degree of pressure
on reserve positions". Though the language of the directive
uses different words, and while there are virtually no excess
reserves in the banking system today, the conception of the
monetary process during the past five years is substantively
identical to that of the early 1960s. Further it remains true
that the modified free reserves mechanism beara almost no
relation to changes in the stock of bank cr«dit or mon*y.
Therefore extreme volatility in th« year to year growth of the
various monetary aggregates should come as no surprize to the
Federal Reserve System, the Congress, or the public at large.
The growth rates of the monetary aggregates that ve observe are
fortuitions outcomes of the operating procedures utilized by the
Federal Reserve. Given current operating procedures of the
Federal Reserve System it is only by accident that the observed
growth rates of the monetary aggregates in 1988 will fall inside
of the newly established ranges.
This need not be the case. While our understanding to the
financial system and the economy does not permit the Federal
Reserve to attain exact week to week, month to month or quarter
to quarter growth of any monetary aggregate, we know enough to
inplenent operating procedures that will maintain year to year
monetary growth within much narrower ranges than those currently
established by the Federal Reserve System.
la there a cost to the observed volatile monetary growth? I
believe that the unambigous answer to this question is yes. The
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173
4
rationale for this conclusion is straightforward. Chairman
Greenspan restated the objective of his predecessors that the
Federal Reserve facilitate progress toward price stability. He
accepts the principle that such progress requires a reduction in
monetary growth rates below the average of our recent experience.
Excessive volatility in monetary growth rates brings such
progress to a dead stop. When monetary growth rates are
excessively high, then concern is expressed that rapid
deceleration, such as we saw in 1981 or in 1987 will provoke a
recession or at least a relatively slow growth in real economic
activity. The only monetary policy for which an acceptable
"environmental impact statement for economic expansion" can be
written is to reduce monetary growth slowly. Conversely, when
monetary growth rates are extremely slow concern is expressed
that growth rates toe returned quickly to higher levels, before a
slowdown in real economic activity is induced. An example of
this kind of concern is the recent letter of Assistant Secretary
of the Treasury Darby to members of the Federal Open Market
Committee.
The net result of these reactions to sharp year-to-year
fluctuations in the growth rates of monetary aggregates is that
little perceptable progress is made towards a world of price
stability. This is quite evident in the inflation rate charts
accompanying the 1988 Monetary Policy Report to Congress. Since
1982, the inflation rate in terms of either the fixed weight GNp
deflator or the CPI has been almost constant at four percent per
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174
5
year. The only exception is in 1986 when inflation dropped
sharply in response to the collapse of prices in the world oil
market. The projected central tendency of the GNP deflator by
members of the FOMC for fourth quarter 1988 over fourth quarter
1987 is 3.25-3.75 percent, and the current monetary policy report
states "no significant change is anticipated in the overall pace
of inflation this year .,.". The current calendar year forecasts
for 1988 and 1989 from your CBO are for inflation measured by the
implicit GNP deflator and CPI of 3.9 and 4.2 percent
respectively. The argument that we are making progress toward
price stability, or that we expect to make progress toward price
stability in the near future, ia contradicted by all the evidence.
The erratic monetary growth rates permitted by and fostered by
the prevailing Federal Reserve policies is in large part
responsible for our current "dead-in-the-water" situation.
A second theme of the Monetary Policy Report is that the
relationships between the various monetary aggregates and
economic activity, particularly the narrowly defined monetary
aggregates, continue to be affected by deregulation and
institutional change. This argunent appears repeatedly in
discussions of monetary policy over the past fifteen years.
There one an element of truth in the argument. Something
happened to the relationship between nominal measures of economic
activity and various monetary aggregates around the end of 1981.
Exactly what caused the change is not well understood at the
present time. However, there is little if any evidence that the
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6
change at that time has continuing effects that persist today.
Rather the best evidence is that there was a one time change in
the relationship between the average rate of growth of monetary
aggregates and the average growth rate of nominal income. The
observed change occurred over a very short period of time (perhaps
a few months). Since that time a new stable relationship is
established which maintains almost all of the characteristics of
the stable relationship that prevailed in the 50s, 60s and 70s.
