testimony · July 17, 1985
Congressional Testimony
Paul A. Volcker
CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
(Pursuant to the Full Employment and
Balanced Growth Act of 1978, P.L. 95-523)
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON
BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
NINETY-NINTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
JULY 17 AND 18, 1985
Serial No. 99-30
Printed for the use of the
Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1985
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HOUSE COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
FERNAND J. ST GERMAIN, Rhode Island, Chairman
HENRY B. GONZALEZ, Texas CHALMERS P. WYLIE, Ohio
FRANK ANNUNZIO, Illinois STEWART B. McKINNEY, Connecticut
PARREN J. MITCHELL, Maryland JIM LEACH, Iowa
WALTER E. FAUNTROY, District of NORMAN D. SHUMWAY, California
Columbia STAN PARRIS, Virginia
STEPHEN L. NEAL, North Carolina BILL McCOLLUM, Florida
CARROLL HUBBARD, JR., Kentucky GEORGE C. WORTLEY, New York
JOHN J. LAPALCE, New York MARGE ROUKEMA, New Jersey
STAN LUNDINE, New York DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
MARY ROSE OAKAR, Ohio DAVID DREIER, California
BRUCE F. VENTO, Minnesota JOHN HILER, Indiana
DOUG BARNARD, JR., Georgia THOMAS J. RIDGE. Pennsylvania
ROBERT GARCIA, New York STEVE BARTLETT, Texas
CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York TOBY ROTH, Wisconsin
BARNEY FRANK, Massachusetts ROD CHANDLER, Washington
BUDDY ROEMER, Louisiana AL McCANDLESS, California
RICHARD H. LEHMAN, California JOHN E. GROTBERG, Illinois
BRUCE A. MORRISON, Connecticut JIM KOLBE, Arizona
JIM COOPER, Tennessee J. ALEX McMILLAN, North Carolina
MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio
BEN ERDREICH, Alabama
SANDER M, LEVIN, Michigan
THOMAS R, CARPER, Delaware
ESTEBAN E. TORRES, California
GERALD D. KLECZKA, Wisconsin
BILL NELSON, Florida
PAUL E. KANJORSKI, Pennsylvania
BART GORDON, Tennessee
THOMAS J. MANTON, New York
JAIME B. FUSTER, Puerto Rico
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
WALTER E- FAUNTROY, District of Columbia, Chairman
STEPHEN L. NEAL, North Carolina BILL McCOLLUM, Florida
DOUG BARNARD, JH., Georgia JOHN HILER, Indiana
CARROLL HUBBARD, JR., Kentucky JIM LEACH, Iowa
BUDDY ROEMER, Louisiana STEVE BARTLETT, Texas
JIM COOPER, Tennessee THOMAS J. RIDGE, Pennsylvania
THOMAS R. CARPER, Delaware ROD CHANDLER, Washington
BEN ERDREICH, Alabama
HOWARD LEE, Staff Director
(ID
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CONTENTS
Hearings held on: Page
July 17, 1985 1
July 18, 1985 137
WITNESS
WEDNESDAY, JULY 17, 1985
Volcker, Hon. Paul A., Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System 20
MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR INCLUSION IN THE RECORD
Fauntroy, Chairman Walter E.:
Graphic presentation of economic variables 6
Opening statement , 3
Letter of invitation to Chairman Paul A. Volcker 5
Volcker, Hon. Paul A.:
Response to information requested from Congressman Bruce F. Vento
regarding effects of tax reform on interest rates 72
Tables 29
"U.S. Merchandise Trade with Foreign G-10 Countries" prepared by the
Federal Reserve Board 60
APPENDIX
"Midyear Monetary Policy Report to Congress", dated July 16, 1985, by the
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System pursuant to the Full
Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978 75
Volcker, Hon. Paul A., letter with attached questions and answers requested
from Chairman Fauntroy dated August 9, 1985 122
WITNESSES
THURSDAY, JULY 18, 1985
Chimerine, Lawrence, chairman and chief economist, Chase Econometrics,
BalaCynwyd, PA 168
Prepared statement and attached material of Monetary Policy Forum 173
Robertson, Norman, senior vice president and chief economist, Mellon Bank,
Pittsburgh, PA 208
Prepared statement 211
Sinai, Allen, Chief economist, Shearson Lehman Brothers, New York, NY 149
Prepared statement 155
Sumichrast, Michael, chief economist, National Association of Home Builders. 198
Prepared statement 201
Teeters, Hon. Nancy, director of economics, International Business Machines
[IBM], and former member of the Board of Governors of the Federal Re-
serve System 139
Prepared statement 143
MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR INCLUSION IN THE RECORD
"Growth of the Monetary Aggregates" 253
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CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
WEDNESDAY, JULY 17, 1985
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 9:35 a.m., in room
2128, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Walter E. Fauntroy
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Present: Chairman Fauntroy; Representatives Neal, Barnard,
Hubbard, Roemer, Cooper, Carper, Erdreich, McCollum, Hiler,
Leach, and Ridge.
Also present: Representatives LaFalce, Schumer, Wylie, McKin-
ney, Parris, Bereuter, McCandless, and Grotberg.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The subcommittee will come to order.
Today we hold the semiannual hearings on the conduct of mone-
tary policy held pursuant to the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employ-
ment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978. Our witness today is the
Honorable Paul A. Volcker, Chairman of the Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve System who will testify on the Federal Re-
serve's Monetary Policy Report to the Congress.
In our last set of hearings held in February and March of this
year, we noted the clouds gathering in the economic horizon. While
we were encouraged by the low inflation rate and the rapid rate of
economic growth over the previous five quarters, distortions in the
economy—including the burgeoning budget deficit, the high unem-
ployment rate, the worsening trade deficit, the strength of the
dollar, and the poor performance of heavy industry and agricul-
ture—raised concerns within the subcommittee. At present, the
clouds have overshadowed the horizon as economic growth has
slowed substantially and unemployment has remained above 7 per-
cent. In addition, the United States has achieved the dubious honor
of becoming a net debtor nation for the first time since 1914.
These distortions are both related and unprecedented. The huge
budget deficits have resulted in a substantial inflow of foreign
funds, strengthening the dollar while worsening the trade deficit
and limiting prospects for economic growth in the United States.
Interest and trade sensitive sectors, such as heavy industry and ag-
riculture, have been adversely affected by these events while other
industries, including services, defense and high tech, have fared
relatively well. Since many of these events represent uncharted
terrain for economic policy in the United States, we need to ad-
dress their impact on economic growth and the conduct of mone-
tary policy.
(1)
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To the Chairman I asked that he address the outlook for the
economy in terms of the following questions. How do these distor-
tions affect the current state of the U.S. economy? Are we in a
"growth recession?" What are the prospects for growth in heavy in-
dustry and agriculture during the coming 18 months? What impli-
cations do these distortions hold for the U.S. economy in the long-
run as a whole? How are they likely to affect the performance of
heavy industry and agriculture? Is the current weakness in these
sectors merely a temporary response to the strong dollar, the trade
deficits and the high interest rates, or is it indicative of long-run
changes in the structure of U.S. industry in response to interna-
tional competition?
In addition, I requested Chairman Volcker to focus his comments
on the impact of these distortions on the conduct of monetary
policy. Will they substantially diminish the options of the Federal
Reserve in its conduct of monetary policy? What, if anything, will
these distortions do to narrow the options available to the Federal
Reserve? Do these events explain why, at the end of 6 months, the
Federal Reserve exceeded the monetary targets established last
year, or does it explain the decision to rebase the Ml target. What
is the meaning for the primacy of Ml, therefore, as a target for
monetary policy.
More to the point, let me simply note that while I fully under-
stand, appreciate and indeed agree with the current easing of the
money supply, I am concerned that the rebasing of Ml targets,
though intended as a purely technical change, may be misinter-
preted by participants in the fmancial markets. I am concerned
that the Fed elected to pursue this course and I hope that Mr.
Volcker will elaborate on the circumstances which underlie this de-
cision.
Chairman Volcker, we are honored to have you before the sub-
committee. In addition to reaching the goals of the Humphrey-
Hawkins Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act, namely
those of full employment and stable prices, we must act to address
the numerous distortions currently affecting the performance of
the U.S. economy. While many of these distortions require legisla-
tive and administration action, our assessment of the Federal Re-
serve's conduct of monetary policy requires that we understand
both the response and the parameters of monetary policy.
[The opening statement of Chairman Fauntroy, the letter of invi-
tation to Chairman Volcker, and economic charts follow:]
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OPENING STATEMENT OF Till HONORABLE WALTER E. FAUNTROY
CHAIRMAN, SUBCOMMITTLL UN DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
at a Hearing
ON THE REPORT ON MONETARY POLICY
OF THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
MADE PURSUANT
TO THE HUMPHREY-HAWKINS FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OF 1978
WEDNESDAY, JULY 17, 1985 — 9:30 A.M.
2128 RAY6URN HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING
Tne Subcommittee will come to order.
Today, we hold the semi-annual hearings on tne conduct of monetary policy
held pursuant to the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act
of 1978. Our witness today is the Honorable Paul A. Volcker, Chairman of the
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, who will testify on the
Federal Reserve's Monetary Policy Report to the Congress.
In our last set of hearings held in February and March of this year, we
noted the clouds gathering in the economic horizon. While we were encouraged
by the low inflation rate and the rapid rate of economic growth over the
previous five quarters, distortions in the economy -- including the burgeoning
budget deficit, the high unemployment rate, the worsening trade deficit, the
Strength of the dollar, and the poor performance of heavy industry and
agriculture -- raised concerns within the Subcommittee. At present, the
clouds have overshadowed the horizon as economic growth has slowed
substantially and unemployment has remained above 7%. In addition, the United
States has achieved the dubious honor of becoming a net debtor nation for the
fi rst tine since 1914.
These distortions are both related and unprecedented. The huge midget
deficits have resulted in a substantial inflow of foreign funds, strengthening
the dollar while worsening the trade deficit and limiting prospects for
economic growth in the United States. Interest and trade sensitive sectors
such as heavy industry and agriculture have been adversely affected by these
events while other industries, including services, defense and high-tech, have
fared relatively well. Since many of these events represent uncharted terrain
for economic policy in the United States, we need to address their impact on
economic growth and the conduct of monetary policy.
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In my letter of invitation to Chairman Volcker, I asked that he address
the outlook for the economy in terms of the following questions. How do these
distortions affect the current state of the U.S. economy? Are we in a "growth
recession?" What are the prospects for growth in heavy industry and
agriculture during the coming eighteen months? what implications do these
distortions hold for the U.S. economy in the "long-run" as a whole? How are
they likely to affect the performance of heavy industry and agriculture? Is
the current weakness in these sectors merely a temporary response to the
strong dollar, the trade deficits and the high interest rates, or is it
indicative of long-run changes in the structure of U.S. industry in response
to international competition?
In addition, I requested Chairman Volcker to focus his comments on the
impact of these distortions on the conduct of monetary policy. Will they
substantial ly diminish the options of the Federal Reserve in its conduct of
monetary policy? Wnat, if anything, will these distortions do to narrow the
options available to the Federal Reserve? Do these events explain why, at the
end of six months, the Federal Reserve exceeded the monetary targets
established last year? Does it explain the decision to rehase the Ml target?
What is the meaning for the primacy of Ml as a target for monetary policy?
More to the point, let me simply note that while I fully understand,
appreciate and indeed agree with the current easing of the money supply, I am
concerned that the rebasing of Ml targets, though intended as a purely
technical change, may be misinterpreted by participants in the financial
markets. I am concerned that the Fed elected to pursue this course and I hope
that Mr. Volcker wi11 el a Dorate on the ci rcumstances which under!ie this
decision.
Chairman Volcker, we are honored to have you before the Subcommittee. In
addition to reaching the goals of the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment and
Balanced Growth Act, namely those of full employment and stable prices, we
must act to address the numerous distortions currently affecting the
performance of the U.S. economy. While many of these distortions require
Legislative and Administr-ati ve action, our assessment of the Federal Reserve's
conduct of monetary policy require that we understand both the response and
the parameters of monetary policy.
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LETTER OF INVITATION TO CHAIRMAN VOLCKER
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
COMMITTEE ON BANKING. FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
NINETY-NINTH CONGRESS
WASHINGTON, DC 20515
June 27, 1965
The Honorable Paul A. Volcker
Chairman
The Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve System
20th and Constitution Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D. C. 20551
Dear Paul:
The Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy will hold hearings on the
conduct of monetary policy and the Federal Reserve's Monetary Policy Report
to Congress made pursuant to the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment and
Balanced Growth Act of 1978. I would like for you to testify on the Report
and related issues at a hearing to be held on Wednesday, July 17, 1985 at
9:30 A.M. in Room 2128 of the Rayburn House Office Building.
As provided by the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978, I
would expect your testimony to address the outlook for the economy during
the remainder of 1985 and 1986 and the Federal Reserve's objectives for
growth of money and credit during this period.
In addition, I would like for your testimony to focus on the
distortions in the economy which may contribute to what has been termed a
"growth recession." I am particularly interested in your views on the
effects of the continued large Federal budget deficits, the continued
strength of the dollar in international financial markets, the worsening
trade deficit, the implications of our status as a "net debtor" nation," and
the decline of employment and investment in heavy industry.
Finally, inasmuch as I am concerned that the options of the Federal
Reserve could be substantially diminished with untoward consequences for
long term money and credit availability, I would also be interested in your
assessment of the impact that these issues may have in narrowing the options
of the Federal Reserve in its conduct of monetary policy.
Please plan to testify before the Subcommittee on Wednesday July 17,
1985, at 9:30 A.M. in Room 2128 of the Rayburn House Office Building;
Insofar as all Members of the Full Committee are invited to participate in
these hearings, please provide the Subcommittee with 150 copies of your own
testimony, and 150 copies of the Monetary Policy Report to Congress.
I would like to receive your testimony and the Report no later than
4:30 P.M. on Tuesday, July 16, 1985. In light of the importance which the
financial markets place on the information contained in these materials, 1
would expect that they will be released to the Press at the time of delivery
to the offices of the Subcommittee.
If there are any questions concerning this request or your testimony,
please contact Howard Lee, Staff Director, at 226-7315.
I look forward to your testimony and thank you for your efforts in
support of the hearings on monetary policy.
Sincerely yours,
Walter E. Fauntroy
Chairman
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
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U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
COMMITTEE ON BANKING. FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
NINETf-NINTH CONGRESS
WASHINGTON, DC 205IB
M E M O R A N D UM
TO: Members, Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
Members, Full Conmlttee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
FR: Walter E. Fauntroy, Chairman
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
DT: Tuesday, July 16, 1985
RE: Graphic Presentations for Hearings on
the Conduct of Monetary Policy
The 17 graphs included contain a presentation of monetary,
employment, financial, and economic measures which are
constructed to assist Members In reviewing the Federal
Reserve's monetary policy report to the Congress for July
1985. The first 4 charts show the target or monitoring
ranges for the monetary and credit aggregates. The next 4
charts show various measures of employment and unemployment.
The remaining charts depict the interest paid on the debt,
the budget deficit. Treasury interest rates, inflation,
economic growth, and the growth of exports and imports.
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M1 Target Ranges and Actual
Bill Ion* of dell«r«
610
600
ACTUAL LEVEL
590
580
57C
560
550
540
0 N D J F M A M J J A S O ND
1985
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M2 Target Ranges and Actual
Bl! I iona or do I It
2650
2600
ACTUAL LEVEL
2550
2500
2450
2400
2350
2300
J I I L J I I 2250
0 N D J F M. A M J J A S O ND
1984 1985
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M3 Target Ranges and Actual
Bill lend of do I l«ra
3300
9.5%
ACTUAL LEVEL
3200
3100
3000
2900
J I I I I \ i ] I 2800
0 N D J F M A M J J A S O ND
1984 1985
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10
Debt Monitoring Ranges and Actual
BID ionn of do I
6600
ACTUAL LEVEL
6600
12%
6400
6200
6000
5800
l I I I 1 I I I 5600
0 N D J F M A M J J A S O ND
1984 1985
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11
rn i i n 111i i i i i I I I I I IiiiI I I I IriiMI I IiiI M I I r n I 11 I i i i i I i i iI 16.
1580 1981 1962 I 983 I 864 1965
MONTHLY PATA
'"""I1
1962 1B63
MONTHLY DATA
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CIVILIAN UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE U.t
20 - -20
V.
17 -
M -
LJ
o to
QL
LjJ
0.
11 -
8 - - 8
5 'l-i n n i M n i I 11 i i i i M i i i; i M i i i 11 i i i j i m 11 i rni i i i i i i i i T"! i i j i i i i i i i i IT
1980 ! 98 J ' !982 1963 1984 ' 1985
MONTHLY DATA
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TEENAGE UNEMPLOYMENT
48 -i r 48
-41
34 - -34
27 - -27
- \
*•.
20 - -20
WHITE
13 13
1981 1982 1983 1 984 1985
MONTHLY DATA
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200- ^ NET INTEREST ON THE FEDERAL DEBT iji lit r200
^ ON-BUDGET DEFICIT S T r i s
t$l ON & OFF- BUDGET DEFICIT V s
s s
* ESTIMATE s
160- s •- 168
s
s
~ s
s
s
Isl
•(* s **
£ 120- - 120 £
^-* S
<f> \ S s s S a>
2 O iji \ V ^ s S s o ~z.
H -I '- " .I X S s s s s H —1
pi 80- ;j s s s -80 p}
<n K k k k k S _ ^ s . K - N S ^ - s s s s S t S S s s s S s S s Ss s s s s N s S CD
40- Jv N V s s s S - 40
• I K 1 s• Rt *• N s s * S
n N • 1 i B _ K K f K c 1 fc fc IE J N ; K F X * \ S S s s ^ s ^ s s s v V
8 (flfifi >• IO7O 1B7? 1Q74 1B7S 1B7I IQftQ 1882 188-4 u
1965
YEARLY TOTAL OF MONTHLY DATA
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15
SHORT-TERM INTEREST RATES i INFLATION
LINE ib INFLATION (AS MEASURED BY YEAR
TO ¥EftP CHANGES IN
THE GNE' DEFLATOR) '
LINE 15 THE INTFMEST RATE 0\ SEIORT-TEHH /
TREASURY BILLS /
12 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 61 82 63 8-4 65
QUARTERLY DATA
LONG-TERM INTEREST RATES & INFLATION
INFLATION
3.8
" ' [ ' " ' ' ' ' I I I I 1 I 1 I I I 1
71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 7B 80 81 82 83 64 65
QUARTERLY DATA
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16
INFLATION AS MEASURED BV YEARLY CHANGES IN THE GNP DEFLATOR r 12
10- - 10
8 -
6- -6
A - - A
970 1972 1974 !976 1978 1980 1982 1984
1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983
YEARLY DATA
g ECONOMIC GROWTH AS MEASURED BV BNNtfAL CHANGES IN THE CONSTANT 5 GNP g
6 -
A - - A
2 - -2
-2
1970 1972 !974 1976 1978 1988 1982 1984
1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983
YEARLY DATA
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17
1ZB r 120
- 110
~\ r 70
196! 1882 1963
QUARTERLY DATA
-ZO
-30 -38
1961 1962 1883 186-4 1885
QUARTERLY DATA
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18
DASHED LIM. IS V EAR TO YEAR CHANGES IN SERVICES DEFLATOR
- 7.5
5 0 - -S.B
-2.5
I I I r i i i i i I i I I I [ 1 T T'TT -r~r i
1975 1976 1977 1976 1979 1980 1961 1982 1983 198-4 1985
QUARTERLY DATA
-M 1 ' ' I ' ' ' ! ' ' ' 1 ' ' ' I ' ' ' ! ' ' ' I ' ' ' I ' ' ' 1 ' ' ' 1 ' ' ' I ' ' '
1975 1976 1977 1976 1979 I960 1981 1982 1983 188-4 1985
QUARTERLY DATA
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Chairman FAUNTROY. Before yielding to the Chairman for his
presentation, let me yield to the distinguished ranking minority
member of the subcommittee, the gentleman from Florida, Mr.
McCollum.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to take this opportunity to welcome Mr. Volcker to
the semiannual hearing on the conduct of monetary policy.
Mr. Chairman, we on this committee, as evidenced by last week's
hearings on government securities dealers, can hardly wait for our
chance to gain insight into what the thinking is of the Chairman
and the other members of the Open Market Committee. The goal of
monetary policy in my view is to provide sufficient liquidity for the
maximum amount of non-inflationary growth possible in our econo-
my. This growth should be sufficient to accommodate the new en-
trants into the work force, and should provide for reduction of do-
mestic unemployment to the full noninflationary rate.
This growth should also provide for a real growth in personal
income so that all Americans enjoy a better, fuller life. I under-
stand that sometimes monetary policy must accommodate other
short-term economic situations such as liquidity crunches due to
bank failures. Therefore, we depend on the expertise of members of
the Open Market Committee to make these decisions.
The problem which is faced by members of the committee and
others is that the monetary policy does not function in a vacuum.
The performance of the economy depends on many factors, but pri-
marily is dependent on monetary and fiscal policy.
As much as my monetarist friends would like to sever this rela-
tionship, it appears that monetary policy and fiscal policy are inex-
tricably linked. What concerns me is the recent failure of the
House and Senate budget conferees to come to grips with meaning-
ful cuts in the budget deficit.
Earlier this year, Chairman Volcker testified before us that the
Fed's economic projections and the credit market participants were
anticipating a minumum of $50 billion in deficit reductions. Now it
appears that we are looking at a compromise of only $40 billion in
cuts and very few, if any, of the changes that would lead to mean-
ingful cuts in the out years.
I am very interested in the Chairman's views on the effect that
the new budget numbers will have on the Fed's conduct of mone-
tary policy and economic conditions that will prevail under this
scenario. Our economy is truly international in nature. We have
recently experienced an extremely large trade deficit due primarily
to the high value of the dollar. This situation has affected the
American economy from the corn fields of Iowa to the assembly
lines of Detroit to the computer manufacturers of Silicon Valley.
In recent weeks, we have seen what I hope is a reversal of the
value of the dollar. I am interested in Chairman Volcker's analysis
of the situation and how the Fed views the present exchange rate
movement.
I am also interested in the timing that a decline in the value of
the dollar and an increase in domestic manufacturing activity that
has been predicted to follow this decline. I am concerned about the
impact of the declining dollar on our ability to finance the Federal
debt and the possibility of crowding out of U.S. borrowers, both
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20
commercial and consumer, as foreign investors abandon their
dollar-denominated holdings.
The recent rapid growth of Ml above the targets has raised ques-
tions about Ml. With the increase in Ml we would expect to see
the rate of economic activity increase at a greater pace than we ex-
perienced recently. This leads me to wonder if there is not validity
to the argument there has been a fundamental change in the sav-
ings participation of U.S. citizens and corporations.
It has been brought to my attention that the NOW account sec-
tion of Ml increased faster than the other segments of Ml. This
would lead, since the turnover rate for NOW accounts are lower, to
a sharp decline in the velocity we have seen. Are our citizens using
NOW accounts more as savings accounts, thus discrediting targets
for Ml? We experienced an increase in business savings of 3 per-
cent over the savings rate of 1983. Is this a permanent change in
business behavior or is it just a result of depreciation rules that we
are now operating under?
These are all questions that I hope will be investigated during
the course of the hearings.
I am eager to hear the testimony of the Chairman, Mr. Volcker,
and to ask questions and to hear questions of my colleagues. I be-
lieve we as a country are lucky to have a Chairman of the Federal
Reserve that is as well respected worldwide and is as articulate as
you are, Mr. Volcker, and I welcome you.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank the gentleman for his remarks.