The new relationship between the long-run growth rate of
nominal income and the long-run growth rates of the various
monetary aggregates shows no significant increase or decrease in
uncertainty compared to the relationship that prevailed in
previous quarter century. It is fortunate that this is true,
without such such stability Chairman Greenspan's testimony that a
reduction in the long-run growth rates of the monetary aggregates
is appropriate to achieve price stability has little logical
foundation. Indeed without such a stable relationship,
manipulation of any nominal variable by the Federal Reserve
System has little logical foundation.
This conclusion should not be misinterpreted. The existence
of stable long-run relationships between the growth rate of
nominal income and the growth rates of various monetary
aggregates is not a basis for short-run manipulation of the
monetary aggregates towards a goal of short-run economic
stabilization. While we understand the forces that produce a
large portion of the historical short-run fluctuations in the
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7
growth of nominal income relative to the growth of the various
monetary aggregates, the economic variables that drive these
short-run fluctuations are largely unpredictable. The usefulness
of monetary aggregates as a long-run guide to monetary policy
comes as these unpredictable short-run fluctuations average out
to close to zero.
Finally, I wish to comment on alternative guides to monetary
policy. During the sane week as Chairman Greenspan's testimony
on the Monetary Policy Report, reports of a speech by Vice
Chairman Johnson of the Board of Governors at the Cato Institute
circulated widely. According to these reports. Governor Johnson
indicated that a number of members of the Board of Governors are
using, or at least looking at, measures such as sensitive
commodity prices, the difference between short and long term
interest rates and/or the nominal exchange value of the U.S.
dollar as guides to the impact of monetary policy.
Such an approach to the conduct of monetary policy is
dangerous and counterproductive in my judgement. There is no
doubt that any of these measures can be and are affected by
monetary policy actions. Indeed they are likely affected by
market expectations of future monetary policy actions.
Unfortunately, from the perspective of the Federal Reserve
System, these variables are also affected by many other forces
that buffet our economy.
Unless the current movements of such measures can be attributed
reliably to the various forces driving our economy, it is
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impossible to discern the meaning of of their movements for the
conduct of monetary policy. This is not my insight. It is an
old argument in the literature on monetary policy and was
resolved at least a quarter century ago.
This problem is particularly accute if the variables being
watched are driven primarily by market expectations of future
monetary policy actions. If the Federal Reserve implements
monetary policy solely on signals of what markets think future
monetary policy will be, then Federal Reserve surrenders its
independence. The appropriate role of the Federal Reserve is to
define for economic agents what monetary policy it will pursue,
and allow market expectations to adjust accordingly, not vice-
versa .
Unfortunately, with all of the measures cited by Governor
Johnson the reliable allocation of any movement to the
fundamental determinants of these variables, including monetary
policy actions, is beyond our current ability. This is
particularly true of nominal exchange rates. Unlike Goldilocks,
who knew which porridge was too hot, too cold, or just right, at
present no one knows what exchange value of the U.S. dollar,
however measured, is too high, too low, or just right!
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The Federal Reserve's Monetary Policy Report of February 1988
Hearings of the
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
of the
Committee on Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs
U.S. House of Representatives
March 24, 1988
Revised
Testimony by
Bennett T. McCallujt
H.J. Heinz Professor of Economics
Graduate School of Industrial Administration
Carnegie-Mellon University
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15213
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For some years now Che center of attention In Che Fed's reports Co Congress
has been the numerical monetary targets for Che coming year--che projected
"ranges of growth for monetary aggregates." These have been che figures by vhich
the Fed. ostensibly describes to Congress and co Che public its policy intentions
for the coining year But the February 1988 report seems to indicate thaC at
presenC chese ranges are not accually targeCs. which Che Fed will attempt to
meeC. Instead, Chey are ics predictions or forecasts of what che H2 and H3
growth rates will turn out to be, in response Co the Fed's policy acCioris during
the year, which will be in part determined \y the behavior of other variables.
This interpretation of how policy is actually being conducted is supported by the
following statement, referring to decisions taken during 1987, which appears in
the first paragraph of the report's Section 3:
Such factors as the pace of business expansion, Che strength
of inflation and Inflation expectations, and developments in
exchange markets played a major role in governing che
System's actions, and in light of the behavior of chese other
factors growth in the targeted aggregates, M2 and M3, was
permitted to run at or below the established ranges.