Are there opening comments that the members on the majority
side would choose? Are there opening comments by members of the
minority side? Hearing none, Mr. Volcker, we are again very
pleased to have you appear before our subcommittee, and we look
forward with great anticipation to your statement. We have it in
its entirety, you may proceed in whatever manner you so choose.
STATEMENT OF HON. PAUL A. VOLCKER, CHAIRMAN, BOARD OF
GOVERNORS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Mr. VOLCKER. Thank you. Mr. Chairman, Mr. McCollum, you
both raised a good many relevant questions, most of which I at
least touch upon in my statement, so I will proceed by reading it, if
that is acceptable.
I welcome the opportunity to review with you monetary policy in
the context of recent and prospective economic and financial devel-
opments. The economic setting and the decisions of the Federal
Open Market Committee with respect to the target ranges for the
monetary and credit aggregates are set out in the semiannual
Humphrey-Hawkins Report. As usual, I would like to amplify and
develop some aspects of those decisions in my testimony.
THE ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL ENVIRONMENT
The pattern of slower, and more lopsided, growth in domestic
output that developed during the latter part of 1984 became even
more pronounced during the first half of 1985. Manufacturing ac-
tivity overall has been essentially flat following exceptionally large
gains earlier in the expansion period. The farming and mining sec-
tors have remained under strong economic and financial pressure.
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But consumption—supported directly and indirectly by large in-
creases in personal and Federal debt—has continued to rise fairly
strongly. Construction activity has also expanded, responding in
part to lower interest rates. Despite recent losses of manufacturing
jobs, employment growth in services and trade has been strong
enough to keep the overall unemployment rate essentially un-
changed at about 7J/4 percent.
The contrast between marked sluggishness in the goods-produc-
ing sector of the economy and rising domestic consumption and
demand is reflected in continuing strong growth in merchandise
imports. Those imports in real terms are up by about 60 percent in
3 years; in manufactured goods alone the increase has been even
more rapid. Overall, imports have now reached a level equivalent
to 21 percent of the value of domestic production of goods. In con-
trast, exports have stagnated, and now account for only about 14
percent of goods output.
I can put the same point another way. Domestic final sales—to
consumers, to businesses, and to governments—appear to have
been expanding at a relatively brisk rate of more than 4 percent so
far this year. Domestic output of goods and services has not nearly
kept pace, rising at a rate of around IVz percent or perhaps less.
That is partly because inventory accumulation has slowed. But it is
mostly because more of the domestic demand is being satisfied by
growing imports.
That was true earlier in the expansion period as well. But we
have felt it more as growth in demand has slowed to a more sus-
tainable rate. Another potentially disquieting development has
been the apparent failure of productivity to maintain the strong
gains achieved earlier in the expansion period. The implication is
that the underlying trend may not have increased as much as
hoped from the poor record of the 1970's.
Against those cross-currents in the economy this year, the Feder-
al Reserve, in conducting its open market operations, has not ap-
preciably changed the degree of pressure on bank reserve positions,
which had already been substantially eased by the end of 1984. In
May, the discount rate was reduced from 8 to IVz percent. That
action was consistent with the general tendency of market interest
rates to decline further over the period, extending the rather sharp
reductions during the Autumn and early last winter. Both the dis-
count and short-term market interest rates in May and June
reached the lowest levels since 1978.
The relatively accommodative approach in the provision of re-
serves has been designed to provide support for the sustained
growth of economic activity against a background of relatively well
contained inflationary and cost pressures. Indeed, sensitive agricul-
tural and industrial prices—including prices of crude petroleum—
have been declining appreciably, and prices at the wholesale level
have been almost flat. It is somewhat reassuring that the trend in
wage and salary increases has, overall, remained at the sharply re-
duced pace established at the start of the recovery period, although
the slowdown in productivity has been reflected in higher unit
labor costs and some pressures on profit margins. Clearly, even if
reduced, some momentum of inflation has persisted in the economy
as a whole, and expectations remain sensitive. But so far this year,
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price increases have been concentrated largely in the service sec-
tors.
Meanwhile, the broader measures of monetary growth—M2 and
M3—have remained generally within the target ranges established
early in the year. However, currency and checkable deposits, meas-
ured by Ml, have increased much more rapidly than envisaged.
[See the attached charts on pages 32-34.]
Until May, growth in that aggregate remained in an area reason-
ably close to the upper band of the target range. Given that the
more rapid growth during that period followed some months of sub-
dued expansion, the outcome through April was reasonably in line
with FOMC intentions and expectations. More recently, in May
and June, a new surge in Ml carried that aggregate much further
above the targeted range.
At the same time, total nonfinancial debt [see attached chart on
page 35] has continued to expand substantially more rapidly than
the GNP, propelled particularly by the Federal deficit and consumer
credit. As much as 1 percent of that debt expansion can be traced to a
continuing—and, from a structural point of view, disquieting—
substitution of debt for equity as a result of mergers and other
financial reorganization. More generally, these developments also
point up the apparent dependency of economic growth, under cir-
cumstances existing this year, on a relatively high level of debt and
money creation.
Unduly prolonged, those developments would not provide a satis-
factory financial underpinning for sustaining growth in a context
of greater price and financial stability. For the time being, howev-
er, taking account of current and likely economic developments,
the downward pressures on commodity prices, and the high level of
the dollar that has prevailed in the foreign exchange markets, the
growth in Ml and debt has not in itself justified a more restrictive
approach toward the provision of reserves to the banking system.
After increasing sharply from already high levels in the early
weeks of the year, the dollar more recently has fallen back against
the currencies of other leading industrial countries, dropping
abruptly over the past week or so to about the average levels of
last summer. At these exchange rates—still about 60 percent above
the relatively depressed levels of 1979 and 1980—prospects for
stemming the deterioration in our trade accounts, much less
achieving a turnabout, remain uncertain. Much depends upon the
rate of growth in other countries that provide the principal mar-
kets for our exports and are the source of our imports. In any
event, the potential effects of interest rates and decisions with re-
spect to monetary policy on exchange rates and the external sector
of the economy have necessarily been a significant ingredient in
FOMC deliberations.
THE OUTLOOK FOR THE ECONOMY
Members of the FOMC generally have projected a pickup in eco-
nomic activity over the second half of 1985 and sustained growth
through 1986. In those circumstances, while employment gains
should remain substantial, unemployment would be expected to
drop only a little if at all. The overall rate of price increase would
be expected to remain close to the recent pattern, assuming dollar
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exchange rates do not vary widely from recent levels. (See table I
on page 30 for the numerical projections.)
Obviously, neither the anticipated stickiness of the unemploy-
ment rate nor the projected inflation rate is entirely satisfactory,
and a substantial range of uncertainty must be associated with any
economic projections at this time. As I emphasized earlier, there
are sharp differences in the performance of different sectors of the
economy. Demand for and employment in services, where most
upward price pressures have been concentrated, continue to
expand rather strongly. Most sectors more immediately sensitive to
interest rates and monetary conditions—including construction and
automobile sales—have also been performing relatively well. Other
sectors exposed to strong international competition are sluggish,
and agriculture remains under strong financial pressure.
THE BROAD POLICY CHALLENGE
The cross-currents, dislocations, and uncertainties in the present
situation point up one uncomfortable but inescapable fact. We are
dealing with a situation marked by gross imbalances that can nei-
ther be sustained indefinitely nor dealt with successfully by mone-
tary policy alone, however conducted.
—We are borrowing, as a Nation, far more than we are willing to
save internally.
—We are buying abroad much more than we are able to sell.
—We reconcile borrowing more than we save and buying more
than we sell by piling up debts abroad in amounts unparalleled
in our history.
—Our key trading partners, directly or indirectly, have been re-
lying on our markets to support their growth, and even so
most of them remain mired in historically high levels of unem-
ployment.
—Meanwhile, our high levels of consumption and employment
are not being matched by the expansion in the industrial base
we will need as we restore external balance and service our
growing external debt.
—And, after 2Vs years of economic expansion, too many borrow-
ers at home and abroad remain under strain or over-extended.
At their core, these major imbalances and disequilibria may lie
outside the reach of monetary policy—or in some instances, U.S.
policy generally. But they necessarily condition the environment in
which the Federal Reserve acts, along with all the current evidence
about monetary growth, economic conditions, and prices.
In all our decisions, whether with respect to monetary or regula-
tory policies, we would like to work in a direction consistent with
reducing the imbalances, or at the least to avoid aggravating them.
That sounds obvious and straight-forward. The difficulty is that, as
things now stand, some policy actions that might seem, on their
face to contribute toward easing one problem could aggravate
others. Nor can we afford to apply a mere poultice at one point of
strain in the hope of temporary relief at the expense of undermin-
ing basic objectives.
Our monetary policy actions need to be conducted with a clear
vision of the continuing longer-term goals—a financial environ-
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ment in which we as a Nation can enhance prospects for sustained
growth in a framework of greater stability. To succeed fully in that
effort, monetary policy will need to be complemented by action
elsewhere.
THE 1985 AND 1986 TARGET RANGES
As I indicated earlier, the recent surge in Ml in May and June
has carried that monetary aggregate well above the target range
set in February. M2 and M3, while also rising rather sharply in
June, have remained generally within, or close to, their targeted
ranges. Against the background of a high dollar, the sluggishness
of manufacturing output, and relatively well contained price pres-
sures, quick and strong action to curtail the recent burst in Ml
growth has not been appropriate. The potential implications of the
relatively strong growth in Ml since late last year nonetheless had
to be considered carefully in developing our target ranges and
policy approach.
You may recall that somewhat similar high growth rates in Ml
developed during the second half of 1982 and during the first half
of 1983. At that time, important regulatory changes involving new
accounts and affecting the payment of interest on checking ac-
counts had taken place. Pervasive uncertainty during the latter
stages of the recession appeared to affect desires to hold cash. Both
circumstances made interpretation of the monetary data particuar-
ly difficult, and Ml was deemphasized. Those circumstances are
not present today, at least not in the same degree.
However, one common factor, and an important factor, was at
work during both periods. The rapid growth in Ml in 1982 and
1983 and this year followed sizable interest rate declines, with a
lagged response evident for some months. Analysis strongly sug-
gests that, as market interest rates decline, individuals and busi-
nesses are inclined to build up cash balances because they sacrifice
less interest income in doing so. The possibility today of earning in-
terest on checking accounts—and the fact that these interest rates
change more sluggishly than market or market-oriented rates—
probably increases that tendency.
Moreover, as I have suggested in earlier testimony, the payment
of interest on checking accounts may over time encourage more
holdings of Ml relative to other assets, or relative to economic ac-
tivity, than was the case earlier. Partly for that reason, the upward
trend in Ml "velocity"—the ratio of GNP to Ml—characteristic of
the earlier postwar period may be changing.
That trend was, of course, established during a period when in-
flation and interest rates were trending upward. In contrast, over
the past 3Vz years, velocity has moved irregularly lower, with the
declines concentrated in periods of declining interest rates.
The earlier 1982-83 period of rapid growth in Ml was correctly
judged not to presage a resurgence of inflationary pressures, con-
trary to some expectations. I would emphasize in that connection,
however, that Ml growth was moderated substantially after mid-
1983, and velocity rose during the period of strong economic expan-
sion, as anticipated.
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We simply do not have enough experience with the new institu-
tional framework surrounding Ml (which will be further changed
next year under existing law) to specify with any precision what
new trend in velocity may be emerging or the precise nature of the
relationship between fluctuations in interest rates and the money
supply. Moreover, while the surge in Ml, and the related drop in
velocity, can be traced at least in substantial part to the interest
rate declines of the past year, the permanence of the change in ve-
locity will be dependent on inflationary expectations and interest
rates remaining subdued. For those reasons, the committee has
continued to take the view that, in the implementation of policy,
developments with respect to Ml be judged against the background
of the other aggregates and evidence about the behavior of the
economy, prices, and financial markets, domestic and international.
None of the analysis contradicts the basic thrust of a proposition
that we have emphasized many times—that excessive growth of
money, sustained over time, will foster inflation. Certainly the
burst in May and June cannot be explained by trend or interest
rate factors. But, it is also true that monthly data are notoriously
volatile, and sharp increases unrelated to more fundamental fac-
tors are typically moderated or partly reversed in following
months.
In all these circumstances, the FOMC, in its meeting last week
decided to "rebase" the Ml target at the second quarter average
and to widen the range for the rest of the year to 3 to 8 percent at
an annual rate. That decision implies some adjustment in the base
of the Ml target range is appropriate to take account both of some
change in trend velocity and a return of interest rates closer to
levels historically normal.
We are, of course, conscious that, because of strong June growth,
Ml currently is high relative to the rebased range, and the commit-
tee contemplates that Ml will return within its range only gradual-
ly as the year progresses. Consistent with the conviction that
marked slowing in the rate of Ml growth is appropriate over time,
the committee tentatively set the target range at 4 to 7 percent for
next year—a decision that will be reassessed on the basis of the
further evidence available at that time. Meanwhile, the lower part
of the range set for the remainder of this year reflects the willing-
ness of the FOMC, in appropriate surrounding circumstances, to
tolerate substantially slower Ml growth for a time should the
recent bulge in effect wash out.
No changes were made in the target ranges for M2 and M3 and
the associated monitoring range for debt this year. As was the case
at the beginning of 1985, the committee would find growth in the
upper part of these ranges acceptable. The changes tentatively
agreed for 1986 are small, limited to a V2-percent reduction in the
upper limit for M3 and a 1-percent reduction in the monitoring
range for debt.
These target ranges are felt to be fully consistent with sustained
growth in the economy so long as inflationary pressures are con-
tained. I should note again, however, that members of the FOMC
are concerned about the persistent debt creation well in excess of
the growth of the economy and historical experience, and therefore
look toward some moderation in that growth next year, as reflected
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in the monitoring range set out. (The new growth ranges are set out
in table II on page 31.)
The uncertainties surrounding Ml, and to a lesser extent the
other aggregates, in themselves imply the need for a considerable
degree of judgment rather than precise rules in the current con-
duct of monetary policy—a need that, in my thinking, is reinforced
by the strong cross-currents and imbalances in the economy and fi-
nancial markets. That may not be an ideal situation for either the
central bank or those exercising oversight—certainly the forces
that give rise to it are not happy. But it is the world in which, for
the time being, we find ourselves.
COMPLEMENTARY POLICIES
The massive trade deficit that has rapidly developed over the
period of economic expansion is the most obvious and concrete re-
flection of underlying economic imbalances. The trade deficit, in an
immediate sense, has been primarily related both to the strength of
the dollar in the exchange markets and to relatively slow growth
elsewhere in the world. In effect, much of the world has been de-
pendent, directly or indirectly, on expanding demand in the United
States to support its own growth. Put another way, growth in do-
mestic demand in Japan, Canada, and Europe has been less than
the growth in their GNP, the converse of our situation. And, even
with surging exports to this market, output been increasing too
slowly to cut into high rates of unemployment in Europe and else-
where. As a consequence, the demand of others for our products
has been relatively weak.
The strong competition from abroad has, in an immediate sense,
had benefits as well as costs for this country. It has been a power-
ful force restraining prices in the industrial sector and in encourag-
ing productivity improvement. The related net capital inflow has
eased pressures on our interest rates and capital markets. We have
been able to readily satisfy the higher levels of consumption driven
in part by the budget deficit.
But those benefits cannot last. Sooner or later our external ac-
counts will have to come much closer toward balance. Indeed, as
our debts increase, we will have to earn even more in our trade to
help pay the interest.
In the meantime, the flood of imports, and the perceptions of un-
fairness which accompany it, foster destructive protectionist forces.
The domestic investment we will ultimately need is discouraged
while our companies shift more of their planned expansion over-
seas. And the larger the external deficits and the longer they are
prolonged, the more severe the subsequent adjustments in the ex-
change rate and in our economy are apt to be. We will have paid
dearly indeed for any short-term benefits.
These considerations have tempered the conduct of monetary
policy for some time. Specifically, our decisions with respect to pro-
viding reserves and reducing the discount rate have been influ-
enced to some extent by a desire to curb excessive and ultimately
unsustainable strength in the foreign exchange value of the dollar.
But we have also had to recognize the clear limitations and risks in
such an approach.
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The possibility at some point that sentiment toward the dollar
could change adversely, with sharp repercussions in the exchange
rate in a downward direction, poses the greatest potential threat to
the progress we have made against inflation. Those risks would be
compounded by excessive monetary and liquidity creation.
As I have said to this committee before, there is little doubt that
the dollar could be driven lower by bad monetary policy—a policy
that poses a clear inflationary threat of its own and undermines
confidence. But such a policy could hardly be in our overall inter-
est—it would, in fact, be destructive of all that has been achieved.
The hard fact remains that so long as we run massive budgetary
deficits, we will remain dependent on unprecedented capital in-
flows to help finance, directly or indirectly, that deficit. The net
capital inflows will be mirrored in a trade deficit—they are Sia-
mese twins.
As things now stand, if our trade deficit narrowed sharply, both
the budget deficit and investment needs would have to be financed
internally, with new pressures on interest rates and a squeeze on
other sectors of the economy—some of which are now doing rela-
tively well, such as housing, and some, such as farmers and thrift
institutions, already under strong financial pressure. The implica-
tions for our trading partners and for the heavily indebted develop-
ing countries would be severe as well.
There has to be a way out of the impasse—a way that would
maintain and even enhance confidence in our own economy and
prospects for stability, a way that would not simply shift the pres-
sures from one sector of the economy to another, and a way con-
sistent with the economic growth of other countries. But that way
cannot be found by U.S. monetary policy alone.
What we can do is reduce our dependence on foreign capital, and
the rising imports to meet our domestic demands, by curtailing the
budget deficits that importantly drive the process. In that sense,
the choice is before you—in the decisions you will make in the
budgetary deliberations that have been so prolonged.
The needed adjustments would be eased as well if other industri-
alized countries became less dependent on stimulus from the
United States for growth in their own economies.
I am a central banker. I can well appreciate and sympathize with
the priority that those countries have attached to budgetary re-
straint and particularly to the need to restore a sense of price sta-
bility in their own economies. They have had a large measure of
success in those efforts in the face of depreciation of their curren-
cies vis-a-vis the dollar, which has made the process more difficult.
The pull of capital into the United States, and the reduced outflow
from the United States, has also had effects on their own financial
markets and interest rates, and thus on the possibilities for home
grown expansion. But as those adverse factors diminish in force, or
even begin to be reversed, opportunities surely exist for fostering
more expanison at home, in their own interest as well as that of a
better balanced world economy.
All of the industrialized countries, working with the Internation-
al Monetary Fund, the World Bank and by other means, need to
continue to support the efforts of much of the developing world to
restore the financial and economic foundations for growth in their
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countries. That process, under the pressure of the debt crisis, has
been underway for some years. By its nature, the fundamental ad-
justments required pose challenging questions of economic and po-
litical management. There is a certain irony in observing the enor-
mous difficulties in our own political process in achieving—so far
without success—deficit reductions equivalent to 1 to 2 percent of
our GNP while much poorer countries with much greater demands
upon them are cutting their deficits by much larger relative
amounts.
That effort—along with others—is justified only by its necessity
to their own economic health. It is hardly surprising that progress
has been uneven, that from time to time setbacks are encountered,
and that impatience and frustration surface politically. But I know
of no realistic shortcuts or substitutes for the effort to place their
own economies on a sounder footing any more than we can ulti-
mately escape our own responsibilities to put our budget in order.
What is so encouraging is that the strong effort that has been
made in most of the indebted countries is yielding some tangible
results. A measure of growth has been restored in Latin America
as a whole. With interest rates lower and many debts restructured,
debt burdens are gradually but measurably being reduced.
For the most part, the heavily indebted countries are still a long
way from regaining easy access to commercial credit markets. Ex-
traordinary cooperative efforts by the IMF, the World Bank and
commercial banks will continue to be required for a time to make
sure external financing obligations are structured in a way that
matches ability to pay. As always, the ultimate success of all those
efforts—most of all those by the borrowers themselves—will
depend upon orderly growth, reasonable interest rates, and access
to markets in the rest of the world, which will be determined by
our actions and those of our trading partners.
CONCLUSION
We have had a relatively strong economic expansion in the
United States over the past 2Va years as a whole. At the same time,
the rate of inflation has remained at the lowest level in more than
15 years. That combination should be a source of great satisfaction.
But 2V2 years is not, in itself, terribly significant in the economic
life of the Nation. What will count is whether we can build on that
progress, and extend it over a long time ahead.
The inherent strength of our economy and the momentum of our
expansion have carried us a long way. We have done a lot to lead
the world to recovery. The longer-term opportunities are still there
for the taking. But we also do not need to look far to see signs of
strain, imbalance, and danger.
In these circumstances, monetary policy has accommodated a siz-
able increase in monetary and credit growth, and interest rates
have dropped appreciably even though they are still relatively high
in real terms. In that way, economic growth has been supported at
a time when the dollar has been particularly strong and inflation-
ary pressures, at least in contrast to the 1970's and early 1980's,
quiescent. But there are obvious limitations to the process of mone-
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tary expansion without threatening the necessary progress toward
stability upon which so much rests.
Plainly, there are implications for other policies as well.
The widely shared sense that other nations should do more to
open markets, to deal with the structural rigidities in their eco-
nomic systems, to encourage growth—to get their own houses in
order—is certainly right. We can legitimately cajole, and urge, and
bargain to those ends.
But there can also be no doubt that it all will come much easier
as the United States does its part. Monetary policy must be part of
that effort. But we also do need to come to grips with the budget
deficit. We do need to avoid a witch's brew of protectionism.
The success of the world economy—and of our fortunes within
it—is in large measure dependent on us. That is the inescapable
consequence of size and leadership.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The tables and charts referred to in Chairman Volcker's state-
ment follow:]
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Table I
Economic Projections for 1985 and 1986*
FOMC Members and other F8B Presidents
Range Central Tendency
Percent change, fourth quarter
to fourth quarter:
Nominal GNP 6-1/4 tc 7-3/4 6-1/2 to 7
Real GNP 2-1/4 to 3-1/4 2-3/4 to 3
Implicit deflator for GNP 3-1/2 to 4-1/4 3-3/4 to 4
Average level in the fourth
quarter, percent:
Unemployment rate 6-3/4 to 1-1/4 1 to 7-1/4
Percent change, fourth quarter
to fourth quarter:
Nominal GNP 5-1/2 to 8-1/2 7 to 7-1/2
Real GNP 2 to 4 2-1/2 to 3-1/4
Implicit deflator for GNP 3 to 5-1/2 3-3/4 to 4-3/4
Average level in the fourth
quarter, percent:
Unemployment rate 6-3/4 to 7-1/2 6-3/4 to 7-1/4
*The Administration has yet to publish its mid-session budget
review document, and consequently the customary comparison of
FOMC forecasts and Administration economic goals has not been
included in this report.
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Table II
Long-run Growth Ranges for the Aggregates
(Percent increase, QIV tc QIV unless otherwise noted)
Adopted July 1985
Adopted in Tentative
February for 1985 1985 for 1986
I/
Ml 4 to 7 3 to 8 4 to 7
M2 6 to 9 6 to 9 6 to 9
M3 6 to 9-1/2 6 to 9-1/2 6 to 9
Domestic Non-
financial debt 9 to 12 9 to 12 8 to 11
!_/ Annual rate of increase over the period fromQII 1985 to
QIV 1985.
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M1 Growth Ranges and Actual
Billions of dollars
1620
610
600
590
CtoO
580
ACTUAL Ml 570
560
550
J I I I I I L 540
O N D J F M AM J J A S O
1984 1985
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M2 Growth Range and Actual
Billions of dollars
2650
2600
— 2550
2500
CO
CO
ACTUAL M2
2450
2400
2350
2300
J I I J I I J I J 12250
O N D F M A M J S O N D
1984 1985
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M3 Growth Range and Actual
Billions of dollars
3300
3200
ACTUAL M3 3100
CO
3000
2900
I 1 L J I I J I I I I 2800
O N 0 J F M A MJ J A S O ND
1984 1985
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Debt Growth Range and Actual
Billions of dollars
6800
6600
6400
CO
ACTUAL DEBT CTt
6200
6000
5800
J 1 I J I 1 5600
O N D J F U A M J JA S O N D
1984 1985
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Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the clear,
blunt, frank and straightforward statement, and I certainly com-
mend you for reading it in its entirety. It was well worth the clar-
ity with which it was presented.
We will now proceed with questions of the witness under the 5-
minute rule.
Mr. Chairman, I have become enamored of late of a three-word
history of the United States: farmer, worker, clerk. Do you think
we are in the midst of a major transition from an industrial to a
service-oriented society? If that is the case, what do we need to do
to adequately make that transition without extreme pain, particu-
larly for the least among us in this country?
You have pointed out, and we know, that our economic situation
is one in which we have a split personality in the economy. The
major industries and manufacturing sectors have experienced a de-
cline. There has been certainly strong growth in the service area,
but certainly not enough to absorb the more than 100,000 jobs that,
by some estimates, have been lost in the last 6 months in the man-
ufacturing sector.
You indicate that monetary policy obviously alone cannot solve
this problem. You raise some questions as to whether U.S. policy
generally—fiscal or monetary—can effectively address this prob-
lem. Would you take a stab at suggesting how we get through this
"third" phase of American history?
Mr. VOLCKER. Let me put it in a little longer term perspective, as
your question implies. In terms of employment particularly, we
have been making a transition from a manufacturing economy to a
service economy for a long time. That has been a steady trend over
the postwar period, and you would now have manufacturing em-
ployment down to 20 percent, or maybe a little less, of the number
of workers.
It was not very many years ago, maybe 15 years ago, that that
was 30 percent, so it has been part of a rather persistent downward
trend. That trend is not matched in terms of the output figure. The
value of manufacturing output has been much better sustained rel-
ative to the economy. You get more productivity in manufacturing
areas.
So you have had a decline in employment consistent with a fairly
well-sustained fraction of the GNP in manufacturing, when you
measure it in final goods prices. You have to allow for that in-
crease in productivity, which is not entirely bad, to say the least.
What has been happening recently is, superimposed upon that
trend toward relatively less manufacturing and relatively less man-
ufacturing employment in particular, you have a special wrench-
ing, which is reflected in this very large increase in our trade bal-
ance.
We are now importing, as I said in my statement, an amount
equivalent to 21 percent of our manufacturing output. We are only
exporting 14 percent. So you have 7 percent of it coming net from
abroad. A few years ago, the difference was zero.
It is that extra 7 percent that seems to me an extraordinary ac-
celeration of the trend, if you will. That does create some problems,
because we are going to have to go backward on that, in my opin-
ion.
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We are going to have to, someday, come much closer to balance
in our trade accounts, and we are going to have to pick up, in
effect, that 7 percent that we are now drawing from abroad. That
may come against a general trend toward declining manufacturing
employment, but still it is going too fast now and implies a disequi-
librium and a wrench back in the other direction. If it is not han-
dled right, it will have inflationary implications.
What you do about it, I think, are two things. There is not much
monetary policy could do; we can pump up the economy, but that
would only aggravate those imbalances and accelerate inflation.
You can deal with the budget deficit with its insatiable require-
ments for financing, part of which is coming from abroad, directly
or indirectly, and feeds this trade imbalance and accelerates the
process that you are concerned about.
And we can also—we, in the larger sense of the world—look for
more growth abroad that would assist our exports and probably
decrease the incentives to export to the United States from those
countries.
There is a lot of room to grow abroad, because they have a high
level of unemployment. Some of that relative pressure on our man-
ufacturing industry reflects the fact that the level of economic ac-
tivity abroad is low.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Mr. Chairman, what was the vote in the
last Open Market Committee meeting for rebasing the monetary
aggregate? Were there dissenting views, and if so, what were they?
Mr. VOLCKER. We had a limited number of dissents on the vari-
ous decisions we had to make. In terms of the 1985 targets, there was
only one dissent. Just to anticipate your question, there were a
couple of dissents from the 1986 targets, and those dissents went in
different_directions, I think, in their implications^
Chairman FAUNTROY. Please explain the general direction in
which they went. What reasons were given?
Mr. VOLCKER. As to the dissent this year, I am not sure exactly. I
will see when the dissent is written whether it was a problem with
the rebasing itself or whether they thought the target was too high. I
don't know.
There was some concern that next year the targets may be too
low, but the dissents were, as I indicated, a small minority.
Chairman FAUNTROY. What about the central tendencies ex-
pressed in the report—were there any dissents?
Mr. VOLCKER. What we do in the report, Mr. Chairman, is give
you the full range of everybody's projection. The central tendency
gives you some feeling for where the cluster was.
You do not dissent; you just give a projection, and everybody's
projection is reflected in the ranges of those set forth on page 9 in
the Humphrey-Hawkins Report.
Chairman FAUNTROY. In making your decision to rebase the Ml
target range for the remainder of 1985, what consideration did you
give to the possible misunderstanding by the financial markets as
to your intentions to continue to fight against inflation?
Mr. VOLCKER. 1 suppose we give some attention to that. It is my
responsibility to try to explain this so that misunderstanding
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does not arise. But that does not provide perfect assurance, I have
discovered.
I think that there was a feeling that, as it worked during the
first half of the year, and given the growth in Ml thai we have
had, against all those factors, the old target implied a policy that
we were not prepared to follow, I suppose, and seemed inappropri-
ate under the circumstances.
If this was the case, and I think there was general agreement on
that point, then you are left with precisely how to present most ac-
curately your intentions for the future. And I think the feeling
was—certainly my feeling was—that it gives a fairer picture of
how we look at the future to rebase with a lower target range than
to give a new number for the whole year, which may imply to some
people that we are off on a course of expansion that we do not
intend.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Do you consider the FOMC decision to
rebase a reaffirmation that the monetary aggregates continue to be
primary in conducting monetary policy?
Mr. VOLCKER. Certainly we operate in the framework in which
setting forth these aggregates—and of course it is required by
law—is a primary point of departure in judging policy, and that
continues.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Did you believe that was better than con-
tinuing to allow the Ml aggregate to grow outside its target range?
Mr. VOLCKER. No, I think we feel that the kind of discipline pro-
vided by these targets remains useful. Of course, that does not
mean that we do not feel it necessary to exercise some judgment in
changing them if we find the evidence requires that. We did not
change most of them this time, but we did change the Ml target
because we thought that was necessary upon analysis of the per-
formance of Ml against the background of what is going on in the
economy. These are the points of departure which we assess
against other factors, as we have emphasized repeatedly.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you, Chairman Volcker.
Mr. McCollum.
Mr. McCOLLUM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
This morning's Wall Street Journal has an article and the lead
line is "Most interest rates fell yesterday and many analysts expect
further declines soon."
In your statement to us this morning, you have indicated that in
May the lowering of the discount rate, at least the Open Market
Committee action in May, followed the lowering of interest rates
generally in the economy and that general trend seems to be still
downward.
In the near term and under the existing conditions you described
in your statement today, if the interest rate trend continues in the
marketplace to be generally down, may we assume that it is likely
that the Open Market Committee will again lower the discount
rate at some point?
Mr. VOLCKER. It is the Federal Reserve Board that changes the
discount rate. But you started that question with an assumption,
and I do not think I am going to answer that kind of hypothetical
question. I am not going to project interest rates.
Mr. McCoixuM. Do you believe interest rates are trending down?
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Mr. VOLCKER. I think that all depends upon what happens in the
economy in coming weeks and months.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Well, may I ask you a follow-up question relative
to what is in your statement already.
You have stated that the Federal Reserve made a lowering of the
discount rates presumptively following the general trend in the
economy of the interest rates in the marketplace downward. What
other factors did you consider or was that the primary factor at the
time?
Mr. VOLCKER. We did it in the context of declining interest rates
in the market. I think reducing the discount rate, at least in the
short-term horizon, has the effect of facilitating, or not being a
drag on, further declines in interest rates, if that is where the
market wanted to go.
It was done against a background, as we indicated at the time, of
relatively sluggish economic performance, no signs of upward pres-
sures on prices beyond the trend that has been established, and a
strong dollar. Those three factors, at least, were important parts of
the environment in which that decision was made. We would
always look to that kind of factor in the environment in deciding
whether or not we wanted to reduce the discount rate in response
to market rates or otherwise.
Mr. McCoLLUM. In this particular case, you did respond to the
decline in market rates.
Mr. VOLCKER. Against that particular background we certainly
did, yes.
Mr. McCoLLUM. And while you don't want to project a trend, you
would agree that interest rates have generally continued to trend
downward to this point in time?
Mr. VOLCKER. In the last couple of weeks I do not think they
have done much. Whether that interrupts a trend, I do not know.
Only time will tell.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Clearly they went down yesterday.
Mr. VOLCKER. They went down yesterday. I think that is correct.
Mr. MCCOLLUM. OK.
I want to go off that and get to another question to ask about
your projections in the report itself on real GNP.
I understand that the presidents of the Federal Reserve Board
are projecting now for the fourth quarter to, fourth quarter GNP
growth for 1985 to be in the range of 2.25 to 3.25 percent growth,
and the central tendency is 2.75 to 3 percent. That is what I read
from the report.
Mr. VOLCKER. That is correct.
Mr. McCoLLUM. We had a very flat, obviously flat first quarter
in economic growth, and we don't know what the second quarter is
but it doesn't seem to be a greatly improved growth.
Does this mean or should I interpret from this that the FOMC
members and Reserve Board presidents are anticipating that we
are going to have a significant growth in GNP in the second half,
in the range of 5 to 6 percent in order to be able to reach the 2.75
or 3 percent for the year.
Mr. VOLCKER. I do not think it has to be that much. You are cor-
rect, it must anticipate a more rapid growth in the second half
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than in the first half, but I think in the area of 4-pIus percent
rather than 5 to 6 percent.
Mr. McCoLLUM. But you have to get there to get the average?
Mr. VOLCKER. That is correct.
Mr. McCoLLUM. It appears to me as a practical matter, Mr.
Volcker, that the Open Market Committee is presently ignoring
that in setting policy, because Ml is distorted and that is distorted
relative to other factors. You may not have said it precisely that
way and I know you have given yourself leaway to talk about it
this morning, but it seems to me distortion in Ml is a function of
the greater savings by Americans, both businessmen and individ-
uals, that in return has resulted in a less turnover of dollars and
lower velocity, which is what we talk about technically at that
point.
If the trend—I hate to use the word trend in light of my last line
of questions, but that is what we are looking at here in oversight—
if the trend in greater savings and lower velocity continues for the
significant period of tune down the road here this year and next
year, do you anticipate that the Open Market Committee, the Fed-
eral Reserve, will consider changes in the basic structure or compo-
nents of Ml or possibly recommend simply doing away with it as a
judgment factor altogether in policymaking?
Mr. VOLCKER. Let me distinguish between a couple of points. I do
not observe an increase in the savings rate for the economy as a
whole. We have had some cyclical increase because of increased
business savings, but the basic trend, using that word as opposed to
cycle of total savings, seems to me pretty much unchanged. But
what is at issue here is whether a bigger fraction of those savings
are being put in this form of money, particularly NOW accounts
and Super NOW accounts. We think that might be happening to
some extent, and that would change the trend in Ml velocity over
a period of time; it is at least one factor that would change it.
I personally am inclined to think it works in that direction, and
that it is a factor that says the upward trend in velocity that was
characteristic of most of the postwar period will now be—for that
reason alone anyway—less, and that would have some implications
for these targets as we set them from year to year.
I don't think that factor—the change in the longer-run trend of
velocity growth—is in itself large enough to necessitate a really
drastic change in the targets. It certainly does not explain what
happended to Ml velocity in the first half of this year, which was
too big a movement to be explained by changes in long-run trends.
However, it is quite a reasonable hypothesis, if I can use that word,
that the trend of nominal GNP relative to Ml, the historic upward
trend in velocity, might be reduced. That trend can be character-
ized in different ways. For many years it averaged something more
than 3 percent per annum, but if you adjust that figure to make
allowance for the effects of the upward trend in interest rates on
people's desired holdings of money, the underlying trend might
have been 2 percent or so. In a world of reasonably stable interest
rates, low inflation, and fewer regulatory constraints on deposit
rates, you might take that 2 percent down toward 1 percent or
maybe even less. It is that order of magnitude of difference we are
dealing with in regard to the long-run trend of velocity.
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Mr. McCoLLUM. Very significant change.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Thank you. I appreciate it.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I want now to yield to the distinguished
Representative from the Fifth Congressional District of North
Carolina, the former chairman of this Subcommittee on Domestic
Monetary Policy and now chairman of our Subcommittee on Inter-
national Finance Trade and Monetary Policies, Steve Neal.
Mr. NEAL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Volcker, I want to start my remarks by expressing a
great respect and gratitude to the chairman. I say gratitude because
it is clear to me and I think most economists, as I read about their
views, that it has been your policies over at the Fed starting in late
1979 that have brought down the rate of inflation rather dramati-
cally, and not Reaganomics.
I think it is important that we remember that, too, because I
have a feeling the way things are going that we are going to face
inflationary problems again, and the answer shouldn't be to build
up another huge layer of debt and so on like we have done under
the current program.
Having said that, let me say I see what appears to me to be a
problem with what is going on at the Fed now, and that is that
during several periods over the last couple of years, Ml growth has
far exceeded the target ranges which you have set and we in the
Congress have essentially agreed to.
I am not aware of any other time in history when that kind of
money growth hasn't been followed by higher inflation. A number
of economists are saving that we are setting the stage for higher
inflation in the future, and not only is that, it seems to me, a real
danger, but I am thinking of another situation where the dollar
might continue to fall in value relative to other currencies, which
would then have the effect of increasing prices in our economy, in-
creasing interest rates, because not as much money would be avail-
able in the economy, and it would seem to me by having already
far exceeded your own money growth targets, that your options
would be severely limited.
You might assume that under such a circumstance that the Fed
would pump in some more money to sort of take up the slack for a
short period of time, but I think that would be difficult for you at
that time, and might only exacerbate the problem.
Now, I have to say I hope that that doesn't occur, and I hope
that the dollar declines in an orderly fashion and so on, but I don't
think we can count on that. That is not a sure thing by any means.
There are two concerns that I have. Let me wrap up with that.
One is that it seems to me we have had very excessive money
growth recently. You are under a lot of pressure, I know, to in-
crease it even more. And let me ask the question: What would you
do if the dollar declines? Isn't it a problem?
Doesn't the fact that money growth has been in excess of target
ranges, rather dramatically sometimes, limit your options in the
case of a rapid decline in the value of the dollar?
Mr. VOLCKER. I am not sure that it limits our options in the case
of a rapid decline in the value of the dollar. I think whether or not
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it is a problem depends upon the degree to which our judgment
and analysis of what caused it is correct.
As you pointed out, there was a rapid increase from mid-1982 to
mid-1983 that gave rise to considerable concern by some people. It
might have inflationary implications. Now, 3 years later, I think it
is pretty well agreed that that burst in Ml growth did not have in-
flationary implications, and that judgment at the time that it
would not turned out to be correct.
It does not prove what will be correct in the current instance.
We will wait and see, but we see some plausible reasons to think
that this recent burst has some of the same characteristics of that
earlier burst. When one looks at the background of what is going
on currently—and this certainly is not a complete answer—we ask
what is different from what happened or what we thought might
happen at the beginning of the year.
One thing is that Ml is higher than we thought it would be at
the beginning of the year. But, we have also had almost steady de-
clines in commodity prices over that period, oil prices are at the
least soft and probably declining. We have wage rates going up ac-
tually a little slower this year than last year; we have manufactur-
ing goods prices pretty steady, and we have slow economic growth.
That is not exactly inflationary.
Just look at that in and of itself, so I think we have had a lot of
factors working against inflation, happily, and I don't interpret
bursts in Ml growth at this stage—and let us hope I am correct—
as being inflationary against that background. I agree with you as
a matter of judgment, unduly prolonged it would be. I certainly rec-
ognize the risk that you cite of what happens if the dollar goes
down and goes down a lot and precipitously. That almost mechani-
cally, after some point at least, has inflationary implications. It
also has implications for improving our trade position and for a
more rapidly growing economy, and I certainly don't see the impli-
cations of that situation as ones where we would be more liberal on
the money supplying side. But we don't want to compound that
risk by creating too much money now. I would agree with that, and
that is a matter of judgment.
You asked what you can do to deal with that. You cannot deal
with all those risks by monetary policies alone, and that is a princi-
pal risk that points to the urgency of dealing with the budgetary
problem.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Hiler.
Mr. HILER I thank the Chairman.
Mr. Volcker, Chairman Volcker, at various times in the last sev-
eral years the average public or financial analyst or anyone who
cared to take the time to observe could have watched Ml, could
have watched maybe inflation figures, could have watched capacity
utilization, could have watched the tone of labor agreements, a va-
riety of things, to get an indication of maybe what the Fed might
be looking at to determine the course of monetary policies.
I would ask you today, when I leave here at 11 o clock or 12 noon
or 1 o'clock, whenever this hearing is over, what should I watch to
get some type of indication as to what the Fed is looking at over
the next several months?
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Mr. VOLCKER. The only honest answer I can give you, Mr. Hiler,
is all of the above. You use monetary figures, debt figures to pro-
vide a kind of framework for approaching policies. If they were all
going in one direction, it gives you a good starting point.
I spent a lot of time this morning, and I am sure we will spend a
lot more time, appraising what appears to be a rather different
kind of performance in Ml, to which there is necessarily a certain
amount of uncertainty attached. So we look at Ml more cautiously
and try to make allowances for those uncertainties, and if these
are our starting point, then we look at all those other factors you
mentioned.
What other indications we have are the tenor and trend of infla-
tionary forces, the direction of the economy, the level of the dollar,
and its affect on our trade position and on economic distortions.
Mr. HILER What indicators might I be able to look at tomorrow
that would indicate that there would be a tightening in policies? Is
there any indicator today in the bag of indicators that you look at
that you would point to tightening policies, or are they all pointing
to maintaining a loose policy?
Mr. VOLCKER. No, you have a high level of Ml to start with. Just
look at that by itself. That would say, I suppose, a tight policy, so
that is one on that side.
Mr. HILER Which today we have discounted.
Mr. VOLCKER. We have discounted it, yes, not eliminated it. But
you asked what indicator one would look at, and that is one you
would look at. I don't know what to say about the dollar now, be-
cause it has been declining pretty sharply in the last week or so, so
you might begin at some stage to put that in the other category.
Mr. HILER Would you say there is a trend there?
Mr. VOLCKER. I would not want to project using data from only
the last week into a trend. It would be a rather sharp trend, but
you know, that depends upon which way it is going, whether you
would look at that as a matter of concern on the tightening side.
Then you appraise as best you can but do not put full weight on it,
because these things are not always certain. I am not putting full
weight on any of these things you look at—the direction of econom-
ic activity and what other evidence you have about the degree of
present pressures or dangers.
Mr. HILER Thank you.
Mr. VOLCKER. I only speak for myself. There are 12 members of the
FOMC. I often read in that newspaper that policy is run by last
quarter's GNP figure. I do not think that is a very good indicator of
policy. There is nothing you can do about the last quarter.
Mr. HILER Hopefully we can sometimes use the last quarter to
indicate whether we ought to try to obtain a better next quarter.
Mr. VOLCKER. There might be something going on in the events
of the last quarter that give you some clue as to what might go on
in the future—that is what you are really interested in.
Mr. HILER I think you mentioned in your testimony or maybe it
was in the report—my time has expired so this will be my last
question—that really we have somewhat of a dichotomy on the
price side. We have falling prices, or at least stable prices in many
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of the manufactured goods and commodities, and yet we have
rising prices in the service sector.
Mr. VOLCKER. Correct.
Mr. HILER Do you see those rising prices in the service sector as
a cause to be alarmed about?
Mr. VOLCKER. I certainly think just on the surface, that they
help keep the overall inflation rate moving along at too high a
level, and they keep inflationary expectations alive. I think there is
some evidence that the underlying factors in the service area are
working a bit towards a slower rate of increase in prices over time,
and I think that will be the case if the goods sector of the economy
remains pretty flat in terms of price change. We want to be sure,
to the extent we can, that service prices go in that direction rather
than seeing the sectors of the economy that are not inflating appre-
ciably now begin to ratchet up to what is going on in the service
area.
That is one way of viewing the policy problem, I suppose. It is
very important that you can not change service prices very rapidly,
but that they continue to move in a less inflationary direction, and
they have been doing that very slowly.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The distinguished gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Barnard.
Mr. BARNARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, in your statement I discern that we or you pretty
well could explain the increase in Ml in previous cycles of in-
crease, but I did not really see any full explanation, maybe I mis-
read it, as to why we were having such a tremendous increase in
Ml now, except that we were having it.
The question comes to my mind, on page 27 you say in your
statement that "we do not need to look far to see the signs of
strain, imbalance and danger."
Don't you feel like that there is general public unrest or lack of
confidence by not only the business community but individuals as
to what is going on as far as the budget, trade imbalance, imports,
to such a degree that the public is just sort of waiting to see what
is going to happen?
Mr. VOLCKER. Let me not forget the comment you made first, be-
cause I do not fully agree with it. I think we do have a good sense
of what is going on in Ml, up until May and June anyway. We can
not yet explain the bulge in May and June, but that is a brief
period of time.
Be that as it may, I think I sense something of what you are
saying about the size of the trade deficit, the size of the budgetary
problem, and the fact that the manufacturing sector has been
under some pressure all of which give rise to some feeling of in-
creased uncertainty. However, you do not see that reflected very
much in these regular surveys that are made of consumer atti-
tudes. The indexes of consumer sentiment are not quite as high as
they were in terms of confidence, but they are pretty high, and I
think the last one actually showed a small increase—maybe not
significant, but they have not declined. They have not shown any
great erosion in consumer confidence in terms of buying plans or
the outlook for the economy—the things that are usually surveyed.
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I am still left with the same feeling you are, that there is some
sense of concern and uncertainty about some of these other factors,
and I think it is legitimate. If that sense of concern and uncertain-
ty could coalesce in action in a couple of directions, in Congress
and elsewhere, I think we would all be better off.
Mr. BARNARD. In that regard, of course, much of the blame does
associate itself with what we are not doing right now, and that is
reducing Federal spending and trying to bring the budget under
control, and as we discuss the budget even today, and we see the
indecision that still prevails in the committees, we notice that
there are a lot of recommendations coming other than from the
White House for a consideration of tax increases, feeling that we
have probably done as much as we can do without penalizing some
segments of the public severely in reducing Federal spending.
In your opinion, if a tax increase came about through a consump-
tion type tax, what harm do you think that would do to the econo-
my?
Mr. VOLCKER. As I have already said as a preface to that that if
Congress can not make sufficient savings in the budget—sufficient
reductions in the deficit purely on the spending side, which would
be best for the economy—then you must turn to revenues. If you did
that by a consumption tax, I think in the long run that would be a
desirable way to do it. The trouble with some consumption taxes is
that in the very short run they can have an impact on the Con-
sumer Price Index. That is not real inflation in the sense that I
would think of it conceptually, but since it appears in the Con-
sumer Price Index, people read it as inflation. That is a drawback,
but otherwise I think the basic economics of it says if you are going
to go for increased revenues you go in that direction.
Mr. BARNARD. And you are saying though that the impact on in-
flation—couldn't that be somewhat controlled?
Mr. VOLCKER. I hope it is controlled by £ood monetary and other
policies, but it depends upon the type of consumption tax. If you
had a tax on income it would not have this kind of effect, but if
you are thinking of some kind of a sales tax or a value added tax—
which I wonder whether you could do in the short run; I am talk-
ing structurally now rather than what might be practical in terms
of this year's decision—I do not know how you would avoid that
tax being passed through very largely in the first instance, to the
Consumer Price Index.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Volcker expired my time.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Leach.