Froa (Ms passage ic seem -clear that the target ranges for monetary aggregates
do not constitute a plan for future actions. There is therefore little reason co
spend any substantial amount of time discussing the specific numerical ranges
that are provided.
What does warrant discussion is uhether the current methods of formulating
monetary policy and reporting intentions ace desirable. Hith re ;ard to the
reporting, it follows from chfi foregoing discussion that the current practice
leaves much to be desired. For the following question arises naturally: If the
aggregates' growth ranges do not express the Fed's intentions, what figures do?
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And the enly obvious candidates are the "economic projections" for nominal and
real CUP, given in the report's second Cable. But these nuabera are described as
forecasts, not as gpals or plane. Indeed, to thli reader it appears that the
report include* no explicit specification of goals and no stated criteria by
which the Fed agrees that its performance can be evaluated.
The foregoing statements pertain to the Fed's reporting, not to its conduct
of policy Itself. To consider the latter, it will be helpful to have at hand an
outline for a desirable strategy for monetary policy. Thus I will begin by
explaining how, in my opinion, monetary policy should be conducted. In the
process of explaining and justifying chii strategy, some points will be brought
out that vill be helpful in developing answers to several of the specific
questions posed In Chairman Meal's letter of February 24.
The most appropriate policy objective for a central bank is to generate a
smooth and noninflationary growth path for aggregate demand, or total spending,
measured in Monetary units. To express this Idea very *imply, and In a manner
that Is applicable to the United States, the recoMended objective for the Fed is
to make nominal <XP grow smoothly and steadily at a rate of 3% per year. Let me
first try to explain why this la a desirable objective and then consider how it
could be attained.
The reason for focussing on nominal GHP is as follows. The ultimate goals
for monetary policy are to prevent Inflation and to da as much as is possible to
facilitate growth and alnimize fluctuations of real aggregate output and
employment. But there are severe linitations regarding the ability of the
monetary authority to Influence these real variables, i.e., output and
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employment. While lc Is true that abrupt changes In Che stance of monetary
policy will often Induce changes Ln real growth, such effects will last only
temporarily. Indeed, this is one of the few things thac oast nacro economists
agree upon, namely, the tenporary nature of monetary Influence on real variables.
Furthermore, there la substantial agreement on • related proposition, namely,
that over extended periods of tine the average growth rate of real variables will
be essentially Independent of the grouch rate of monetary variables. Thus, foe
the U.S. the average growth rate of real CMP will be about 3% over the next 20
years whether monetary variables grow rapidly or slowly. And from chat
proposition It follows that. If nominal CNF growth is made to average 3«, then
the average inflation rate will be approximately zero. So Che recommended
strategy for monetary policy would lead to attainment of on* of the ultimate
goals--the prevention of inflation.
In addition, the effects of steady 3% growth In n»lnal CHP would probably
lead to Improved performance of the t»»l output and employment variables as well.
They would not grow faster on average, according to the foregoing argument, but
steady growth of nominal GMP would help to reduce the magnitude of output and
employment fluctuations. In other words, the severity of the business cycle
would be reduced. There ar« several theoretical reasons for believing this; one
piece of evidence that I find Impressive is illustrated in Figure 1. There
quarterly growth rates of real and nominal QfP are shown to be highly correlated.
Thus it seems likely that smoother growth of nominal CMP would help to Induce
smoother growth of real GUP.
Mow some economists would suggest that you could do even better in terns of
reducing real fluctuations by adopting a no re activist policy, one that Involves
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FIGURE 1
1955 ' I960 ' ' 19&5 i960 19B5
Noninal GNP Growth .... Real GNP Growth
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attempts at countercyclical manipulation of nominal GHP. I am very doubtful of
that because che design of an activist policy depends on the analyst's model of
the connection between monetary policy actions and the responses of real output
and employment. But if there is one thing that macroeconomists truly do not:
understand, it is the nature of this connection. Indeed, the disagreements aaong
macroeconomiats that one hears so much about are primarily concerned with this
particular mechanism--which is often referred to as the short-tun tradeoff
between inflation and unemployment. There are many conflicting theories
regarding its nature, and no convincing arguments or conclusive evidence in favor
of any one of then.1 For that reason, it would be unwise to attempt
countercyclical manipulation of nominal GNP.
Some other economises would argu« that, while good aacroeconomic consequences
would follow from steady 3t growth of noalnal CNF, this la something that the Fed
cannot accomplish. Nominal GHP, they correctly point out, is not a variable over
which the Fed has direct control. But It Is also true that the Fed does not have
direct control over the monetary aggregates HI and tC, mich less total debt or
the price level. These are all variables that, like nominal GNF, the Fed does
not literally control but can strongly influence by varying its rate of open
market purchases or its reserve requirements. The Fed can probably influence HI
soaewhat more accurately than nominal GHP, and could do ao even more accurately
tf it adopted operating procedures that Here well-designed for that purpose. But
that Ls beside the point, for the path of HI is not itself of ultimate
Importance. The real question is: "Can the Fed, by manipulation of a variable
that Is under its control, induce nominal OIF to stay close to e steady 3% growth
path?" This is a question that I have b*en studying In ay recent research, and
wy finding* suggest that the Fed could In fact keep nominal GNF quite close to a
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carget path of this type.2
What my studies indicate is, very briefly, SB follows. One variable chat the
Fed certainly can control, rather directly, is the monetary base--Che sun of
currency In circulation plus bank reserves.3 So I have studied the possibility
that a simple formula or rule prescribing settings Cor the monetary base would
result in a nominal CNF path that stays close to a steady 3% target path. To
determine whether something like that is true or not, one needs to conduct
experiments. Macro econonists cannot experiment with the U.S. economy,
fortunately, so I have conducted ay experiments with models of the economy. Now,
you might justifiably wonder how I can be confident that I have a good model of
the economy. In fact, 1 know that 1 do not have a good model. You will remember
that I emphasized earlier that none of us understands certain important aspects
of macroeconomic behavior. So my research strategy has taken account of this
lack of understanding by using a rule (to specify settings of the monetary base)
in a wide variety of macroeconomic models, a variety that represents different
viewpoints about the monetary-to-real mechanism. What I have found is that one
very simple formula Kirks tell In a variety of quite different models - - thac it
keeps nominal GNP close to the 3% target path when the model economy is subjected
to random shocks of the type that have hit the U.S. economy over the pasc 30
years. This rule is to set the base growth rate each quarter equal to a 3%
annual rate, minus the average rate of growth of base velocity over the past four
years, plus 0.25 times the proportionate discrepancy between target and actual
values of nominal GNP in the most recent quarter.4
Let me be explicit about some aspects of the research exercise. Each of the
examined models was fit statistically to the U.S. quarterly data for 1954-1935.
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The models' various algebraic relations serve Co explain movements in crucial
macroecononic variables, but they do so quite imperfectly--there are errors or
"residuals" for each quarter 4iich reflect the models' oareial inability to
account for the movement in the variables. These residuals are statistical
estimates of the shocks of various types that buffeted the economy over that
32-year period, so they can be useful in examining the effects of conducting
policy in any particular way. In Che study voder discussion I have used each of
the models to estimate what would have happened over the 1954-85 period if
monetary policy had been conducted as described by the monetary base rule, by
generating simulated tine paths implied by the formula and the models together.
These simulation exercises begin with actual conditions prevailing in the U.S. at
the start of 1954 and proceed with the estimated shocks fed into the system in
each period. In this way, we obtain with each model an estimate of how nominal
CNF would have evolved if the monetary beta* policy rule had been in effect and
the economy was hie with the shocks that it actually experienced over 1954-85.