Mr. LEACH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
In reading your statement, Mr. Volcker, it appears that you have
a rather extraordinary mix of good and bad news. The good news is
the economy has been doing rather well for the last 2Vz years, and
the developing countries are adequately managing the debt situa-
tion.
The bad news is that it is based on American consumer borrow-
ing, both public and private debt. What is left is the picture of a
country living for the present, and also a country where there is a
great deal of unevenness in the economy, as you have pointed out.
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As a representative of an area that is probably as negatively im-
pacted by recent fiscal and monetary policies as any, I would
simply like to express concern over the combination of a rather
tight monetary policy and a loose fiscal policy. An eased monetary
policy has implications for fairness as well as for the economy at
large, and that a little bit of inflation and a reduction in the value
of the dollar may well be the greatest way to avoid protectionist
efforts from a congressional perspective, and that this ought to be a
serious concern of the Federal Reserve Board.
In that regard, I, as one, am rather pleased with your latest
move in terms of easing monetary targets, and think that a little
too much consistency, as many people pointed out, is the hobgoblin
of little minds, but I do have a fear that it is too late for some parts
of American society.
Of course, right now in the farm belt, we are facing some prob-
lems that could only be described as wretched. As we look at our
credit system, most particularly the $80 billion farm credit system,
does the Federal Reserve Board have the mandate to move as ag-
gressively to see that the farm credit system doesn't collapse as it
did in the case of the Continental Bank?
Mr. VOLCKER. We have been looking at the farm credit system. I
do not think it is going to collapse, it has some very substantial
strengths. I do not anticipate it is going to require any Federal Re-
serve assistance. If all those judgments turned out to be wrong, I
think ultimately we have certain authorities that could be used.
Mr. LEACH. Can you specify what those might be?
Mr. VOLCKER. I am thinking primarily of the authority we have
in the discount window, both specifically and more generally in
terms of emergency provisions in the Federal Reserve Act.
Mr. LEACH. So that you are prepared to look at that in a serious
way?
Mr. VOLCKER. We would look at it if the circumstances dictated
that. I do not want to suggest that it is easy.
If you give me the opportunity to intrude upon your time, I do
not agree with your thought that a little bit of inflation might be a
good thing. The trouble with a little bit of inflation is it leads to
more, and we already have too much.
Mr. LEACH. That could be the case, except in contrast with the
alternatives, and if the alternatives are a non-manufacturing base
in the United States, a nonfarming base in the United States, a
nonmining base in the United States, then perhaps a little bit of
inflation is more attractive.
I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you. The distinguished gentleman
from Kentucky, Mr, Hubbard.
Mr. HUBBARD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and to you,
Chairman Volcker, we thank you for appearing before our subcom-
mittee and for your presentation today.
As we know, this year one of the few laws that have been en-
acted was when Congress passed and the President signed into law
the repeal of the contemporaneous recordkeeping requirements
that we imposed upon business people in the tax bill last year and
the regulations that were written by the Internal Revenue Service
and went into effect this January, but a majority of the Members
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of Congress cosponsored legislation both in the Senate side and the
House side to make sure that was repealed.
I mention that because Congress acted quickly when the people
were upset and uptight about something they didn't like. I think
most of us in this room agree that the Federal deficits are just as
serious as you have mentioned in your statement.
You have said "the hard fact remains that so long as we run
massive budgetary deficits, we will remain dependent on unprece-
dented capital in flows to help finance directly or indirectly that
deficit."
You are familiar with my district, and I was honored a couple of
years ago when you appeared in the gymnasium at Mayfield, KY,
my hometown, to talk to about 2500 people. You will recall that
very few people that night were uptight about the deficit.
They were concerned about interest rates, whether Social Securi-
ty could last, and mad about foreign aid. But just in today's paper
we see headlines that read "Impasse with Senate Endangers Con-
gressional Efforts to Reduce the Deficit."
Last week we passed in the House by voice vote a foreign aid au-
thorization bill which will cost $12.6 billion if that is approved in
the appropriations process. Yesterday we voted by voice vote in the
House for $15.3 billion of spending for energy and water funds, and
that is only $217 million below last year's level.
If you were speaking again in my hometown, trying to convince
those folks I represent that the deficit is really serious, what could
you tell them that would make them as uptight about the deficit as
they were about these IRS regulations which require businessmen
to log their mileage?
We acted on that, because the people were mad, but the people
are not mad about the deficits, and you have said today, Mr. Chair-
man, "We have a relatively strong economic expansion in the
United States over the past 2 ^ years as a whole. The rate of infla-
tion has remained at the lowest level in more than 15 years. That
combination should be a source of great satisfaction."
One major reason our President was reelected, carrying 49
States, most of us in Congress were reelected, is because people
thought the economy was in good shape. What do we say to our
folks back home to convince them that this deficit is dangerous?
Mr. VOLCKER. I remember very well that visit. It took place in
the middle of the recession, as I recall, at a time when interest
rates were pretty high. I had a sense that they were concerned
about inflation and where this country was going, and I am sure
that concern still exists. I just find it a little surprising that the
people in Mayfield, KY, would not be concerned about the budget
deficit.
Mr. HUBBARD. They are. But they don't want their Social Securi-
ty benefits cut, and they don't want to lose other benefits.
Mr. VOLCKER. That is the classic problem. Unlike the IRS record-
keeping of expenses, this hurts somebody in its specifics. I think it
has to be put to them as a reasonable sharing of burdens. They
have to understand the importance of this in terms of maintaining
that economic performance, that economic growth, and that price
performance, that is the cause of some satisfaction; it has to be ex-
plained to them. I hope that is not an impossible job, because I
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think they have a lot of good common sense and horse sense out
there, and that is not an impossible thing for them to understand.
When we are living on this much borrowed money, we are also
living on this much borrowed time; and if they are reasonably sat-
isfied with economic circumstances, they must do something to en-
hance the prospects that that continues.
Mr. HUBBARD. Last, I want to say the people of this country do
respect you. The members of this subcommittee and the Members
of Congress respect you. We do listen to you as to your comments.
Your statements reflect many changes on Wall Street and across
the country, even things you say today. I would hope that you can
strongly appeal to the American people that this deficit is extreme-
ly dangerous, because as yet surely you realize, in watching Con-
gress, the message has not been brought to us as clearly as it
should be because we continue to pass foreign aid authorization
bills, energy and water appropriation bills.
There is an impact now in the Budget Conference Committee,
and the people I hear from are not writing about the deficit; they
are writing about personal problems.
Mr. VOLCKER. I see this deficit somewhat like a bully in a school-
yard; he grabs some money from half the kids and gives them
bloody noses, and pays off the other half. Sometimes people say,
well, you, the Federal Reserve, go around with some band-aids and
take care of all the bloody noses. But some day that bully is going
to run out of the money to pay off half the kids and we are going to
run out of band-aids. And you cannot run home to mother. So, we
had better go after the bully.
Chairman FAUNTROY. That is a very graphic analysis of what we
need to do.
The distinguished gentleman from California, Mr. Dreier.
Mr. DREIER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Although not a member of this subcommittee, I appreciate the
opportunity to participate today.
Mr. Chairman, other than the reduction in interest rate differen-
tials, to what do you attribute the fact that the dollar has been
weakening? Based on what you said, that might not be a trend that
started last week, but it certainly is a shift in direction from what
we have seen over the past several years.
Mr. VOLCKER. I am afraid my analysis may be no more authorita-
tive than all the reasons that might have been given earlier for
why it was so exceptionally strong in the face of some develop-
ments that you would think ordinarily might move in another di-
rection. But interest rates have been lower for some time in abso-
lute terms, relative to those prevailing in other countries.
I think the market is affected by what its interpretation is of the
economic outlook, and therefore the interest rate outlook. How
much of that is entering into this recent movement, I do not know.
I think there has been some feeling in the background for a long
time that the dollar is very high, and that some time it might go
lower. And I think that accounts for the suddenness of some of
these movements. But, as I said, that feeling has been there for a
long time.
You sought an answer to the question why it affects the market
now, and it did not earlier.
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Mr. DREIER. Assuming that there is a continuing decline, at what
point do you believe that it will have an impact on our tremendous
trade deficit problem?
Mr. VOLCKER. My feeling has been that, with the rise in the
dollar in the past year, on top of an already strong dollar, the
profit margins for many foreign exporters have gotten very large.
There probably could be some decline in the dollar without much
effect on either import prices—that is the favorable side—or the
unfavorable side, without much effect on incentives to export to
the United States. So I would not expect, in the magnitude that we
have been operating in, much effect either on inflation or on the
trade balance. But a less robust dollar obviously goes in the direc-
tion of working against further increases in the trade deficit.
Mr. DREIER. Just one more question before we have to go for our
vote. You mentioned the fact that a number of nations have been
able to reduce their debt at a much more substantial rate than we
have.
Mr. VOLCKER. Their internal debt, yes.
Mr. DREIER. Right.
What kinds of steps do you believe that we could take, modeled
after those things other nations have done?
Mr. VOLCKER. They have no magic formulas. They face up to the
same old questions of reducing expenditures and increasing taxes,
with one difference that is not relevant to our experience. Many of
them have state-owned enterprises where they have been subsidiz-
ing the prices, and thus can make a big impact on their budgetary
situation. It is not easy, but they can raise the prices and avoid
giving such large subsidies to state-owned enterprises. That has
been a major way that they have gone about their budgetary prob-
lem, which is not open to us. But they have just the same slogging
problems on the expenditure and tax side that we do.
Mr. DREIER. Over the next 18 months, what do you see as the
weakest spots in our economy?
Mr. VOLCKER. The weak area of our economy seems to me to be
the goods-producing side. In agriculture, we continue to experience
financial problems. You do not get into reduced output, but there
are pressures on the manufacturing side. I am not projecting any
decline in manufacturing activity, but that is the area where the
pressures are. There are also even more pressures in mining, but
that is a relatively small sector.
Mr. DREIER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you.
I would like to inquire into an area that Mr. Neal, as chairman
of the Subcommittee on International Finance, Trade and Mone-
tary Policy has also addressed in his work. In view of the debilitat-
ing effects of the enormous outstanding debt of developing nations
to U.S. banks, should the United States continue to insist on strict
austerity programs for borrowers, enabling them to make good on
their loans? Would it be better in terms of both economic stability
in the financial markets and political stability in those countries to
seek some long-term restructuring of the debt to equity, developing
a secondary market, or capping interest rates? I seem to recall that
both Vice Chairman Preston Martin and Dr. Kissinger have made
some suggestions along these lines.
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Mr. VOLCKER. I think you have to work within the area of what
is possible and practical. These countries, by and large, now need
or will need some new money. You have to ask who is going to pro-
vide that money. I think it is in their interests, and I think they
have conceived it to be in their interests, to service their debts,
looking toward getting new money now or getting new money later
and establishing and maintaining their creditworthiness.
There has been a lot of restructuring. There has been some nar-
rowing of interest rate spreads where there has been improvement
in their performance. I see no conflict between so-called austerity
for these countries and getting themselves in a restructured posi-
tion, and I will interpret restructuring somewhat differently than
you did—that supports their growth and economic health over a
period of time.
The budgetary austerity may be necessary for a period. You are
talking about austerity in some of these cases relative to a budget
deficit of 10 percent of the GNP, or 15 percent of the GNP, or 20
percent of the GNP. They are not going to prosper in those circum-
stances. They have to go through a period, in my judgment, of get-
ting their fiscal house in order. But they also have to do other
things that put their economies on a firmer, growth-oriented trend,
and those things come with as much difficulty or even greater diffi-
culty sometimes than reducing the budgetary deficit, which is
simple in concept, but not in carrying out.
I think it is important that these countries open up their econo-
mies. And when I say open up, I do not mean just externally—I
think that is important, too. But they should have more competi-
tive markets internally, so they have a stronger, more dynamic pri-
vate sector, less stifling controls over their economies. Those are
the fundamental things that have to be done, I think, to support
the growth that they certainly need. They certainly need also a fa-
vorable external economic environment, both in terms of economic
growth and interest rates.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you.
Mr. VOLCKER. You can talk about all kinds of ways of restructur-
ing the debt. One question that arises is: Are you going to appropri-
ate the money? Are the banks going to volunteer great amounts on
their own score? If the money does not come from the banks and it
does not come from the U.S. Congress, where is it going to come
from?
Chairman FAUNTROY. I will to continue that line of questioning
as we proceed through the hearings. We have been joined now by
the distinguished representative from Louisiana, Mr. Roemer.
Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Volcker, I want to thank you for coming, and
do more than my perfunctory courtesy to witnesses. In honesty, as
part of the etiquette of this institution, we tell them with some sin-
cerity that we appreciate them being here. But I want to go further
and tell you that I appreciate the job that you are doing. I know it
is difficult, and I think you have done a heck of a job under diffi-
cult circumstances.
I would like to divide my questions into two parts, if I could;
first, as relates to your role as our central banker.
In reading your report this morning, or your presentation, there
is some uncertainty in my mind, as I think there is in the report,
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over the usefulness of Ml. Would that be a fair way to characterize
it? And are we replacing the uncertainty of Ml with other meas-
urements that you have not stated here, or aggregate measures
that you are using?
This is a technical question, but I would like a straightforward
answer.
Mr. VOLCKER. I would state it somewhat differently. I think Ml
is a useful measure, something that has to be watched. But there is
an exceptional amount of uncertainty surrounding its recent per-
formance. We are in a period where I think it has to be looked at
with some caution, but I do not want to throw out Ml, or take as
strong a measure as your statement suggested. But we are certain-
ly in a period of uncertainty. Are we replacing it with another kind
of mechanical rule? I think the answer to that is no.
Mr. ROEMER. Are you looking for a replacement?
Mr. VOLCKER. Conceptually I would like to have one. But I do not
know what it is.
Mr. ROEMER. Would I be unfair if I say that Ml has limited use-
fulness at present? You would love to find a replacement; you just
don't know where to look?
Mr. VOLCKER. Its usefulness is more limited than I would like.
But I do not know where to find the replacement.
Mr. ROEMER. All right.
Second, on the central banker's role—and that is the value of our
dollar—I think we would fairly say that it is overvalued and that,
in reading your report this morning, I find that you find problems
with that overvaluation. I also sense, in reading your report, that
you find problems if it were to be more in line with value. In other
words, I read in your report that it is bad that the dollar is up, it is
bad if the dollar is down, and it is bad with the dollar right where
it is.
Would you like to see—would your institution like to see, if it
can see at all, the dollar up, down, or unchanged?
Mr. VOLCKER. I cannot answer that question unless you specify
some other things. If the dollar went down in the context of signifi-
cant progress with respect to the budgetary deficit—which in itself
deals with some of the real and expectational inflationary effects
and more directly reduces the demands on the capital markets, in
the face of a potentially reduced supply of capital from abroad—
within limits that could be a reasonable and healthy thing. I would
hate to see the dollar go down because of lack of confidence in the
United States, when we have to finance our huge budget deficits,
because you are just going to squeeze some other sector of the econ-
omy if that happens.
Mr. ROEMER. I always have to translate what you say into my
north Louisiana language. And it is difficult. That is my problem—
not yours.
But, do I hear you saying that you would like the dollar to fall,
but for the right reason?
Mr. VOLCKER. I would rather see it fall in the context of the right
reasons than fall for the wrong reasons; that is for sure.
Mr. ROEMER. I am pressing you; not successfully, I might add—
but does that mean you would accept the dollar where it is, over-
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valued, with all the effects on this economy, if the choice were to
fall for a lack of confidence?
Mr. VOLCKER. If I have no choice, yes.
Mr. ROEMER. Thank you.
Mr. VOUCHER. I consider falling for lack of confidence the equiva-
lent of no choice.
Mr. ROEMER. Finally, in terms of economic, not central banker
judgments—and you are allowed to make these judgments, Mr.
Volcker, as an American citizen, and are well-qualified to do so—I
don't see a budget resolution—one person's view; I hope I arn
wrong—I don't see a budget resolution, particularly if the test of
resolution is significant deficit reduction.
If my assumption is true, what do you foresee over the next year
until the next budget cycle is reached? What advice would you give
to those of us looking for courage, for example, and leadership, on
the question of deficit reduction? Now, be specific for me.
What cost are we going to have politically back home if we don't
get up off our rear-ends, cut military, cut social, raise corporate
minimum taxes, and lower the deficit, cut COLA's, all the rest? I
am just going to spell it out. If we don't do that, what political
costs do my colleagues and myself face?
Mr VOLCKER. I think I have to give you a range of results, em-
bodying the good economic news and the bad economic news. And,
I do not know; nobody knows or could predict the timing of these
things or the reaction to them.
The good news would be that we would continue with more of
what we have had. The dollar would remain high—this is the good
news story—because there is some continuing confidence in mone-
tary policy though not fiscal policy. This would help to contain
pressures on prices, but certain sectors of the economy would
remain under pressure; there would be continuing pressures of im-
ports on the goods producing sector of the economy. As imports
continue in excess of exports, debt piles up abroad and that debt
will have to be serviced or repaid. But the adjustments that are en-
tailed will still be in the future. However, the future will have
become more difficult because in the meantime we will be getting
less of the productive investment at home that we will need to
yield the productive capacity to meet—when the net inflow of for-
eign capital abates—both our domestic needs and the obligations
built up by borrowing from abroad.
Your constituents have been living through that situation, but
they have not seen the bad news. The bad news is that, for what-
ever reason, including the adverse reaction of manufacturing to the
good news scenario, the economy as a whole is not ebullient and
confidence in the dollar erodes. Or the dollar may drop because
failure to take fiscal action reduces confidence in our capacity to
manage our affairs. The dollar goes off—goes off enough so that it
has inflationary repercussions. The drop in the dollar may poten-
tially help the manufacturing sector of the economy, but you are
going to run into interest rate problems in the market. You could
have a greater inflationary threat evident to your constituents at
the time, and a great deal more concern and perhaps actuality
about pressures in the financial markets as the Federal budget also
continues to demand a large share of the Nation's saving while the
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net inflow of foreign saving may be dropping off. That will shift the
pressures in the economy to other sectors, and it will do it in the
midst of a lot of uncertainty and discomfort.
Mr. Barnard referred to a feeling of uncertainty before. If you
think there is a feeling of uncertainty now, in those circumstances,
I think you would see it maximized.
Mr. ROEMER. My time has expired. I thank you for your answer.
I just say, that is the problem. That is why we won't solve the
budget, Mr. Volcker. I mean, every man here has to answer the
question of what does it do to my people, and your answer is, in the
long run, it hurts them and damages them badly. But, whether
that is next week, next month, next year or a decade from now,
nobody knows.
Mr. VOLCKER. I understand your problem very well, and I sympa-
thize with it. But I guess I have to feel somehow the political
system has to be able to anticipate a problem.
Mr. ROEMER. I agree. I share your thoughts.
I would say that your comments on the protectionism in your
statement are excellent. Read the Washington Post of the last 2
days on the shipbuilding industry where we are building fewer,
hiring less Americans, and it is costing us more.
Mr. VOLCKER. I should have mentioned, even the most favorable
scenario I can see only builds protectionist pressures. I would sus-
pect by next year, if nothing is done, it is going to build to the
point where they break out. People may be happy about that; the
constituent may think it is going to help them in the first instance.
But I do not think it will take them very many months to find out
that was a bad idea.
Mr. ROEMER. I agree. Thanks.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The time of the gentleman has expired.
We have been joined by the distinguished ranking member of the
full Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs Committee, and the dis-
tinguished gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Wylie.
Mr. WYLIE. Thank you very much Mr. Chairman, for your warm
welcome.
I want to join in welcoming the Chairman of the Federal Reserve
at this hearing on monetary policy this morning, and I would agree
that we are at a critical juncture as the Federal Reserve tries to set
its course for the remainder of the current year.
As you mentioned, there have been some significant changes in
the economy since last February, when you were here. We had an
inkling that first quarter growth of the economy would be weak,
but we did not know at the time how disappointing it might turn
out to be. Neither did we know how much of the total domestic
demand would be met by foreign suppliers, and thus add to the lop-
sided imbalance in our foreign trade.
Given the economic outlook, which appears more than normally
shrouded in uncertainty with the fiscal policy that remains contro-
versial, as several members of this panel have already suggested, it
is going to make it more difficult for you to insure against nonin-
flationary growth.
But, in arriving at your monetary targets for 1986, Mr. Chair-
man, what assumptions have you made with respect to fiscal
policy?
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Mr. VOLCKER. We have generally been making the assumption
that something on the order of magnitude, or a little less, of the
package that emerged from the Senate—I think it really is a differ-
ent package than emerged from the House—quantitatively some-
thing approaching $50 billion, would be a little optimistic at this
point.
Mr. WYLIE. Still optimistic that Congress will come up with a
budget deficit reduction package of around $50 billion, and you are
sticking to that?
Mr. VOLCKER. That is correct.
Mr. WYLIE. All right.
Well, I hope that your optimism bears fruit, and I am not so sure
that I am as optimistic today as I was last week, along with the
gentleman from Louisiana.
You mentioned, also, about the decline of the dollar. How would
that be reflected in our exports if the dollar continues to decline?
I will tell you where I am coming from on this. You are right
that there is a growing mood for protectionism all across the coun-
try, and it is based in the Midwest area where I come from. For
instance, there are bills in now which would restrict the importing
of automobiles, television sets, footwear, textiles, bicycles and
lumber, just to mention a few. What impact does that have on the
economy?
Mr. VOLCKER. The protectionist pressure?
Mr. WYLIE. Well, no. The fact that there are these imports
coming into the country. Last year—and that was a good ques-
tion—there was a trade deficit, a merchandise trade deficit, of $108
billion.
Mr. VOLCKER. It will be a lot more this year.
Mr. WYLIE. It will be more this year. Now, do you factor that in?
Mr. VOLCKER. Yes. That, in itself, is the reason that manufactur-
ing, the goods-producing side of the economy, has been as sluggish
as it has been—it has been that increase in imports. It is not the
demand; demand is quite healthy. It is not as high as it was—in
terms of rate of increase—in 1983 or the early part of 1984. But,
domestic final demands have been growing 4 percent or more,
which is certainly a pretty good rate of speed to be sustained. It is
not appearing in production, precisely because of those imports
that you are referring to.
Mr. WYLIE. What suggestion would you have for us to thwart
fears that the imbalance in trade is causing a really harmful
impact on our economy, and that we ought to do something about
it vis-a-vis protectionism?
Mr. VOLCKER. You say it has a harmful impact on the economy.
The direct impact on the manufacturing industry is harmful. But
the related fact is that that surge in imports and increase in the
trade deficit is the opposite side of the coin of a big net capital
inflow, which is very helpful to the economy, and it is going to be
helpful and necessary so long as this country has such a big budget
deficit. You cannot talk about getting rid of the trade deficit with-
out getting rid of the capital in-flow. You may love to get rid of the
trade deficit, but you are not going to love to get rid of the capital
inflow, so long as the demands on our capital markets are so big.
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Of course, the area you can do something about is the Federal
budget deficit. Now, that is awfully hard to explain to a fellow in
Ohio who is worried about his manufacturing job and sees the im-
ports.
Mr. WYLIE. It certainly is.
Mr. VOLCKER. But I do not think it is going to help that situation
if you say, "Okay, we have too many imports; we will take the
most direct measure we can take, a protectionist measure." I think
you are going to find that whatever help it may be to a particular
manufacturer, a particular worker at a particular time, it is not
going to help the overall trade situation. You will get retaliation;
you will get more price pressures. If nothing else happens and you
put on some protectionism—you will probably get a still higher
dollar. I do not think it is likely that nothing else would happen.
You would get foreign retaliation.
Mr. WYLIE. I think my time has expired. But I would like to ask
one more question in the form of a summary of your testimony.
Would you say that the Federal Reserve has done all it can to
encourage lower interest rates and help reduce the value of the
dollar? In doing so, the Fed has accepted a considerable amount of
risk of reviving inflation domestically and causing serious problems
for Third World debtor countries, and it is now up to Congress to
do the rest by bringing down the Federal deficit.
Mr. VOLCKER. I think we feel we have done all we can within the
limitation of not disturbing the basically favorable inflation out-
look, which is central to our whole approach.
Mr. WYLIE. Then, in the process, we would adopt policies which
would provide for home-grown expansion, if you please, and that
would help us as far as
Mr. VOLCKER. We have a home-grown expansion. It is flowing
abroad. The foreign countries need home-grown expansion.
Mr. WYLIE. I accept that.
Mr. VOLCKER. We are fertilizing the rest of the world.
Mr. WYLIE. I accept that caveat, sir.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The distin-
guished gentleman from Tennessee, Mr. Cooper, has yielded to the
distinguished gentleman from Alabama, Mr. Erdreich.
Mr. ERDREICH. I appreciate the gentleman from Tennessee for
yielding for a moment. I am curious, 6 months ago, Mr. Chairman,
when we had our last hearings, your growth expectations were a
little better than what you are looking at or telling us here now.
Mr. VOLCKER. Correct.
Mr. ERDREICH. We are looking at 2.75 or 3 percent growth ranges
as your current projection. I heard one of your Board members talk
about this using a term I don't like, a growth recession, and I
would be curious, do you characterize where we are now as a quote
"growth recession"?
Mr. VOLCKER. No, I do not use that phrase generally, but I would
not characterize it as a growth recession in any event.
Mr. ERDREICH. Are you satisfied with the level of growth at 2 or
3 percent? What bothers me is we are still apparently stuck in a
rut on unemployment. Your figures I think show a little better
than 7 percent, possibly 7 percent. Do you see any opportunity in
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the next 6 or 12 months to improve on unemployment so more
folks are working?
Mr. VOLCKER. These are a range of projections. We have been
wrong in some respects before and we could be wrong again. If you
are asking me whether there is any opportunity to do better on
growth and employment, I certainly think there is.
Mr. ERDREICH. I mean any optimism that it will be better?
Mr. VOLCKER. I would think the chances are as good, they could
be better, but they could be worse. This is the center of the range. I
think we will do better on the inflation side than these projections.
The Federal Open Market Committee has overestimated the infla-
tion rate for 4 consecutive years in these projections. I hope this is
another one.
Mr. ERDREICH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for yield-
ing.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The gentleman from Tennessee, Mr.
Cooper.
Mr. COOPER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Volcker, would it be fair to say that if Congress had taken
action say 2 or 3 months ago and each House voted for a $50 or so
billion worth of real deficit reduction and it passed and was ap-
proved and all of that, it would have been at least possible in
recent actions of the Fed to change your basics somewhat, it would
not have been necessary? That would have been a sufficient boost
to the market or spur to growth that perhaps your action wouldn't
have been called for?
Mr. VOLCKER. I think if budgetary action had been taken 2 or 3
months ago it would not have affected monetary figures in that
time span very much. We still would have been faced with the
same basic facts. I suspect we would have arrived at roughly the
same conclusion.
I think the difference would be—and this is a very important dif-
ference—the odds on achieving a slower, seemingly more sustain-
able rate of monetary growth without interest rates going up again
or, indeed, consistent with a further decline in interest rates. We
would be much better off in that respect if that budgetary action
had been more clearly taken, in my judgment.
Mr. COOPER. That is exactly what worries me. It seems to me and
I appreciate very much your willingness and your ability to do it,
but it seems that the Fed has for months if not for years now been
bending over backwards to accommodate Congress in its delay and
unwillingness to face up to the deficit problem. I appreciate your
willingness to bend over backwards, but my big fear is I guess in
the sense of the better job you do with all your skill and ability,
the harder the landing might be when that day of reckoning comes,
and the worse the ultimate impact could be, and that to me is my
big concern.
Mr. VOLCKER. I share that worry though perhaps in a little dif-
ferent way. I think the more wrenching the adjustment will have
to be, the longer the delay.
Mr. COOPER. You don't worry sometimes that your very skills
and persuasiveness and so on in the long run
Mr. VOLCKER. I worry about a lot of things.
Mr. COOPER. But not those.
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One last question. You mentioned earlier the several strains, im-
balances and dangers on the horizon. Would you include in that
the recomposition of the Federal Reserve Board due to personnel
changes on that Board?
Mr. VOLCKER. I do not put that, in my mind, at great risk. I feel
we will get people of good sense and competence.
Mr. COOPER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you. I yield to the distinguished
gentleman from Minnesota, Mr. Vento.
Mr. VENTO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
It is a pleasure to see the Chairman present today to visit about
monetary policy and to note that there is a greater degree of prag-
matism in recent months with regards to the monetary policy ap-
proach.
As the Chairman might suspect, I am not completely satisfied
with the degree of pragmatism but whatever little bit
Mr. VOLCKER. It is a bad word with some people.
Mr. VENTO. But, I think that this flexibility is, Mr. Chairman, de-
sirable and in fact, absolutely necessary in this environment.
The fact is, that the problem concerning our balance of trade I
think is the most critical one in terms of what is happening with
the so-called bloated dollar and our inability to deal with that. I
agree but I don't share the pessimism that my other colleagues do
with respect to budget reductions.
In fact, I think it is clear there is going to be about a $24 billion
reduction in terms of what the projected Reagan spending was in
terms of outlay for military spending.
So I don't think we should give that up. If we throw our hands
up and let it slide, it would be a disaster. Some other changes,
while I may not like them, I think that they are possible to attain.
So I hope we don't walk away from it.
I think there have been victories on the part of the White House
and victories on the part of Congress in terms of social security and
other things. But I hope we dont walk away from it. The area I see
lacking—and I see the Treasury Secretary in recent months has
been talking more about the currency imbalances, the bloated
dollar—and we have had an interventionist attitude on the part of
the Fed dealing with Third World debt.
I think it has probably been necessary. We have had a dealing
with certain commodity problems, certain banks within our coun-
try, and I am wondering what is on the agenda in the months
ahead in terms of the issue of currency.
I notice that the French Prime Minister's conference that he had
wished obviously is not in the cards. I think it is becoming abun-
dantly clear that we have to provide some agreement with our
major trading partners in terms of currency. But looking at the
problem with Canada, for example, nobody is going to buy any
grain in this country as long as it is being sold at 20 percent less
some where else. The fact of the matter is, our agricultural exports
are scheduled to be something like $80 billion this year and we are
foing to import into this country in oats and grain, and so forth,
40 billion worth of various commodities, Mr. Chairman.
I am wondering what is on the agenda in terms of dealing with
this problem?
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Mr. VOLCKER. In terms of international discussions, nothing is on
the agenda at this point except a carry through on a study that
was just completed. There was a study in the Group of Ten over
the course, I guess, of a couple years to reexamine and reach some
conclusions, at least in a preliminary way, on the international
monetary system. I think that report said a number of useful
things, but it did not take any striking new initiatives on the ex-
change rate system. It talked about a need for prudent policies in
individual countries and expressed the hope that the exchange
rates would be more stable. That report will still be discussed in
various other international bodies in the course of the next year.
But it does not start with new departures.
I do think there has been some convergence in some respects in
international policies, at least in international results. Inflation
rates are about as close together internationally as I can remember
them. But there are wide differences in the level of unemployment.
My own feeling, which I have expressed on a number of occa-
sions, is that if the exchange markets remain as volatile as they
have been, viewed either in the short-term context or a somewhat
longer-term context, after we have made a little more progress
toward convergence of national policies with inflation remaining
contained, not only here but elsewhere, if we still continue to get
this volatility in exchange rates, we better take another look at it.
Mr. VENTO. I don't think we can tolerate a $150 billion trade im-
balance, Mr. Chairman, and I am disappointed—the fact of the
matter is that Treasury, in terms of their actions and guaranteeing
and other activities, have in fact reinforced the value of the dollar
last year and only recently we have had these changed attitudes, or
at least recognition of the problem.
Why can't we have agreements like the French have with the
Germans? Why can't we have such an agreement with the Japa-
nese? We are going to, I think, in the direction of passing protec-
tionist legislation; that is really the only alternative we are faced
with, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. VOLCKER. I think you have to recognize that with the agree-
ments that the European countries have among themselves, they
give up a lot of independence of their own monetary policies, and
to some degree, fiscal policies. That is a legitimate issue. To what
degree should independence be given up? How much do you really
have anyway? The point I would make is, even in this system, we
have an illusionary amount of freedom. I recognize all your prob-
lems about the dollar. But if we could snap our fingers and put the
dollar at the level you would like from the point of view of the
trade situation, you will transfer pressures someplace else, all
things being equal.
We cannot finance ourselves as things now stand.
Mr. VENTO. I think it is a matter of choices, Mr. Chairman. I
don't think the burden ought to be all on the manufacturing, or
farmers of this country.
Mr. VOLCKER. I agree.
Mr. VENTO. I think it is quite a burden. We are talking about
$150 billion balance of trade problems, that is very significant.
Mr. VOLCKER. There is no question, the burden should not all be
on those sectors of the economy. But we are not gaining much if we
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do something to transfer it from those sectors to other sectors, then
you will come back or others will come back and say, why should
the burdens all be on housing? Why should they all be on invest-
ment? To get a balanced approach we are going to have to do some-
thing more fundamental than fiddling with the dollar.
Mr. VENTO. Mr. Chairman, we are out of balance in terms of my
time.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you; your time has expired.
Mr. Chairman, under the current international monetary
system, could you envision any circumstances under which the
United States would devalue the dollar to promote growth in the
domestic economy?
Mr. VOLCKER. Are you asking if we would deliberately undertake
actions to depress the dollar?
Chairman FAUNTROY. Can you envision any circumstances in
which you might do that?
Mr. VOLCKER. It would be very difficult for me to envisage those
circumstances. I am not interested in pushing the dollar down arti-
ficially through bad policies. I know the way you can do that—you
can do it by undertaking a bad monetary policy. But we are not
about to do that.
Chairman FAUNTROY. You have suggested that the time has
come for Japan and Europe to help push the world economy as we
have in the last 3 or 4 years. Are our present difficulties and eco-
nomic distortions a function of the inability or unwillingness of
these nations to stimulate their own economies?
Mr. VOLCKER. I do not think there is any question that the size of
our trade imbalance is partly a reflection of the fact that there is
10 percent or so unemployment in Europe, and that Japanese
growth, to a significant extent, has been predicated on export-led
growth rather than domestic-led growth.
I think more vigorous growth of domestic demand in those coun-
tries would have a very significant effect on our trade position and
balance in the world economy. I think that will come more easily.
We are possibly seeing signs of it now, in a context of less down-
ward pressure on foreign currencies, the converse of the strength of
the dollar. As these currencies depreciated, they felt a certain in-
flationary pressure. They were very concerned, and rightly so,
about restoring a sense of price stability. They had to do that fight-
ing a depreciation of their own currencies against the dollar.
In terms of expansion of their economies, they have also been
faced with this pull of capital out of the country. So I would think
a change in the exchange rate situation may provide a more favor-
able climate for their expansion. If capital were not drawn so
strongly toward the United States, it would, I think, lead to more
expansion in Europe and Japan.
[U.S. Merchandise Trade with foreign G-10 countries prepared by
the Federal Reserve Board follows:]
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JJ.S.Merchandise Trade with Foreign G-10 Countries
(billions of dollars)
1985
1979 1980 1981 1982 19831984 5 months
U.S. Exports to:
Belgium 5.2 6.7 5.8 5.2 5.0 5.3 2.0
Canada 33.1 35.4 39.6 33.7 38.2 46.5 20.4
France 5.6 7.5 7.3 7.1 6.0 6.0 2.7
Germany 8.5 11.0 10.3 9.3 8.7 9.1 4.0
Italy 4.3 5.5 5.4 4.6 4.4 3.9 2.2
Japan 17.6 20.8 21.8 21.0 21.9 23.6 9.8
Netherlands 6.9 8.7 8.6 8.6 7.8 7.6 3.1
Sweden 1.5 1.8 1.8 1.7 1.6 1.5 0.7
Switzerland 3.7 3.8 3.0 2.7 3.0 2.6 1.1
United Kingdom 10.6 12.7 12.4 10.6 10.6 12.2 5.3
Sum 97.0 113.9 116.0 104.5 107.2 118.3 51.3
U.S. Imports from:
Belgium 1.7 1.9 2.3 2.4 2.4 3.1 1.4
Canada 38.0 41.5 46.4 46.5 52.1 66.5 29.0
France 4.8 5.3 5.9 5.5 6.0 8.1 4.0
Germany 11.0 11.7 11.4 12.0 12.7 17.0 8.4
Italy 4.9 4.3 5.2 5.3 5.5 7.9 3.8
Japan 26.2 30.7 37.6 37.7 41.2 57.1 28.1
Netherlands 1.9 1.9 2.4 2.5 3.0 4.1 1.7
Sweden 1.7 1.6 1.7 2.0 2.4 3.2 1.8
Switzerland 2.1 2.8 2.4 2.3 2.5 3.1 1.4
United Kingdom 8.0 9.8 12.8 13.1 12.5 14.5 5.5
Sum 100.3 111.5 128.1 129.3 140.3 184.6 85.1
U.S. Trade Balance with:
Belgium 3.5 4.8 3.5 2.8 2.6 2.2 0.6
Canada -4.9 -6.1 -6.8 -12.8 -13.9 -20.0 -8.6
France 0.8 2.2 1.4 1.6 0 -2.1 -1.3
Germany -2.5 -0.7 -1.1 -2.7 -4.0 -7.9 -4.4
Italy -0.6 I.2 0.2 -0.7 -1.1 -4.0 -1.6
Japan -8.6 -9.9 -15.8 -16.7 -19.3 -33.5 -18.3
Netherlands 5.0 6.8 6.2 6.1 4.8 3.5 1.4
Sweden -0.2 0.2 0.1 -0.3 -0.8 -1.7 -1.1
Switzerland 1.6 1.0 0.6 0.4 0.5 -0.5 -0.3
United Kingdom 2.6 2.9 -0.4 -2.5 -1.9 -2.3 -0.2
Sum -3.3 2.4 -12.1 -24.8 -33.1 -66.3 -33.8
SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Import data are
Customs (or FAS) valuation.
prepared by Federal Reserve Board, Division of International
Finance
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Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you. I want to yield now to the dis-
tinguished former Treasurer of the State of Delaware, now the
Representative from the State of Delaware, Mr. Carper.
Mr. CARPER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Volcker, welcome to the subcommittee. I would like to
ask you to take a minute and explain to me at what level have real
interest rates generally adhered to for much of this century? At
what level have real interest rates adhered to during most of this
century?
Mr. VOLCKER. I cannot say, off hand, for the first half of the cen-
tury. For the period from the early 1950's through much of the
1970's, long-term interest rates, measured against some expectation
of prices, were probably around 3 percent; short-term interest rates
would fluctuate from close to zero to maybe a peak of 3 percent at
isolated points during that period in our history.
Mr. CARPER. At what level have they risen or at what level have
they been for the last 3 or 4 years?
Mr. VOLCKER. The Treasury bill rate now is IVz percent, and the
inflation rate as measured by the Consumer Price Index is 4V6 per-
cent, so the short-term real rate is 3 percent, which would be at
about the peak levels that it was during the 1950's.
With long-term rates, you have much more trouble in deciding
what the underlying inflation rate is, because you are dealing with
what expectations are. If you just measured it against the current
inflation rate, you would get an abnormally high real interest rate,
no doubt about that, around 6 to 7 percent.
Mr. CARPER. Why have real interest rates been so high in the
last several years, and why even now do they remain high?
Mr. VOLCKER. You have a $200 billion budget deficit that has to
be financed and that exceeds our ability to finance internally. I
would put that as a leading cause. Second, the country is coming
off an inflationary period that left deep psychological scars. The
longer we can prolong this progress toward stability, the more ex-
pectations will change; indeed, I think they changed enough to help
bring down nominal, and to some extent real, interest rates in the
past year or so.
But expectations are still very sensitive.
Mr. CARPER. Over the last several years I have been preaching,
as I think you have been, that large Federal budget deficits lead to
high real interest rates, lead to an overvalued dollar. We have
seen, despite continued high budget deficits, dropping interest
rates, even real interest rates, and we have seen the value of the
dollar, particularly as you noted earlier, dropping rather apprecia-
bly.
Mr. VOLCKER. Yes.
Mr. CARPER. Why is that dollar dropping?
Mr. VOLCKER. Let me give you the most general explanation of
how these phenomena could go together. The growth rate of the
economy has been rather slow, and you would ordinarily expect
that if the economy is growing slowly or if it is falling, that inter-
est rates would decline; that is the normal behavior in the interest
rate area and financial market area.
You have several things happening at the same time. You have
the continuing high deficit—that was there before, and it is there
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now. Before it was against the context of a rapidly growing econo-
my. Now it is in the context of an economy growing much more
slowly. You also had another year of the inflation rate not going
up, so confidence, expectations, are probably changed some and
most surveys show that. You have some offsetting developments
that have pushed interest rates lower, even though the deficit itself
pushes them up and keeps them high.
Mr. CARPER. At what point do you believe that a declining dollar
will result in an outflow of dollars from U.S. banks and is there a
conflict between our need in this country to fuel growth with the
lower dollar and our need to fund the deficit with foreign deposits?
Mr. VOLCKER. That is the heart of the conflict that I have been
trying to describe. I think there is a very definite conflict—a dis-
equilibrium—that you have to go to the source of by dealing with
the budget deficit. The first part of your question: What are the
chances that money will be withdrawn from the United States as
the dollar goes down, I think illustrates the point. On balance, ev-
erybody together cannot withdraw dollars from the United States
more rapidly than we run a current account surplus. What can
happen, however, as people seek to reduce their investments here,
is that you get a change in the price we pay for holding those dol-
lars in the United States, whether it is paid to the same person or
whether it is paid to a new holder.
There are two dimensions to that price, the exchange rate and
the interest rate. You can drive the exchange rates so low that
people think it is a good buy; but you don't necessarily want to get
to that point. You can change the interest rate; the fact that they
want to get out of dollars itself tends to change the interest rate.
So you run into those two risks, and those are the risks we are run-
ning so long as our need for that money is so high.
Mr. CARPER. My time expired again, thank you, sir.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank the gentleman.
The distinguished ranking minority member of the committee,
Mr. McCollum.
Mr. MCCOLLUM. Thank you.
Mr. Volcker, you have been here quite a while and I don't know
if any of us will ask many more questions, but I appreciate your
being here to explore a couple more areas.
You indicated in an answer to a question earlier by Mr. Hiler to
my left that the decline of the dollar over the last week has been
rather sharp and I think most of us would conclude that it has
been. Should the dollar continue to decline at the rate it has over
the last week for any lengthy period of time, several weeks or
whatever, do you foresee that presenting any problems?
Mr. VOLCKER. I do not think the decline so far has presented any
problems, given the level it was starting from. If you extrapolate
this far enough it would create a problem for the very reason we
have been talking about; it has both an inflationary potential and a
potential for undercutting any easing tendencies in the financial
markets. That potential exists, particularly as long as the budget-
ary situation is hi its current position. It exists whether it takes
place now or sometime down the road a bit.
Mr. McCoixuM. Right.
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Is there anything in your crystal ball in looking at the scenario
as the Board members look at it, as the Open Market Committee
looks at it, such as the aggressive decline in the value of the dollar,
or factors that are looming on the horizon that would lead you to
anticipate a sentiment among your Board members for any less ac-
commodative monetary policy in the next few months, as opposed
to the longer term?
Mr. VOLCKER. I cannot exclude that, but it would depend upon
circumstances as they develop during those next months.
Mr. McCoLLUM. There is nothing sitting there on the table today
that would indicate a less accommodative policy? I am saying tight-
er as opposed to staying as it is.
Mr. VOLCKER. No.
Mr. McCoLLUM. And not talking about
Mr. VOLCKER. The thing on the table today is implicit in all this
testimony. We have had a pretty big increase in Ml, and we would
not want to see that unnecessarily or unduly prolonged.
Mr. McCoLLUM. But Ml is indeed being challenged as to its va-
lidity based on velocity and other factors; is it not?
Mr. VOLCKER. If we were running a policy entirely on Ml I pre-
sume we would have tightened up before now, but it is a matter of
weighting it; it is used as a factor before going in that direction. I
gave you one factor.
Mr. McCoLLUM. You did indeed. But you would have to come
back to the desire to rely on it or your members would, more than
they are willing to at the present time, is that correct?
Mr. VOLCKER. I do not think it is a question of relying on it more
or less than they are willing to at the present time. Everybody rec-
ognizes a certain amount of uncertainty in this. It is a question of
what the numbers show. If you continued to have increases of the
kind you had in May and June, that is one thing. If you had a kind
of reversal which could well develop, that is another thing.
Mr. MCCOLLUM. Let me ask you this way. If Ml continued to
grow like it did in May and June, but velocity didn't change or con-
tinued its trend or you had less turnover of dollars than historical-
ly, wouldn't even a monetarist begin to question whether Ml is
valid as a measure and continue to downplay that?
Mr. VOLCKER. Sure, at some point he would have to. But there
are lags in this process. At what point are you sure of that? Today
velocity is going down but is that just presaging a burst in the
other direction down the road? The longer that process goes on the
more grounds you have, as you say for discounting it very heavily.
But you do not have the luxury of doing a full-scale historic econo-
metric analysis of how this incident will look for the decade of the
1980's when you are in the middle of the 1980's.
Mr. McCoLLUM. I understand, all I am trying to do is not tie you
down but to insure that I have a grip on this as we move on this,
what factor that is, and that is a factor.
Mr. VOLCKER. As I said you are asking me questions as to wheth-
er we are ignoring Ml entirely; I am saying we are not, although
we recognize the uncertainty associated with it. We are certainly
not ignoring it.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Let me ask one other question. Inventories in
your statement, as you indicated, were basically flat. I saw yester-
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day in the paper which I assume occurred after preparation of your
statement that they declined.
Is this cooperative of your projections with respect to the econo-
my picking up, in other words, the inventories would enhance that
probability?
Mr. VOLCKER. If you look at that figure alone, you would con-
clude—it is going to be announced tomorrow, of course, and I do
not know what it is going to be—that it might be that the second
quarter figure will have to be pulled down some, but I do not think
it affects the outlook adversely. You might well argue, as you just
did, that it improves the outlook for the second half of the year.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Barnard.
Mr. BARNARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, there have been a lot of questions today that re-
volved around the value of the dollar. I hope I am not repeating
the issue, but I would like to ask you the question, if the dollar
were to decline to a level that was consistent with the trade bal-
ance, thereby largely ending the importation of foreign capital,
how much inflation would this cause?
Mr. VOLCKER. You would have to make a large number of as-
sumptions as to how much it would have to decline and what the
impact is on inflation. The only thing I can tell you that is useful is
kind of a standard rule of thumb that many economists use—that a
10-percent depreciation in our currency causes about a 1.5-percent
increase in the Consumer Price Index in absolute terms. This takes
into account indirect as well as direct effects, and this is not per
year, but fully worked out over a 3- or 4-year period.
Now if you tell me how many 10-percent depreciations to attach
to that, I can make the calculation. As I said earlier, I kind of
think the first 10 percent is no problem in that respect since we
never got the favorable price effects of the last 10 percent of appre-
ciations.
Mr. BARNARD. Are you telling me there may be as much as 15- or
16-percent inflation?