Two otamplea of nominal (HP paths generated ty this procedure are given in
Figures 2 and 3, which refer to models that are highly "classical" and moderately
"Keyneslan," respectively, in their specifications. It will be seen that the
simulated nominal GNP paths stay quite close to the 3% target path. For
comparative purposes, the actual historical path of noalnal GNP is also shown in
these figures. The actual values grew much faster than 3t on average, of course,
so we experienced quite a bit of inflation. To be exact, the consumer price
index Increased to 4.0 times Its 1954 ualue by 1985; a dolla: came to be only 251
as valuable aa in 1954.s
Thus far I have explained how I believe monetary policy should b« conducted
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FIGURE 2
7.W
6,75
6.50
6.25 generated
6.00
5,75]
1955 1975
Logarithm of nownal GNP, generated and actual
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FIGURE 3
7.W
actual
6.75
6.50
generated
6.25
6.U
5,75]
Logarithms of nomnal GHP, generated and actual
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and have provided a bit of evidence to suggest: that such a policy would be
feasible, i.e., could in face be carried out by the Fed. 6 It is now cime to
respond to some of the specific questions in Chairman Meal's letter.
One of these questions asks about quantitative measures for use in evaluating
monetary policy. After mentioning recent volatility of growth in the M2 and M3
aggregates, the letter asks: "Would it be better to ignore the aggregates and
judge monetary policy in other terms? If so, what? Interest rates? Commodity
prices or general inflation? Nominal GNP7" From the foregoing discussion it is
clear that my answer has to be that nominal GNP Is the best of these indicators.
In effect, the Fed's principal Job is CD keep total spending—nominal GNp.-close
to a path that grows smoothly at about 3* a year, because doing so would prevent
Inflation and provide a stable environment for real growth.
But viiy not, it might be asked, make the target variable one that pertains
directly to the price level, rather chan nominal GfJP? My answer has to do with
our lack of knowledge concerning the nature of the monetary-to-real output
mechanism. If this mechanism has some slightly Keynesian features, in the sense
that many prices and wages adjust slowly, then the automatic countercyclical
response that is Implied by keeping nominal GNP growth constant--even when real
GNP is growing more strongly (or less .strongly) than normal--would be beneficial.
And if, on the other hand, the mechanism Is in fact purely classical, with highly
flexible prices and wages, then monetary policy behavior vill have no systematic
influence on real variables so it won't matter whether the target path pertains
to the price level or nominal CNF. All thac matters, to a classical economist,
is the prevention of inflation and the avoidance of erratic policy actions that
would provide unexpected monetary "surprises."
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Interest races, It should be emphasized, are extremely unreliable Indicators
of monetary policy. Many cosnantators on economic affairs Cake It for granted
chat "high Interest eaten" la synonymous with "tight monetary policy." But in
fact tight monetary policy typically results In low inflation rates, if
maintained for aone tine, and low Inflation rate* reduce the inflationary premiun
that is present in interest races thac clear loan market*. Thus Interest rates
were much higher during the 1970s, a decade of expansive monetary policy, than
during the tight-money decade of the 1550«. The popular confusion arises because
the temporary Japact effect of a tightening In monetary policy nay be to raise
interest rates, while the delayed but longer-leating effect is to reduce
inflation and Interest rates. This difference in the direction of Its short-run
and long-run responses Bakes any market interest rate a highly unreliable
Indicator.r
Another question' raised in Chairman Real's letter la the following: 'Should
the stabilization of nominal exchange rates be an Important objective for
nonetary policy in 13887" Again it should be clear that ay answer nust be "No."
The dollar price of foreign exchange is of ouch less macroeconoaic inportance to
American citizens than prices of U.S. goods or the growth rate of U.S. output.
Recognition that the U.S. is an open economy does not diminish the Importance of
achieving the appropriate growth rate of demand for U.S. goods--!.e., nominal
CNP.
In this ngard it la Important to emphasize that monetary policy cannot be
mlmiltanaously dedicated to ore different objectives; it cannot be used to hit
targets for both nominal GBP and the nominal exchange rate. Therefore, any
International arrangement that stipulatea exchange mte objectives for the U.S.
-fi-
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must have the effect of at Lease partially undermining the Fed's ability to
conduct an appropriate monetary policy.8 More generally, it seems quixotic for
the U.S. Co be involved in attempts at international coordination chat involve
monetary (c>r fiscal) policy comnitmencs, for it is unrealistic co expect
independent nations to subordinate their domestic macroeconomic policies to the
wishes of other nations. But independent commitments by the principal economic
nations to non-inflationary domestic policies would lead to niich less volatility
in marked-determined exchange rates than has existed in the turbulent years since
1973.
The foregoing arguments can be summarized very briefly, as follows. The job
of the monetary authority is to keep total nominal demand growing smoothly at
the long-term average rate of output growth. Doing so would prevent Inflation
and provide a stable environment for real growth co proceed unhampered by
monetary disturbances. A smooth growth path for nominal demand can be achieved
despite financial Innovation and regulatory change by adherence to a simple
formula governing growth of the monetary base.
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1. See recent survey articles by Blanchard (1987), Docsey and King (1987). and
McCallun (1987a).
2. These results are reported in McCallun (1987b) (1988). Various economists,
including Gordon (1985) and Taylor (1985), have promoted targets for nominal
CNP. They have not. hovever, studied policy rules for achieving such
targets.
3. As these Items appeal; on the Fed's own balance sheet, it could collect
observations daily and malce adjustnents as required, thereby keeping the
level of the base extremely close Co its specified path over periods of a
month or so in duration.
4. In algebraic terms the formula can be expressed as follows, with bt -
logarithm of the base In period t, xt - logarithm of nominal GNP, and x£ -
target value of xc:
ibc - 0.00739 - (l/16)(xt.1 - xc.17 - bt.! + bt.17) +• 0.25(K?.! - i^)
The first term is 3% expressed In quarterly logarithmic units, the second is
the average growth of base velocity over the previous 16 quarters, and Che
third Is die adjustment for target misses. the form of the second tern was
suggested by work by Heltzer (1987).
5. On a 1967 basis, the CPI value was 322.2 in 1985 tompared with 80.5 in 19S4.
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6. It is worthy of note that tha recommended policy formula does not refer to HI
or M2 magnitudes. Consequently, It should be relatively insensitive to
changes in regulations or financial practices that involve those variables.
7. Real Interest rates are undesirable Indicators of monetary policy for cwo
reasons. First, the relevant concept Involves expectations of future
inflation, which are unobservable. Second, real variables are not reliably
related to monetary conditions or actions. Indeed, attempts by the nonetary
authority to achieve real targets have the effect of introducing an
Inflationary bias into the policy process. This tendency is discussed in
McCallum (1987b).
8. This statement is Ln response to Chairman Weal's question (4).
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References
fllanchard, Olivier J. , TJhy Does Money Affect Output? A Survey." NBER Working
Paper No. 2285, June 1987. Forthcoming in Handbook of Monetary Economics ediced
L
by B.M. Friedman and F.H. Hahn.
Dotsey, Michael L. , and Robert G. King, "Business Cycles," in The Hew Palgrave:
A Dictionary of Economics. London: Macmillan Press, 1987.
Gordon, Robert J. , "The Conduct of Domestic Monetary Policy," In Monetary Policy
In Our Tines, edited by A. Ando, E. Eguchi, R. Fanner, and Y. Suzuki. Cambridge,
HA: KIT Press, 198S.
McCallua, Bennett T. , "Inflation: Theory and Evidence," NBER Working Paper No.
2312, July 1987. Forthcoming in Handbook of Monetary Economics, edited by B.M.
Friedman and F.H. Hahn. (a).
McCallua, Bennett T. , "The Case for Rules in the Conduct of Monetary Policy: A
Concrete Example," Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond Economic Beview
(September/October 1987), 10-18, (b).
McCallua, Bennett T. , "Robustness Properties of a Rule for Monetary Policy,"
Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy 29 (Autumn 1988),
forthcoming.
Meltzer, Allan H. , "Limits of Short-Run Stabilization Policy," Economic Inquiry
25 (January 1987). 1-14.
Taylor, John B., "What Would Nominal GNP Targeting Do Co the Business Cycle?"
Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy 22 (Spring 1985), 61-84.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Cite this document
APA
Alan Greenspan (1988, March 23). Congressional Testimony. Testimony, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19880324_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_in_1987
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_testimony_19880324_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_in_1987,
author = {Alan Greenspan},
title = {Congressional Testimony},
year = {1988},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Testimony, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19880324_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_in_1987},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}