Mr. VOLCKER. Certainly not 15- or 16-percent inflation.
Mr. BARNARD. What would the rate of inflation be?
Mr. VOLCKER. I am telling you that this standard rule of thumb
is that the level would be \Vz percent higher, say, after 3 years
that is one-half percent a year on the inflation rate at 10-percent
depreciation.
If you said it had to come down 20 percent—it is already down 10
percent from the peak, or more—you would say over a period of
time, depending on when it took place, you would add another IVa
percent. That takes care of presumably indirect effects, whether it
affects the wage trend and all the rest of it. I am not sure it has all
those indirect effects today. There is a wide range of uncertainty,
but it clearly goes in that direction.
Where I would worry about it is if that inflationary impact was
combined, say, with excessive monetary growth, excessively easy
monetary policy. Then we have a problem, no question about it. If
it is combined with other actions such as budgetary action in a re-
strictive direction, I think we could manage that transitional prob-
lem without disturbing the basic trend toward stability.
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You might get some impact on the price numbers for a while, but
they are not going to be of a size or character or have a lasting
quality, that would have to concern us. But I think it is the great-
est risk we have on the inflation front right now. I can imagine a
combination of circumstances that would be very troublesome.
Mr. BARNARD. If this occurred, what monetary policy response
would you recommend to the Open Market Committee under these
circumstances?
Mr. VOLCKER. Let me say the natural result of that, I think, in
almost any monetary policy, would be higher interest rates than
you would otherwise have. Presumably, you also get some expan-
sionary thrust in the manufacturing side of the economy. That is
part of the reason you would expect higher interest rates than you
otherwise have. I would certainly be concerned that the Open
Market Committee conduct its policies in a way that takes account
of that potential inflationary impact, and I would make sure that
we do not inadvertently add to the inflationary forces.
Mr. BARNARD. Has the Open Market Committee—have they done
any studies that would take some of these possibilities into consid-
eration?
Mr. VOLCKER. The staff occasionally does long-range projections
and studies that try to take this kind of thing into account; yes.
Mr. BARNARD. On another area, on page 25, you mentioned for-
eign loans, especially to Latin American countries. Are you satis-
fied with the rate of reduction in the amount of those foreign
loans?
Mr. VOLCKER. American banks have pretty much turned off lend-
ing to the developing world, and the rest of the developed world,
for that matter, which gives me a chance to say this. We talk about
all this capital inflow; this big increase in net capital inflow we
have is in considerable part because we turned off any gross capital
outflow to Latin America or elsewhere. I think banks have to
maintain some lending to these countries in the banks' own inter-
est. If they really cut off the lending that is necessary to do refi-
nancing or, in some cases, some new financing necessary so that
these countries can adjust and grow, I think they would be under-
cutting the stability of the loans that are outstanding.
So, yes; I guess what I am saving is that under the circumstances
I am satisfied. You have to balance the desire to reduce exposure
with the necessity to be prudent and to work toward that goal so
they do not undercut the value of the loans that they have.
The way this seems to be working out is you do not get much
increase, but the ratios are declining. I am referring to the ratios of
foreign loans to capital. I do not remember the exact numbers, but
a good many of the lending banks probably have ratios of exposure
to capital back to where they were in the late 1970's, when they
were very eagerly making new loans, when the climate was quite
different, and they were quite willing to increase exposure. Now
the ratios are at that same level and banks would like to see the
relative exposure reduced. But that is the nature of the game.
Mr. BARNARD. Thank you, sir.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank the gentleman. The gentleman
from Indiana, Mr. Hiler.
Mr. HILER. I thank the Chairman.
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Chairman Volcker, in your prepared testimony, and I believe in
your remarks, you have indicated that the drop in discount rate
that has taken place has followed a drop in the overall interest
rate structure.
Mr. VOLCKER. I think it both followed and preceded. It followed
some decline and, since the change, there has been further decline
in market rates.
Mr. HILER. All right. So, in other words, the action that the Fed
took to lower it was following a drop in the rate structure and
there has been
Mr. VOLCKER. And was in turn followed by further drops.
Mr. HILER. I guess I would ask at that point, then, why not drop
the discount rate one-half or 1 percent at this time? If the rest of
the market rates follow it down, then we have lower rates; if they
don't follow it down in 30 days' time, you could lift it back up.
What would be wrong with dropping that discount rate?
Mr. VOLCKER. You ask a good, straightforward question. I am not
sure, on this subject, you will get a good, straightforward answer.
Mr. HILER. The chairman doesn't like to talk about the discount
rate; I have been able to ascertain that.
Mr. VOLCKER. Obviously, that is a tool which you fit in with your
general posture toward the market, toward the provision of re-
serves.
We have not changed our posture in providing reserves this year,
as I indicated in my statement.
Suppose the discount rate had the effect at least in the short run,
of pushing market rates down. This would have the influence work
in the direction of still more rapid growth in the money supply.
You would have to ask yourself whether that is appropriate under
all the circumstances we face at the moment, just following a big
bulge in the money supply, with the dollar declining in foreign ex-
change markets, all the other information we have about develop-
ments in the economy with respect to prices. You ask whether it is
appropriate. I think I can answer unambiguously that if we had
thought it appropriate up to now, we would have announced it.
Mr. HILER. I perfectly understand you saying that. I guess I was
not asking why you haven't done it; I was asking what would be
the problem with doing it.
Mr. VOLCKER. Looking ahead, we take those factors into account.
Mr. HILER. I will close at this point with a short statement.
I think one of the reasons why we up here ask you lots of hypo-
thetical "what if type questions is because this is the only chance
we will have to have you before us for the next 6 months.
Mr. VOLCKER. That is not quite true.
Mr. HILER. Well, on this particularly subject, in all probability,
this will be the only time you are before this subcommittee and the
full committee.
Many of us oftentimes are discouraged because everyone has to
conjecture what the Fed's policies are going to be, and that is why I
asked earlier today what kinds of things you would be looking at,
inflation or capacity utilization or labor agreements or Ml, or
what.
Now, many of us would like to see the Fed announce its decisions
that it reaches in the Open Market Committee meetings signifi-
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cantly sooner than when you currently announce those decisions so
we would all know what you are thinking, and we wouldn't have to
play these games where we ask what if and you kind of dance
around the questions, and so on.
Mr. VOLCKER. That is an old discussion. You can read the past
decisions and try to say what position you would be in if you made
it public the day after the meeting. I think you are going to find
yourself asking the question, "What if?" after having read the deci-
sion—because the decisions are indeed often couched precisely in
those terms, "Do this if that happens and do something else if
something else happens," which we don't know now. So you will
not resolve that question. That is what everybody would love to
know: What are we going to do 1 month from now?
If we really knew what we were going to do 1 month from now,
and we told you, the market would react immediately and you
would have a different impact than what would be intended. But
the fact is, we usually don t know whether we will reduce the dis-
count rate 1 month or 1 week or 2 weeks from now, or how we will
manage open market operations at that time, because it will
depend on what happens between now and 1 month from now.
Mr. HILER. That is certainly one of the aspects of an extremely
discretionary monetary policy. Is that all of
Mr. VOLCKER. I think that is
Mr. HILER. The 12 folks who vote don't know and we don't really
have an inkling most of the time.
Mr. VOLCKER, I think you get a pretty good inkling. You are
right; it is, in a sense, a characteristic of a discretionary monetary
policy. But I think the argument in my mind—and I have a lot of
sympathy when it is expressed this way—is not when they are re-
leased but the degree to which you can rely upon a rule which is
announced in advance. One version of that rule would have been to
have, say, the money supply increase by 6 percent this year. You
know what that rule is and we know what that rule is, and we try
our damnedest to keep it at 6 percent this year. I do not know
what would have happened to the economy in that case, but that is
one way of running monetary policy. We are not running it on the
basis of that strict a rule.
You can think of any other rule, but you must think up a good
rule. And, I have a certain skepticism that you can think of a rule
that will make you or me happy enough over a period of time.
Mr. HILER. We probably wouldn't come up with the same rule.
Mr. VOLCKER. We might come up with different rules, but none
of them may make us happy.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you. We have been joined by the
fentleman from New York, a member of the full committee, Mr.
chumer.
Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the oppor-
tunity, as a full committee member but not a member of this sub-
committee, to ask a few questions.
Mr. Chairman, my questions focus on a different issue. As we are
sitting here, the Budget Committee conference is meeting and, as
we know, it has been on a very rocky road in the past few weeks.
Yet, you have had a tremendous influence on that budget process
as early as, I believe, February 23, 1984, when you stated that a
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$50 billion deficit reduction number was a good target for the com-
mittees to shoot for.
Before the Budget Committee on March 6, 1985, you said $50 bil-
lion would be a big bite; $50 billion a year needs to be taken out of
the budget deficits.
As I ask you these questions and we sit here, the Budget Com-
mittee labored long and hard to reach those $50 billion, as you
know. In the House and Senate, they both came about $6 billion
higher than the $50 billion. And yet, right now the process could
well break down, not for failure to reach the $50 billion number,
but rather because one side, one House said we must reach $59 bil-
lion in 1 year, $280 billion in 3 years, and the other side says, No,
$56 billion is what we ought to reach, $273 billion over 3 years.
I have three questions.
One, do you stand by the fact that a $50 billion number would
still be significant?
Two, would you not agree that it would be far better for the
House and Senate to agree on a number above $50 billion that
might not be the highest possible number rather than have no
agreement at all?
And, three, what do you think the consequences of no agreement
between the House and Senate conference and thus no real budget
would be?
Mr. VOLCKER. I still think a $50 billion reduction is significant.
As the deficits get bigger and time passes, maybe it is less signifi-
cant than it used to be, but it is still a nice, round number. Obvi-
ously, it is important to get agreement and it is important to get
agreement on a substantial figure than worry about the last $2 bil-
lion or whatever you were saying.
I must interject a footnote here. You cite these figures. I know
there is some skepticism around as to whether the real reductions
in those programs are as much as advertised. I take it that that is
part of what this discussion is about.
Mr. SCHUMER. That was probably true until the offer made by
Chairman Gray today. There was one number that people consid-
ered soft money, the so-called $4 billion for contracting out. This
offer is removed.
Now, basically, the parameters, the discussion between the two
sides is really how much ought to be reduced.
There is a real danger that one House—not ours, and there is
agreement, really, both the Republicans and Democrats in our
House have been in agreement recently, praise the Lord—but that
the other side might walk away and say the $56 billion number in
1 year, and particularly the $273 billion number in 3 years, is not
enough, and leave us with no agreement.
Would you consider that advisable?
Mr. VOLCKER. I am not going to get into that kind of discussion
while negotiations are ongoing at the moment.
Mr. SCHUMER. I understand.
Mr. VOLCKER. I would like to see as much as possible, as real as
possible, as soon as possible.
Mr. SCHUMER. But $50 billion is still a significant number to
shoot for?
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Mr. VOLCKER. That $50 billion is still a significant number. It is
obviously $50 billion more than zero.
Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you very much. I appreciate the indulgence
of the subcommittee.
Chairman FAUNTROY. We thank the gentleman. The distin-
guished ranking minority member, Mr. Wylie.
Mr. WYUE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would just like, if I may, Mr. Chairman, to follow up on the
questions and your answers, and I was here and I heard them. But
this is a debate that has been going on ever since I have been in
the Congress about the role of the Fed as far as the discount rate is
concerned.
I guess it is fair to say the Federal Reserve has pursued a policy
of monetary accommodation and lowered its discount rate, and I
happen to think that it did contribute to the reduction in the prime
and other interest rates and the lower value of the dollar in foreign
exchanges.
A lot of people are speculating in meetings with me that I go to
that you are following the market and that you are going to lower
the discount rate again soon. Are you?
Mr. VOLCKER. If we were, I would not tell you.
Mr. WYLIE. All right.
Mr. VOLCKER. And I don't think I would lead you into that pre-
sumption.
Mr. WYLIE. That really is a decision made by the Board as to
whether the discount rate will be lowered; is that fair to say?
Mr. VOLCKER. Yes, it is the Board of Governors. It is made based
on a proposal by the Directors of one or more Reserve banks. The
action has to be originated by a Reserve bank, but the approval is
with the Board of Governors. That is basically a decision of the
Board of Governors.
Mr. WYLIE. Will the meetings where the discount rate is being
discussed be open to the public?
Mr. VOLCKER. No. We have the feeling that that might adversely
affect the stability of the markets, and lead to a certain amount of
unwarranted activity and speculation.
Mr. WYLIE. What about the Federal Open Market Committee?
And, again, I heard Mr. Hiler's question. Why shouldn't meetings
of the Federal Open Market Committee be open to the public?
Mr. VOLCKER. I think for two reasons. First, it would lead to a lot
of speculation in the markets. It would also be inhibiting in a
deadly way on the freedom of those discussions, and the ability and
willingness of people to speak their minds freely, engage in a free-
ranging debate, and change their minds, or be convinced by argu-
ments by others in the middle of a discussion. I think those are all
qualities that are absolutely essential to the decisionmaking of the
Committee.
Mr. WYLIE. Do you think other people in attendance in the audi-
ence might intervene and might have an effect on the decisions?
Mr. VOLCKER. I do not think there is any question that people
sitting in the audience would have an effect on the freedom with
which you engage in discussion and debate. If you worry about how
it is going to read in the papers, you do not freely change your
mind. You do not like to ask questions that you think might, in
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somebody's mind, make you look foolish. All these kinds of dynam-
ics are at work in public meetings. And certainly in this complex
technical area, it would just be disastrous, and undermine the deci-
sionmaking process.
Mr. WYLJE. You probably wouldn't have enough telephones to ac-
commodate all those who might want to use them.
Mr. VOLCKER. That is the external side of it. We would have to
put a bank of telephones there. Every time somebody made a more
or less persuasive argument in somebody's view, you would see the
market wave one way or the other. It would create more uncertain-
ty.
Mr. WYLIE. As I say, I don t necessarily disagree with your posi-
tion on that, but it is a debate that has been going on for a long
time and, I think, repetition serves to emphasize.
I thank you very much for your appearance.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank you. Mr. Vento.
Mr. VENTO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I appreciate your appearance and the opportunity to address an-
other question to the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board.
Mr. Volcker, there has been a great deal of discussion about do-
mestic credit demand, demographic characteristics of our popula-
tion, impact on credit demand.
But the question I have, and it is one we have heard repeatedly
in recent months as we have been examining the Treasury I tax
reform proposal, and more recently, the Reagan tax reform propos-
al, and that is, of course, that these will cause an absolute reduc-
tion in interest rates of nearly 2 percent, that is to say, that they
change the credit demand because of the less advantageous treat-
ment of interest deductions. I know that you have yourself about
six layers between any effect on interest rates and you are only
just following the market—that is to say, that this traditional Fed-
eral defense has always been one that is a cat and mouse game.
Nevertheless, Mr. Chairman, I am interested in your views of tax
reform and changes in tax structure, and maybe other factors,
maybe demographics, if you want to comment on that. But I think
it is especially apropos, given the discussion of this and what effect
that may have on interest rates.
Will it have that type of dramatic effect on interest rates?
Mr. VOLCKER. I have not studied that closely. A 2-percent reduc-
tion would be very large. I really do not know what people have in
mind in saying that. You still have the big deduction for individ-
uals in that bill, as we now have. If you do not have that, that
would have an effect on credit demand, and that provision itself
would tend to put interest rates lower than they would otherwise
be, but nothing like 2 percent, I do not think.
Mr. VENTO. I look at the Federal Reserve in terms of gaining in-
sight into monetary policy and your staff as being the preeminent
source in terms of review of credit and understanding of credit.
And you are suggesting that this is not an issue which you have
examined closely? It would have a tremendous impact in terms of
monetary policies predicated on this 2-percent reduction. Yet, you
suggest that you have no response or any evaluation of these par-
ticular proposals.
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Mr. VOLCKER. I would not say we would be the preeminent
judges of tax reform proposals, but the
Mr. VENTO. I am not saying that. I am talking about credit.
Mr. VOLCKER. I am only pleading personal ignorance on this.
There may be some staff work relevant to that. I do not know. I do
not know in what degree of detail you wish.
Mr. VENTO. In terms of the review of this, the CBO, the Joint
Tax Committee and others have come up with these types of sav-
ings, and I think it would be essential, I think appropriate, if we
would consider requesting this type of evaluation from the Federal
Reserve Board, Mr. Chairman.
I leave it to the Chairman's discretion, but I think that that
would be helpful.
I thank the Chairman.
I also want to thank the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank you. I will respond positively to
your request. We will enter that request for an evaluation of that.
[Chairman Volcker's response follows:]
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Chairman Volcker subsequently submitted the following information
inclusion in the record of the hearing:
Effects of tax reform on interest rates.
Some analysts have Indeed suggested, as Congressman Vento noted, that
the provisions of the tax reform plan published by the Treasury last fall
(Treasury I) would have lowered market interest rates by as much as 2 percentage
points relative to levels with the current tax law in place. One such estimate
was made by Mr. Makln of the American Enterprise Institute. It should be
noted, however, that the President's tax proposal (Treasury II) Is different in
a number of respects from the earlier Treasury plan.
The earlier plan probably would have had much more substantial effects
on observed market interest rates because It would have reduced substantially
the deducibility of Interest expenses from taxable income. Without such
deductibility, borrowers would be less willing to pay rates of interest that
would compensate lenders for the taxes owed on their interest Income. The
exact extent to which taxes are reflected In Interest rates, however, is difficult
to estimate because Interest rates are simultaneously affected by so many other
things, Including federal and private credit demands, the availability of
foreign capital and expectations of inflation.
The President's tax reform proposal provides for some limitations on
the deductibility of Interest, which would lower Interest rates a bit, but these
provisions are less extensive than in the earlier Treasury plan. The current
proposal, on balance, might encourage some additional saving (some provisions
would provide saving Incentives while others might work in the opposite direction),
thus also tending to lower Interest rates. But the President's proposal also
might stimulate demand for net new Investment, which could tend to place upward
pressures on interest rates. Most of the effect on investment, however, would
seem to encourage more efficient allocation of Investment among Industries and
types of capital. Thus, It seems possible that the longer-run effect from all
provisions would tend toward somewhat lower Interest rates than would otherwise
prevail, but these effects probably would be snail.
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Chairman FAUNTROY. I want to thank you again, Mr. Chairman,
for the exhaustive effort that has been put forth in your testimony
today. I want to associate myself with the remarks of so many
Members who have commended you for the tremendous job that
you have done as Chairman of the Board, and to acknowledge that
too much of the burden of managing our economy has fallen on the
Federal Reserve Board. We have not had the kind of discipline and,
I think, wisdom in the management of fiscal affairs that you and
the Board have exemplified in the area of monetary affairs, and for
that, you are to be commended. You have enriched the public serv-
ice and exalted the public life in that regard.
Mr. VOLCKER. I appreciate that.
Chairman FAUNTROY. We will continue our hearings tomorrow at
9:30 in the morning. We will have a very distinguished panel of
economists, including Nancy Teeters, Allan Sinai, Lawrence Chi-
merine, Michael Sumichrast, and Norman Robertson.
The committee is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:20 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned, to recon-
vene at 9:30 a.m., on Thursday, July 18, 1985.]
[The "Midyear Monetary Policy Report to Congress," dated July
16, 1985, by the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System,
pursuant to the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of
1978, and additional subcommittee written questions and Mr.
Volcker's response follow:]
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
A P P E N D IX
For use at 4:30 p.m., E.D.T.
Tuesday
July 16, 1985
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Sysfem
'-.£
Monetary Policy Report to Congress
Pursuant to the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978
July 16, 1985
(75)
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Letter of Transmittal
BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Washington, D.C., July 16, 1985
THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE
THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The Board of Governors is pleased to submit Us Midyear Monetary Policy Reporl to (he Congress pursuant
to the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978.
Sincerely,
Paul A. Volcker, Chairman
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Section I: Monetary Policy and the Economic Outlook
for 1985 and 1986
Section 2: The Performance of the Economy in the
First Half of 1985
Section 3: Money, Credit, and Financial Markets In the
First Half of 1985
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Section 1. Monetary Policy and tte Economic Outlook for 1985 and 1986
The fundamental objective of the Federal Reserve in charting a
course for monetary and debt expansion remains unchanged—to foster a finan-
cial environment conducive to sustained growth of the economy, consistent
with progress over time toward price stability. In working toward those
goals, developments with respect to the dollar and our external position
have necessarily assumed greater prominence. More generally, while policy
initiatives are stated in terras of growth rates of certain monetary and
credit aggregates, the Federal Open Market Committee has emphasized the need
to Interpret those aggregates in the light of other Information about the
economy, prices, and financial markets. Moreover, the monetary targets for
1985 needed to be evaluated, and tn the case of Ml adjusted, in light of the
unusual and unexpected behavior of GNP relative to money during the first
half of this year.
Economise and Financial Background
Economic activity continued to expand during the first half of
1985, but at a relatively slow pace. Real gross national product probably
increased at an annual rate of legs than 2 percent, falling short of the
expectations of many forecasters and of the rate anticipated for the year by
members of the Federal Open Market Committee when they formulated their
annual monetary policy plans in February. While the economic environment
was conducive to the containment of inflation within the 3-1/2 to 4 percent
range of the past few years, there has been no further progress toward full
employment of the nation's labor resources or industrial capacity. Indeed,
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the unemployment rate has remained at about 7-1/4 percent, well below the
peak of the 1981-82 recession, but still an historically high level.
The slowing of output growth, which began in the middle of 1984,
has brought into sharper focus Che unevenness of this business expansion
and the significance of some basic structural imbalances In the economy.
The federal budget deficit has remained in the neighborhood of $200 billion,
rather than moving in the direction of balance as might normally be expected
in the course of an upswing in economic activity. The heavy demands placed
on the credit markets by the Treasury's financing activities have, in turn,
been one factor helping to hold real interest rates at historically high
levels. And those high rates have contributed to the strong demand of inter-
national Investors for dollar-denominated assets and thus to the strength of
the dollar on foreign exchange markets.
Although the dollar was little changed on balance over the first
half, with a spike in Its value early In the year being subsequently reversed
the adverse effects on the U.S. trade position of the appreciation of the
preceding several years, together with slow economic growth abroad, were very
much in evidence. U.S. firms continued to face severe competitive pressures,
and our exports fell while our imports rose. The widening current account
deficit was mirrored in the continuing gap between the growth of domestic
spending and domestic production. Moreover, the effects of this imbalance
were felt with particular severity in the manufacturing, mining, and agricul-
tural sectors of the economy, where profitability was squeezed overall and
employment declined.
The lagging growth of production, relatively well contained infla-
tionary pressures on resources, and the high value of the dollar on exchange
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markets provided the backdrop for the conduct of monetary policy In the past
several months. Reserves available to the banking system expanded substan-
tially over the first half of the year, and the discount rate was cut by one-
half percent In the spring. With the economic expansion slowing, interest
rates—which had declined sharply from the summer of 1984 to early 1985—
dropped somewhat further on balance by mid-year.
The declines in market Interest rates in the latter part of last
year and this year had substantial effects, lasting for a number of months,
on the demands for assets contained in Ml. Some savings apparently were
shifted into interest-earning checking accounts (NOW accounts) from other
Instruments, and demand deposits also rose, as the cost of holding these
accounts in terms of earnings forgone was reduced. As a result of the shifts
of funds, Ml expanded at about a 10-1/2 percent annual rate over the first
half of the year (measured from the fourth quarter of 1984 to the second
quarter of 1985), well above the 4-to-7 percent range established by the FOMC
in February. At the same time, however, the broader monetary aggregates
remained within their designated ranges. Over the period, M2 and M3 expanded
at 8-3/4 and 8 percent annual rates, respectively, as compared with their
growth ranges of 6 to 9 and 6 to 9-1/2 percent. Growth in domestic nonfinan-
cial sector debt over the first two quarters of the year was a little above
its 9-to-12 percent monitoring range, as debt issued to finance mergers
and otherwise retire stock Issues continued stronger than earlier expected.
The rapid growth of Ml in the first half of the year was accom-
panied by a sharp drop in the velocity of the aggregate: Ml velocity—the
ratio of nominal GNP to money—declined at about a 5 percent annual rate.
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In some respects, that development is reminiscent of experience in 1982-1983,
when a large drop in interest rates also was accompanied by a marked decline
in Ml velocity, with the attractiveness of Mi-type balances enhanced by the
availability of explicit interest on NOW accounts. There is evidence from
recent experience, as well as from research on Che interest responsiveness
of the demand for money, suggesting that such episodes might be expected as
the economy and financial markets adjust over time to further progress toward
price stability and as the inflation premium in interest rates consequently
diminishes. As this occurs, likely In unpredictable spurts, the public's
demand for Ml will tend to rise and the level of Ml velocity could drop more
or less "permanently." However, there will he uncertainty about such a con-
clusion until it becomes apparent in the period ahead whether velocity is
returning toward trend or whether it is tending to rise rapidly because the
public Is reducing its "excess" money balances by spending or Investing them;
in the latter case, the drop in velocity in the past two quarters could be
reversed to some extent.
The recent developments affecting Ml illustrate the still consider-
able uncertainties about the shorter-run behavior and trend of its velocity.
Over the last three and a half years, the income velocity of Ml actually has
declined slightly on balance. In contrast, over the preceding three decades,
velocity had increased by more than 3 percent per year, on average. Velocity
changes are influenced by the behavior of interest rates, but the extent of
interest rate impact is variable and may be changing as the public and depos-
itory institutions adjust to the new deposit instruments and deregulation
of deposit ceiling rates of recent years. Moreover, the underlying trend of
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velocity will also be Influenced by the rate of financial innovation. While
that may slow down once the adjustment is made to a deregulated environment
and with lower Interest rates, increased computerization could also work
toward a rise in velocity over time as the efficiency of the payments system
increases.
Ranges for Money and Debt Growth in 1985 and 1986
In reexamining its Ml range for 1985, and in setting a tentative
range for 1986, the Committee expected that velocity, after its sharp decline
In the first half of this year, would cease falling rapidly—while recognizing
that much of the recent decline may not be reversed. Allowance also needed
to be made for the high degree of uncertainty surrounding the behavior of Ml
velocity, given the experience of the past few years. To take account of
these considerations, the base for the range of Ml was shifted forward to the
second quarter of 1985, and the range was set to encompass growth at a 3 to
8 percent annual rate over the second half of this year. This range contem-
plates a substantial slowing in growth from the pace of the first half, and
the lower part of the range implies a willingness to see relatively slow
growth should the recent velocity decline be reversed and economic growth be
satisfactory.
The appropriateness of the new range will be under continuing
review In light of evidence with respect to economic and financial develop-
ments, including conditions In foreign exchange markets. Tt was noted that,
because of the burst of money growth in June, the current level of Ml is
high relative to the new range. The Committee expected that the aggregate
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would move Into the new range gradually over time as more usual behavior of
velocity emerged.
For 1986, the Ml range was tentatively set at 4 to 7 percent. The
Committee recognized that uncertainties about interest rates and other factors
that could affect velocity would require careful reappraisal of the range at
the beginning of that year. In addition, it was noted tnat actual experience
with institutional and depositor behavior after the completion early next year
of deposit rate deregulation would need to be taken into account in judging
the appropriateness of the ranges. At the beginning of next year, regulatory
minimum balance requirements on Super NOW accounts and rnoriey market deposit
accounts will be removed, and at the end of March 1986, deposit ceiling
rates will be lifted entirely, affecting savings deposits and regular NOW
accounts.
The table below summarizes decisions with respect to the ranges of
growth for the aggregates for 1985 and 1986. Except for Ml in 1985, the
growth ranges apply to one-year periods measured on a fourth quarter to
fourth quarter basis. The Ml range for 1985 applies to the second half of
the year, as noted above.
Ranges of Growth for Monetary and Debt Aggregates
(Percent change)
Tentative for
1985 1986
Ml 3 to 8* 4 to 7
M2 6 to 9 6 to 9
M3 6 to 9-1/2 6 to 9
Debt 9 to 12 8 to 11
* Applies to period from second quarter to fourth quarter.
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With respect to the broader monetary and credit aggregates, the
Committee reaffirmed the 1985 ranges for M2, M3, and domestic debt that had
been established In February. It Is recognized, as at the start of the year,
that actual growth over the four quarters of 1985 might be toward the upper
parts of the ranges, and It was Celt that this would be acceptable, depending
on developments in the velocities of the various measures, as long as infla-
tionary pressures remained subdued.
The tentative ranges for 1986 for M3 and total debt embody reductions
from 1985—In the case of debt by a full percentage point and iii the case of
M3 by one-half percentage point on the upper limit. The range for M2 was left
unchanged. In the case of the monitoring range for debt, it was assumed that,
while debt might well continue Its tendency of recent years to grow consider-
ably faster than GNP, its expansion would be tempered by a drop-off in the net
redemption of equity shares that has boosted corporate credit use dramatically
in the past year or two.
Economic Projections
All the monetary ranges specified were felt to be consistent with
somewhat more rapid economic growth than characterized the first half of the
year, as long as inflationary pressured remain contained. At the same time,
Committee members felt that the present circumstances in the economy contain
particular risks and uncertainties that can imperil progress over the next
year and a half toward either growth or price stability. Clearly, the serious
imbalances referred to earlier in this section cannot be remedied through
the actions of the central bank alone. Attainment of fully satisfactory
economic performance and minimization of risks will require timely action in
other areas of policy, here and abroad.
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The economic projections of the members of the FQHC, as well as of
Che Reserve Bank Presidents who are not at present members of the Committee,
are summarized in the table on Che next page. The central tendency of the
forecasts for real GNP points to some pickup In the pace of expansion In the
second half of this year. The expected strengthening, given the slow growth
In the first half, still would leave the GNP expansion for the year as a
whole short of the range reported by the Federal Reserve in February, and
below the forecasts published by the Administration to date.
The FOMC members and the other Reserve Bank Presidents expect
growth in the 2-1/2 to 3-1/4 percent range during 1986. Such a rise in out-
put is seen as entailing substantial gains in employment, enough to bring
about a small decrease in the civilian unemployment rate, to around 7 percent
by the end of next year. With pressures in labor and product markets limited,
most FOMC members and other Presidents foresee only a marginal increase, if
any, in the rate of inflation, in 1986. It should be noted, however, that
these projections are based on an assumption that exchange value of the
dollar will not deviate substantially from its recent levels.
The projections for a pickup In GNP growth over the reduced rate of
the first half of this year are based In part on the expectation that the
declines In interest rates (and concomitant rise In stock prices) that have
occurred over the past few quarters will be providing Impetus to demand for
goods and services In the months ahead. Consumer attitudes toward spending
appear favorable, and housing activity already has shown Improvement, although
the FOMC members are somewhat concerned by the rising debt burdens of house-
holds and the Increasing payment problems suggested by figures on consumer
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Economic Projections for 1985 and 1986*
FOMC Members and _oth_er FRB Presidents
Range Central Tendency
-1985-
Percent change, fourth quarter
to fourth quarter:
Nominal GNP 6-1/4 to 7-3/4 6-1/2 to 7
Real GW 2-1/4 to 3-1/4 2-3/4 to 3
Implicit deflator for GNP 3-1/2 to 4-1/4 3-3/4 to 4
Average level In the fourth
quarter, percent:
Unemployment rate 6-3/4 to 7-1/4 7 to 7-1/4
198 6
Percent change, fourth quarter
to fourth quarter:
Nominal GNP 5-1/2 to 8-1/2 7 to 7-1/2
Real GNP 2 to 4 2-1/2 to 3-1/4
Implicit deflator for GNP 3 to 5-1/2 3-3/4 to 4-3/4
Average level in the fourth
quarter, percent:
Unemployment rate 6-3/4 to 7-1/2 6-3/4 to 7-1/4
*The Administration has yet to publish its mid-session budget review document,
and consequently the customary comparison of FOMC forecasts and Administration
economic goals has not been included in this report.
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and mortgage loan dellnquencies. In the business sector, Inventory overhangs
appear to be limited In scope and degree, and fixed investment seems to have
picked up a little after exhibiting some weakness earlier this year; the
lower cost of capital and desires Co cue costs and maintain competitiveness
are expected to keep investment on a moderate uptrend, even though pressures
on capacity may not be great. Spending by the federal govenment and by states
and localities is expected to grow rather slowly.
A key ingredient in many of the projections is the expectation that
there will be a tendency In the coming year for our external position to
stabilize, so that domestic production will more fully reflect the expansion
of domestic demand. Developments in this area will, of course, depend In
part on the course of economic expansion abroad. Were the U.S. external
position to continue deteriorating as it has been, the sectoral imbalances
in the economy would be exacerbated, creating further difficulties for many
companies, their employees, and their communities. The draining off of
income would Jeopardize the sustsinabillty of economic expansion, and the
risks of economic and financial dislocations would intensify.
The FOMC members and other Presidents also assumed In their policy
deliberations and in the projections that the Congress and the Administration
would achieve deficit reductions in the range of those in the recent House
and Senate budget resolutions. Failure to move forward with those proposals
would run a serious risk of reversing the favorable effects that congressional
actions to date have had on investor expectations, and would create a real
impediment to the solution of the structural problems plaguing our economy
today.
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Section 2: The Performance of the Economy in the FirstHalf of 1985
After a year and a half of extraordinarily rapid growth, economic
activity decelerated abruptly in the middle of 1984, and slowed somewhat
further in the first half of 1985. Growth la real gross national product
is estimated to have averaged less than 2 percent at an annual rate so far
this year; the unemployment rate has remained flat at about 7-1/4 percent.
Inflation has held at the lower pace reached during the 1981-82 recession.
To some extent, the moderation in growth during the past year has
reflected the slowing in household and business spending that often occurs
after the initial phase of cyclical recovery. Pent-up demand for housing and
consumer durables generally fades as an expansion period lengthens, and
growth in business fixed investment often exhibits some cyclical deceleration
over time. However, the recent slowing in growth also reflects factors
unique to this expansion.
In particular, this expansion has taken place in the context of
a highly stimulative federal fiscal policy. Real GNP grew more rapidly in
1983 and the first half of 1984 than in any previous recovery since the
Korean War. Ultimately, some slowing in growth would have been required to
avoid Inflationary overheating of the economy. However, even before that
point was reached, the initial effect of the fiscal stimulus began to wane,
dissipated in part through its contribution to a worsening U.S. competitive
position in international trade and diversion of demand away from goods
produced in the United States.
The pronounced increases in the merchandise trade and current
account deficits have occurred as enormous federal deficits and resultant
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Real GNP Change from end o( previous period,
annual rate, percent
jnn
mil
HI H2 Q1Q2
1979 1981
Real Gross Domestic Purchases Change from end of
previous period, annual rale, percent
TTT1T
1979 1981 1983 1985
Index of Industrial Production
Index, 1967 = 100
1979 1983 1985
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heavy borrowing by the federal government have added to other factors helping
to keep U.S. interest rates at high levels, relative hoth to historical
experience and to the rate of inflation. These credit demands have been met
partly through a substantial inflow of foreign capital, which has been asso-
ciated with a large appreciation in the foreign exchange value of the D.S.
dollar. The strong dollar has encouraged U.S. consumers and businesses to
increase greatly the portion of their expenditures devoted to imports, and
at the same time has inhibited U.S. exports. Exports also have been re-
strained by slow growth in demand abroad. As a result, gains in domestic
demand have outstripped those in domestic production by a wide margin through-
put: the expansion period.
The effects of the weakening trade balance in the past few years
have been felt keenly in the manufacturing sector. Industrial production,
which began to level off in the summer of 1984, remained stagnant in the first
half of 19#5, and employment in the manufacturing sector declined. The
strong dollar also has exacerbated the economic problems of farmers, many of
whom face difficult adjustments because of falling product prices and the
need to service a large volume of debt accumulated during the inflationary
period of the 1970s and early 1980s.
Thus far, however, the weakness in the manufacturing and agri-
cultural areas has been nore than offset by strong gains in other sectors.
Domestic final demand rose at a 3-1/2 percent annual rate in the first
quarter of 1985, about the same as in the second half of last year;
second-quarter gains appear also to have been substantial. Spending in
such interest-sensitive areas as autos and housing was particularly strong
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in the first half of 1985, reflecting in part lower credit costs that have
emerged since mid-1984.
The strength of the dollar also has had a restraining influence
on inflation, hy reducing import prices and by forcing U.S. producers to
adopt more competitive pricing strategies. Inflationary pressures have
been limited, too, by the lack of pressure on resources here and the slack
abroad, ^ost measures of overall price increase remained in the 4 percent
range In the first half of 1985, but prices of manufactured goods rose
little and significant downward pressures on prices were evident in markets
for oil. and basic commodities.
The_Household Sector
Growth in real disposable income continued to alow In the first
half of 1985, reflecting smaller increases In interest Income as well as
weakness In manufacturing payrolls and farm income. Nonetheless, gains in
household spending, especially in the Interest-sensitive sectors, were sizable,
supported by continued heavy borrowing. As a result, the personal saving
rate fell appreciably below last year's 6 percent level.
Consumer spending for new cars was particularly strong in the
first half. Total auto sales averaged nearly 11 million units at an annual
rate, with sales of domestic models around their highest level for a six-month
period since 1979. The strength In auto sales was partly attributable to the
improved availability of many popular domestic models siiice the strike-related
disruptions In production last fall. In addition, auto demand was bolstered
by generally lower interest rates compared with last year and by some special
financing programs offered by manufacturers. Sales of foreign cars were
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Real Income and Consumption Change from end of
previous period, annual rate, percent
[JJ Real Disposable Personal Income
[^JReal Personal Consumption Expenditures
III
JL II
1979 1981 1983 1985
Total Private Housing Starts
Annual rate, millions of units
2.0
1983
Consumption anfl Income o.tt™ln tot 198S'Q3 are based on Siprll and Way Osla
Income in oolh 19S5-Q1 and 1985 Q2 Has bean idiuslefl tor lai refund delays.
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held down in the first quarter because supplies of Japanese models ware
limited at the end of the annual period for the voluntary export restraint
program. However, foreign car sales picked up in the spring and early summer
when Japanese cars shipped after the start of the new annual period began to
arrive at U.S. dealerships.
Meanwhile, activity in the housing market has rebounded since last
fall. Housing starts rose to a 1.8 million unit annual rate on average In
the first five months of 1985, retracing nearly all of the decline that
occurred in the latter half of last year after rates on fixed-rate mortgages
temporarily rose to the 14 percent range. Housing activity generally has
been quite robust In this expansion period, despite high real interest rates.
Demand for owner-occupied units has been buoyed by the movement of the "baby-
boom" generation into its prime home-buying years, as well as by the benefi-
cial effects of stable house prices and innovative financing techniques such
as adjustable-rate mortgages on the affordability of homes.
The strong gains in household spending over the past two and a half
years have been accompanied by considerable alterations in balance sheets.
The ratio of household debt to income has increased rapidly, and is now well
above its 1980 peak. However, asset growth has been strong as well, and the
ratio of financial assets to income has risen sharply in the past year, owing
in part to the rapid rise In stock prices.
The Incidence of payment difficulties on consumer installment debt
has risen somewhat in the past half year or so, from relatively low levels.
Delinquency and foreclosure rates on home mortgages have been at high levels
for some time, and they rose further in early 1985. The large number of
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defaulted mortgage loans partly reflects the still high rates of unemployment
anil the weakness of home prices In many locales, which has left some home-
owners with little equity to protect when they encounter financial difficul-
ties. However, aggressive underwriting of some mortgages, including loans
carrying lower payments in the first years, appears to be a contributing
factor.
The Business Sector
Conditions in the business sector were mixed in the first half of
1985. Many industrial firms experienced pressures on profit margins in an
environment of intense price competition and declining capacity utilization,
and widespread financial strains continued to be present in the agricultural
and energy sectors. At the same time, however, some other sectors of the
economy recorded good gains in sales and income. Economic profits for cor-
porations In the aggregate remained at the higher level reached after the
sharp runup earlier in the expansion, with after-tax profits as a percent of
GNP at the highest levels seen for any sustained period since the late 1960s.
Growth In business spending for fixed capital hegan to slow in
the latter half of 1984, after a period of extraordinary expansion, and a
further slowing occurred in the first part of 1985. The weakening has been
most pronounced in equipment outlays, affecting both the high-technology
categories and more traditional types of industrial equipment. Nevertheless,
surveys of capital spending intentions taken in the first half of the year
indicated that businesses still planned a healthy expansion In outlays for
1985 as a whole. A relatively large proportion of these expenditures
reportedly was earmarked for replacement and modernization rather than
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Real Business Fixed Investment Percent change from end of
previous period, annual rate
[ Producers' Durable Equipment
[_J Structures
1
10
1979 1963
Changes in Real Business Inventories
Annual rate, billions of 1972 dollars
1979 1981 1983
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expansion of capacity, reflecting a desire to cut costs and improve competi-
tiveness. Meanwhile, spending for nonresidential construction, particularly
offices and stores, continued at strong rates In the first half of 1985, and
construction contracts rose further despite very high vacancy rates In many
parts of Che country.
The pace of inventory accumulation in the business sector has been
moderate in recent months. In real terms, business inventories rose about
$19 billion at an annual rate in the first quarter of 1985, compared with an
average gain of $25 billion in 1984; inventory accumulation probably was
still lower in the second quarter. Manufacturers, especially those facing
intense import competition, have continued to be cautious in adding to inven-
tories. Total stocks in this sector declined in both April and May, and
inventory-sales ratios far the most part retrain neat historical lows. In the
trade sector—with the notable exception of the car industry—inventory-sales
ratios have remained a bit high, though, and selected efforts to pare stocks
have continued.
With slower growth in investment in the first half of 1985, the
gap between capital expenditures and internal funds of firms remained moder-
ate. Nevertheless, businesses continued to borrow heavily, reflecting a
continued massive amount of equity retlremeflts by firms engaged in mergers
and other corporate restructurings. As a result, debt-equity ratios have
risen for a number of firms, especially in the petroleum industry, where
a major restructuring is currently taking place. However, for most other
firms, equity additions through retained earnings or sales of new shares
have been considerable. With rising stock prices, debt-equity ratios for
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these firms, when their assets and Liabilities are measured at current
market values, have shown some decline In recent months.
Nonetheless, financial strains, In many cases related to the high
foreign exchange value of the dollar, persist in some areas of the economy.
In particular, low capacity utilization rates in a number of Import—sensitive
manufact or ing industries, including machine tools, steel, some types of chem-
icals, and textiles have intensified pressures on profitability. In addi-
tion, large segments of the farm sector continue to suffer greatly from
reduced exports, depressed land prices, and low Incomes; many farmers face
serious debt-servicing problems, causing problems in turn for agricultural
lenders. In the energy sector, continued downward pressure on world otl
prices has caused petroleum drilling to be curtailed, which has strained
the earnings of many oilfield equipment and servicing firms.
The_ Government Sector
Federal tax receipts continued to rise substantially in the first
half of 1985, but so too did outlays, and the fiscal year 1985 deficit likely
will be around $200 billion. This represents about 5 percent of total GNP,
and more than half of net private domestic saving. Federal purchases of
goods and services, the part of federal spending that enters directly Into
GNP and constitutes about a third of total outlays, rose comparatively
moderately in the first half of 1985; defense procurement, an area of rapid
growth In spending over the past few years, grew at a reduced pace as outlays
lagged more than Is typical relative to appropriations. Real nondefense
purchases (excluding the Commodity Credit Corporation) continued to be rela-
tively flat.
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Purchases by state and local governments were essentially unchanged
in the first quarter, but evidently rose In the second, as construction out-
lays increased significantly in the spring. States and localities, many of
which had serious fiscal difficulties in the last recession, generally have
been cautious in raising spending throughout this expansion period, though
they have been endeavoring to address the problem of an aging infrastructure.
The combination of spending restraint and improved revenues owing both to
legislated tax increases and to rising incomes, has resulted in a substantial
rise in the operating and capital account surpluses of state and local govern-
ments since 1982.
The External Sector
The external sector has come to play an increasingly important role
in the U.S. economy. Merchandise imports have risen rapidly in this expan-
sion, moving above 15 percent of real domestic expenditures on goods in the
first half of 1985. The increase in import penetration has been widespread,
occurring in both the consumer and capital goods sectors, as well as in
industrial supplies.
Although U.S. exports increased in 1983 and 1984, they grew much
less than imports, and have not yet regained their previous peak. In the
first half of 1985, exports, particularly of agricultural products, have
declined somewhat. As a result of these trends, the current account deficit
has widened dramatically over the past few years, reaching an annual rate of
S120 billion in the first quarter of 1985.
Part of this Imbalance reflects the stronger growth of demand in
the U.S. economy since 1982 relative both to the other Industrial countries
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Exchange Value of the U.S. Dollar
ndex, March 1973=100
1979 1981 1983 1985
U.S. Real Merchandise Trade
Billions Of 1972 dollars
Imports
l\ I
120
1979 1931 1983
U.S. Current Account
Billions of dollars
1981 1983 1985
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and to the debt-burdened developing countries. Although this influence has
lessened with the slowing of Che U.S. economic expansion since Che middle
of last year, there has been no acceleration in growth In the other indus-
trial countries, and many developing countries have continued to face finan-
cial constraints. The greater share of the imbalance, however, probably is
attributable to the substantial appreciation of Che dollar over the past
few years. On average during Che first half of this year, the trade-
weighted value of the dollar was roughly 70 percent above its level five
years earlier.
The appreciation of the dollar and the underlying demand of inves-
tors for dollar-denominated assets and other claims on the United States has
been partly associated with differentials between real rates of return on
U.S. and foreign assets. The enormous federal budget deficits have been an
Important factor contributing to these differentials. The moderation in
interest rates that has accompanied the slowing of the economic expansion in
the United States since mid-1984 appears to have eased some of the upward
pressure on the dollar; after rising sharply through the first two months of
this year, the exchange value of the dollar has trended downward and is now
around the level of late last summer. Nevertheless, the high level of the
dollar continues to limit the ability of U.S. producers to compete both at
home and abroad.
Labor Markets
Growth in labor demand generally remained strong in the first half
of 1985, and the number of workers on nonfarm payrolls increased 1.4 million.
The bulk of the job growth was in the service and trade sectors, In which
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Payroll Employment-Nonmanufacturing Minions of persons,
quarterly average
76
73
1979 1981 1983
Payroll Employment-Manufacturing Minions of persons,
quarterly average
1979 1981 1983 1985
Civilian Unemployment Rate
Quarterly average, percent
10
1981 1983 1985
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employment In Che past six months has expanded at rates similar to last
year's rapid pace. Increases In the restaurant and business services areas
have been especially large. Construction employment also showed a sizable
gain in the first half of 1985, along with significant growth in both resi-
dential and nonresidential construction. In contrast, manufacturing employ-
ment dropped about 220,000, with cutbacks in payrolls widespread among
industries.
Despite the substantial gains in overall payroll employment, the
unemployment rate has remained at about 7-1/4 percent, the level that has
prevailed since last June. The labor force participation rate was up appre-
ciably on average during the first half; the rise occurred primarily among
adult women, who evidently were responding to the increase in job opportuni-
ties in the service and trade sectors, where 80 percent of adult women are
now employed.
Wage inflation has remained restrained. Year-over-year changes In
the employment cost index for wages and salaries, a relatively comprehensive
measure for the private nonfarm business economy, have held steady at just
over 4 percent for nearly a year. This is about one percentage point less
than in 1983 and early 1984, and substantially below the peak rate of about
9 percent reached in 1980. The slowing in union wage increases over the
past several years has been especially large. Union wage gains both in and
out of manufacturing have been below the increases posted in nonunionized
sectors for the past year and a half, causing a partial erosion of the dif-
ferential that had built up over the years prior to the last recession.
Major collective bargaining agreements negotiated in early 1985 indicate
continued moderate wage growth in the unionized sectors.
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Hourly Earnings Index Change from end of previous period,
annual rate, percent
1979 1981
Consumer Price Index Change from end of previous period,
annual rate, percent
GNP Prices Change from end of previous period,
annual rate, percent
m —
1979 1981 1983 1985
'Consumer price change for 1985;H1 is based on December to May period.
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Productivity in the nonfarm business sector appears to have declined
in the first half of 1985, following increases amounting to 4 percent in 1983
and 2-1/2 percent In 1984. Both the recent slowing in productivity and the
substantial gains earlier in the recovery largely reflect the fact that
employment tends to respond more slowly than output to changes in demand.
However, improvements in productivity appear to continue to be a major
priority of both workers and management, as evidenced by widespread reports
of modernization of facilities as well as relaxation of work rules and other
steps to enhance efficiency and hold down costs.
The combination of improved productivity growth and relatively re-
strained wage gains in this expansion has resulted in a sizable deceleration
in the average rate of increase in unit labor costs relative to the previous
several years. Although unit labor costs have risen this year In response
to the downturn in productivity, they are still only about 3 percent above
their year-ago level.
Price _Deyglo patents
After slowing sharply in the recession, the broadest measures of
inflation have held fairly steady at about 4 percent during much of the
expansion. While the stability of the inflation rate during this expansion
partly reflects some special factors, significant progress appears to have
been made in reversing the underlying momentum of the inflationary process
that sustained the wage-price spiral of previous years. Inflation expecta-
tions have been more subdued, and both labor and management have exhibited a
better appreciation of the fact that gains in real incomes cannot be achieved
simply by marking up nominal wages or prices.
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The strong dollar has reinforced other factors holding down
inflation in this expansion period, both directly by reducing the prices of
imported goods and indirectly by forcing U.S. manufacturers to restrain
price increases in order to remain competitive. Retail prices of goods
excluding food and energy rose about 3-1/2 percent, at an annual rate, in
the first half of 1985, about the same as the average rate of change in the
two preceding years. Increases in prices of nonenergy services, which have
not been, affected nearly as much by Import competition, have continued to
be substantial, averaging a 5-1/2 percent rate In the last six months, the
same as in 1984.
Energy prices have been quite volatile over the past year, mainly
reflecting movements in gasoline prices. From the autumn of 1984 through
February of this year, gasoline prices fell by about 3-1/2 percent, as refin-
ers sought to reduce excess inventories. Production was adjusted downward
as well, resulting in a spurt In prices In the spring. However, gasoline
prices appear to have stabilized more recently, as inventory levels have
returned to normal while crude oil supplies remain abundant. Food prices
have risen only a little this year, reflecting the moderate rate of increase
in processing costs as well as plentiful agricultural supplies.
Prices of basic industrial commodities, which rose markedly in the
initial stages of this upswing In business activity, have been trending down-
ward for the past year and a half. The demand for materials by U.S. manu-
facturers has been weak, and world supplies have been ample, owing in part
to the expansion of capacity In many developing countries in the past decade
and their need to maintain export revenues.
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Section 3: Money. Credit, and Financial Markets in the First Half of 1985
In February of this year, the FOMC established target growth ranges
for Che year (measured from the fourth quarter of L984 to the fourth quarter
of 1985) of k to 7 percent for Ml, 6 to 9 percent for M2, and 6 to 9-1/2 per-
cent for M3. For domestic nonflnanctal sector debt, an associated monitoring
range was set at 9 to 12 percent. The Ml range for 1985 represented a one
percentage point reduction at the upper end from the range of the preceding
year, while the range for M2 was unchanged. To reflect changes in the pattern
of financial flows, the 1985 range for M3 was raised by a half point at the
upper end, and the whole range for the debt aggregate was raised by a percent-
age point. It was expected that these ranges would be adequate to encourage
further real economic growth at a sustainable pace consistent with containment
of Inflationary pressures and a movement over time toward reasonable price
stahility.
In implementing policy throughout the period, the FOMC emphasized
the need to evaluate growth in the monetary aggregates in the context of
information available on economic activity, prices, and financial market con-
ditions. Among other factors, the strength of the dollar and the related
sluggishness of manufacturing activity required attention. As an operational
matter, the degree of pressure on reserve positions of depository institutions
was relatively unchanged during the period, and the discount rate was reduced
once.
Honey, Credit, and Monetary Policy
The unusually sharp drop in velocity in 1982 and early 1983, when
growth of Ml greatly exceeded that of nominal GNP, had led the FOMC to place
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GROWTH OF MONEY AND CREDIT
Percentage changes
Domestic
Period Ml M2 M3 nonf inanclal
sector debt
Fourth quarter to 10.5 6.8 7.9 12. 8e
second quarter 1985
Fourth quarter to 11.6 9.3 8.2 12. 7e
June 1985
Fourth quarter
to fourth quarter
1979 7.5 8.1 10.3 12.1
1980 7.5 9.0 9.6 9.6
1981 5.1(2.5)1 9.2 12.4 10.0
1982 8.8 9.1 10. 0 9.1
1983 10.4 12.2 10.0 10.8
1984 5.2 7.7 10.4 13.6
Quarterly growth rates
1984-Q1 6.2 7.2 9.2 13.0
Q2 6.5 7.1 10.5 13.0
Q3 4.5 6.8 9.5 12.6
04 3.2 9.1 11.0 13.4
1985-Q1 10.6 12.0 10,7 13.4
Q2 10.1 5.3 5.0 11. 8e
e—estimated.
1. Ml figure in parentheses is adjusted for shifts to NOW accounts In 1981,
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less reliance on Ml as an operational guide to policy. During the latter
part of 1983 and in 1984, however, the patterns of Ml growth relative to
other economic variables proved more consistent with historical experience,
and Ml was given more weight In the conduct of policy. Nonetheless, consid-
erable uncertainty remained, In part because of limited experience with the
impact of deposit deregulation and financial market Innovations on the
behavior of Ml under varying economic and financial circumstances. Similar
concerns about possible changes In the account offerings and pricing behavior
of depositories and the asset demands of households affect all the monetary
aggregates to some extent. These factors accounted In part for the need
to Interpret movement in the aggregates In the light of other information,
including evidence on shifts in velocity.
In the event, monetary policy during the first half of the year
had to be adapted to a further slowing In economic growth, as manufacturing
activity was essentially flat and the agricultural sector remained under
pressure, to a continued high value of the dollar on exchange markets, and
to a tendency for the velocity of money, particularly of Ml, to fall. Price
and wage pressures remained relatively well contained; Indications of some
acceleration in the early part of the year were followed by more moderate
increases in subsequent months.
In that context, monetary policy basically accommodated the strong
demands for reserves by depository Institutions that emerged during the first
half of the year. The total of adjustment plus seasonal borrowing varied
within a generally narrow range over the period, though increasing for a
time in the spring as a result of special situations affecting non-fedetally
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Ranges Adopted in February and Actual Money Growth
M1
Billions of dollars
Annual rates of growth
1984 04 to 1985 Q2
10.5 percent
1984 04 to June 1985
11.6 percent
570
560
550
I I I I
1984
ions of dollars
Annual rates of growth
1984 04 to 1985 Q2
8.8 percent
1984 Q4 to June 1985
— 2500 9.3 percent
— 2450
1984
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Ranges Adopted in February and Actual Money and Debt Growth
M3
Billions of dollars
Annual rales of growth
1984 Q4 to 1985 02
3200 7.9 percent
1984 Q4 to June 1985
8.2 percent
3100
3000
2900
J L
1984 1985
Domestic Nonfinanclal Sector Debt
Billions of dollars
Annual rates of growth
12% 1984 04 to 1985 Q2
6500 12.8 percent
(estimated)
1964 04 to June 1985
12.7 percent
(estimated)
6100
1984 1985
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Insured thrifts in Ohio and Maryland. Reserve positions had been eased
considerably In the latter part of 1984 and the early weeks of 1985. With
an easing of reserve pressures and a slowing in economic growth, Interest
rates had declined sharply from their late summer peaks through the very
early weeks of this year.
The decline of interest rates appeared to stimulate, with usual
lags of some months, a sizable increase in demands for assets contained In
Ml, principally interest-bearing checking accounts (NOW accounts). Shifts
of long-term savings and liquid funds out of market instruments and time
deposits into these accounts in the early months of the year entailed a
substantial rise In total reserves to support them. As the public's asset
preferences shifted toward components of Ml, Its income velocity declined
sharply, because holdings of these assets increased relative to the GNP.
Only minimal effects on Ml growth likely resulted from shifts of funds into
"Super NOW" accounts after the minimum balance requirement was reduced from
$2,500 to $1,000 at the beginning of the year, because the bulk of the funds
shifted appeared to come out of regular NOW accounts.
Most market Interest rates rose by about a full percentage point
from their January lows in the course of the winter, though the level of
rates remained well below the 1984 peaks. Demands for credit remained strong.
Economic growth had picked up in the fourth quarter and early data for the
first quarter, though mixed, seemed generally consistent with moderate growth.
While as noted reserve growth was sizable during the quarter to accommodate
shifts In the public's asset preference, reserves were provided somewhat
more cautiously through open market operations during the period of most
rapid acceleration of Ml growth in the first quarter.
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Short-term Interest Rates
Percent
Federal Funds
10
W"
3-month Treasury Bill
1979 1981 1983
Long-term Interest Rates
Home Mortgage
Fixed Rate
30-year Treasury Bond
1979 1981 1983 1985
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By early spring Incoming economic data made it clear that the rate
of economic expansion remained limited. Inflation rates continued generally
low, prospects for further oil price declines helped damp inflation expecta-
tions, and the market responded positively to signs of possible Congressional
action to reduce the budget deficit. Growth of Ml moderated substantially,
and the aggregate began to decelerate toward its longer-run range in late
winter and early spring. Interest rates reversed their earlier rise, as
market expectations changed. Rate declines were also influenced by a cut in
the Federal Reserve's discount rate in May by 1/2 percentage point to 7-1/2
percent, which took place in the context of continued signs of economic weak-
ness, and against the background of restrained inflationary pressures, and a
strong dollar on exchange markets. By midyear short-term rates were down to
3/4 to 1-1/4 percentage point from levels around year-end, while long-term
rates had declined by about 1 to 1-1/4 percentage points.
Growth in Ml spurted once again In the late spring. To some extent,
Interest rate decreases contributed to a strengthening of demand for Mi-type
assets during the latter part of the second quarter. Growth of SOW accounts,
which had moderated in late winter, picked up, as offering rates on Super NOW
accounts adjusted sluggishly to the renewed decline in market rates of
interest. However, the strength of Ml also reflected an unusual surge in
demand deposit expansion in May that extended into June aC an even more
rapid pace. The rise seems greater than is explainable by usual reactions
to the reduced opportunity cost of holding such funds, or to adjustments in
compensating balances, and may be partly related to sharp swings in U.S.
Treasury balances. A question has been raised as to whether corporate cash
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Velocity of M1 and Treasury Bill Rate
M1 Velocity
1983 1984 1985
3-month Treasury Bill Rate
(2 quartet moving average)
12.0
10.0
1984 1985
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management practices have become less aggressive in recent months, but there
is no clear evidence on the point.
With the sharp late-spring expansion of Ml, its velocity in the
second quarter again declined, at about the same rate as in the first. The
decline in the velocity of Ml over the first half of this year—and the
lesser declines in the velocity of M2 and M3—are reminiscent of experience
in 1982-83. Indeed, in both the first half of this year and over the one-
year period from mid-1982 to mid-1983 the income-velocity of Ml declined at
annual rates of about 4-1/2 to 5 percent. The drop in Ml velocity in both
periods appears to have reflected, to a considerable degree and with usual
lags, declines in market interest rates, although the magnitude of the
declines was in both cases somewhat more than could be expected based on
past relationships of money, income, and interest rates.
Episodes of velocity decline may be inherent in the disinflationary
process. As interest rates adjust downward in reflection of lowering infla-
tion rates, households and firms become increasingly less reluctant to tie
up portions of their funds in lower-earning transactions balances. The
adjustment has not been steady, field declines have been bunched in time,
add the ensuing bunched additions to money balances have led to sudden drops
In velocity. Unfortunately, the timing of such velocity changes Is no easier
to predict than is the timing of interest rate changes. Deposit deregulation
may have contributed to the extent of velocity adjustments by making the
demand for the group of assets in Ml more responsive to interest rate changes
than it used to be.
While growth of Ml was quite high relative to Its long-run range
for 1985, the broader aggregates remained generally within their ranges.
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Growth of M2 from Che fourth quarter of 1984 to the second quarter of 1985,
at an 8-3/4 percent annual rate, was a little below the upper limit of Its
range, expressed as a cone based in the fourth quarter of 1984. However,
expansion of this aggregate In June brought Its monthly average a little
above the upper end of the range.
Given the deregulation of bank deposit rates, the growth of M2
should be less affected over periods of as long as a half year by interest
rate developments because offering yields on most of its components are
adjusted in line with market rates and many of the shifts of funds engendered
by interest rate changes are among assets within this broader aggregate. But
because the adjustments in offering yields tend to lag market changes, M2
does show considerable short-term responsiveness to Interest rate changes.
Deposit rates, especially on MMDAs, fell much less than market yields last
fall, so M2 rose rapidly for several months. Then rising market yields in
February and March held back M2. The nontransactlons portion of M2 actually
declined in April for the first time in 15 years, although this may have been
partly the result of difficulties in seasonal adjustment owing to the limited
experience with IRA accounts (which are excluded from M2) and with tax pay-
ments made out of MMDAs and money market funds. After rates fell back, M2
picked up again strongly in late spring.
M3 growth, meanwhile, was comfortably within Its target range dur-
ing the first half of the year. Issuance of large CDs has slowed substan-
tially from last year at both banks and thrifts. Core deposit flows have
accelerated while the rate of loan expansion has held about steady. Further-
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more, perhaps in response to new Federal Home Loan Bank Board regulations
raising net worth requirements for fast-growing institutions, thrifts have
reduced net acquisitions of assets. In doing so, some institutions have
taken advantage of declining yields by using the capital gains from asset
sales to boost reported earnings.
Growth In total debt remained extremely strong in the past two
quarters, averaging a bit above Its monitoring range, though below the record
pace of 1984. Federal government borrowing continued to absorb more than a
fourth of total funds made available to domestic nonfinancial sectors. An
increasing proportion of the Treasury's debt carries distant maturity dates;
90 percent of net marketable borrowing this year has been in Issues of notes
and bonds maturing In 2 to 30 years. Issues of 20- and 30-year debt, in
particular, are increasing and now dominate the new issue market for taxable
long-terra bonds, accounting for over two-thirds of new offerings In that
maturity class. This large volume of new long-term debt has changed the
makeup of the secondary market as well. The supply of Treasury issues out-
standing with 15 or more years remaining to maturity has doubled In little
more than 2 years, while the amount of private issues In that maturity range
has shown little net change.
Borrowing of state and local governments has been unexpectedly
strong so far this year, but an unusually high proportion has been for
advance refunding of existing issues, as governments have sought to take
advantage of lower interest rates. Because the funds borrowed in such opera-
tions are reinvested in financial instruments, they have little net Impact
on credit market pressures. Indeed, most of these funds are required by law
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to be invested In specially-Issued Treasury debt, thus reducing the Treasury's
need for public offerings. Single-family housing revenue bonds have slowed
from the second half of last year. But last year's issues were heavily con-
centrated in the later part of the year because of delays in the reauthoriza-
tlon of such bonds; recent volume has been close to the 1984 average rate.
Business credit demands have remained strong this year. Slowing
growth of both profits and expenditures for fixed capital and inventories
has, on balance, had little effect on total borrowing needs. Corporate
borrowing has been heavier in the short-term paper and loan categories than
in bonds, but not to the same extent as in the early part of 1984, when
interest rates were rising. In addition, while new Issue bond volume has
picked up in response to the lowest long-term yields in five years, maturities
of new bond issues have been concentrated in the short- and Intermediate-term
areas, as they were last year.
An unusual portion of the borrowing, also like last year, has been
used to finance equity retirements of one sort or another. Mergers, buyouts,
share repurchases, and swaps with shareholders of new debt for stock have
continued on the same massive scale as last year. Borrowing initiated with
the purpose of financing these transactions may have accounted in gross terms
for more than a percentage point of the growth rate of total nonfinancial
debt over the first half. But such an estimate may overstate the net effects
of recent corporate recapitalizations on debt growth. A number of firms
involved in mergers or restructurings this year and last have recently com-
pleted large assets sales, some for the explicit purpose of repaying debt.
Furthermore, merger activity may be indirectly responsible for some of the
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Increased new equity offerings because of its generally stimulative effect
on stock prices as funds paid to shareholders are reinvested.
Household borrowing also has remained strong. Demand for mortgage
loans has been buoyed by declining interest costs. At the lower rates,
households have found adjustable-rate loans less attractive than last year,
reducing from two-thirds to about a half the proportion of new conventional
mortgages with these features. Installment debt continued Co rise faster
than income In the first half of the year, but the second-quarter data show
some deceleration in line with signs of a slowing in the growth of consumption
spending on large ticket items.
Other Developments in Financial Markets
Signs of strain in financial markets have persisted this year, but
without causing major disruptions in general credit market conditions. Al-
though the government securities market as a whole has been performing well,
the failures of three secondary government securities dealers caused losses,
sometimes substantial, for some of their customers. A nuraber of local govern-
ments and savings and loans were among those hurt, and losses by one large
thrift institution in Ohio had further repercussions, threatening to bankrupt
the statewide private insurance system and, for a time, generating some
concerns here and abroad about the safety of other financial institutions.
Runs on privately insured savings and loans in Maryland, some of which also
lost money as a result of the failure of securities firms, followed the
problems In Ohio. Privately-insured S&Ls in both states were closed or
limited to small withdrawals for a time, causing serious inconvenience to
some depositors, and some institutions remain closed or restricted.
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However, these various problems have been relatively well contained,
without significant effects on other Institutions and markets. A number of
institutions havt! switched to federal insurance. And the Federal Reserve,
acting In its role as lender of last resort, made advances to non-federally
Insured thrift institutions in Ohio and Maryland to help facilitate adjust-
ments In the face of large deposit outflows. For a while, the borrowing
affected the amount of adjustment credit at the discount window but, because
of the special conditions, did not add to reserve market pressures as per-
ceived by other institutions. After a time, the borrowings were classified
as extended credit.
The thrift Industry as a whole continues to suffer from low net
worth and mismatched balance sheets, but the recent interest rate declines
are improving earnings. The FHLBB has taken a number of steps, Including
Increased capital requirements for rapidly growing institutions to encour-
age the stabilization of the industry over time. Capital requirements also
have been raised for banks, some of which have suffered from a high Incidence
of nonperformlng loans and loan losses In recent quarters. The troubled
loans are concentrated in energy, agriculture, and real estate sectors and
to borrowers of some foreign countries. Bad news about the loan portfolios
of individual Institutions and other reported losses have produced some
ripples In market rates generally, but spreads between borrowing rates of
financial institutions and the Treasury have been quite low for the most
part. To some extent, loan losses reflect overly aggressive lending decisions,
but the problems of borrowers In the hardest hit industries are partly a
result of difficult adjustment to a higher value of the dollar and lower
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rates of Inflation than were expected when the loans were made. In the
agricultural as in other sectors, Investors and borrowers have discovered
that the inflation of land and commodity prices can no longer be taken for
granted.
In light of strains relating to agricultural credit, the Federal
Reserve liberalized its regular seasonal borrowing program and Initiated a
temporary special seasonal program. However, there has been only relatively
limited use of seasonal credit owing to the easing of money market conditions
as the spring progressed.
With regard to conditions among nonflnancial businesses, the pros-
pects of some of those In the weaker industries—especially those most
adversely affected by the high dollar—are subject, of course, to considerable
uncertainty. But, In addition, many firms have deliberately chosen a more
precarious financial structure In order to enhance current market valuations
of shares or to fend off undesired takeover bids. Nevertheless, financial
markets have not shown generalized concern about corporate financial struc-
ture; notably, spreads between corporate and Treasury debt are unusually
narrow, having shrunk since the beginning of the year.
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U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
NINETY NINTH CONGRESS
WASHINGTON, DC 20515
July 26, 19BS
The Honorable Paul A. Volcker
Chairman - Board of Governors
Federal Reserve System
2Qth aid Constitution Avenue N.w.
Washington, D.C. 20551
Dear Paul:
A; always, it was a pleasure to have you appear before ray Subcommittee
and to testify as you roost recently did for .the Humphrey-Hawkins Full
Employment hearings on the conduct of monetary policy. Thank you for
your time and your testimony.
Following the hearings, Members were also requested to submit any
additional questions which they wished to pose. They are attached on a
separate sheet. Your early response would be deeply appreciated;.
Please feel free to contact the Subcommittee if you have any queries
about the attached list of questions.
With kindest regards and again, many thanks, 1 am
Sincerely,
Walter E. Fauntroy
Chairman
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BOARD OF GOVERNORS
DF TH E
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
WASHINGTON,!). C. 30551
August 9, 1985
The Honorable Walter E. Fauntroy
Chairman
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
Committee on Banking, Finance and
Urban Affairs
House of Representatives
Washington, D.C. 20515
Dear Walter:
Thank you for your letter of July 26 enclosing written
questions in connection with the hearing held on July 17. I am
pleased to enclose my responses to the questions for inclusion
in the record of the hearing.
I hope this information is useful to your Subcommittee.
Please let me know if I can be of further assistance.
Enclosure
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Question 1: Can the trade deficit be explained solely
in reference to the strong dollar or is it symptomatic of a
longer-term process at work? Is the current performance of
heavy industry indicative of a changing international division
of labor? Are these industries likely to shift the predominant
portion of their production to Mexico, Brazil, and other nations
in the longer-run? What implications does this have for employ-
ment and economic growth in the United States? Should these
industries be protected? If so, how?
Answer: Our trade deficit has evolved in the last few
years in large part because of our macroecoriomic policies and
those of our trading partners. While our economy has grown
vigorously, our large structural budget deficits have induced
imbalances in the U.S. economy, which have contributed to a
strong rise in the exchange value of the dollar and a large
merchandise trade deficit. In the short run, we have benefitted
by less inflation and lower interest rates, and therefore more
investment, at the expense of our manufacturing sector. As time
goes on, distortions could become more severe unless we act
quickly to reduce our large structural budget deficits. At the
same time, there has been over the past several years an ongoing
process of international division of labor. This is one of the
many reasons why it would be a mistake to react to our trade
deficit by increasing the protection of our industries.
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Question 2; Let us assume for the moment that heavy
industry and agriculture are facing structural problems brought
about by the proliferation of international competition. Assume
in addition that there is reason to believe that foreign govern-
ments are not observing the principles of "free trade. Would
you advocate some type of industrial policy which would maintain
these industries to offset foreign support? Or alternatively,
should United States firms continue to participate using the
principles of "free trade?"
Answer; Problems in heavy industry and agriculture
reflect imbalances in our economy caused by our large structural
budget deficit, as well as other factors acting to bid up the
exchange value of the dollar. -To the extent that we deal with
these problems indirectly through some form of industrial policy
rather than directly through reduction of the structural budget
deficit, the burden of the imbalances will simply shift to other
sectors o£ our economy, To the extent that foreign governments
are not observing bilateral and multilateral trade agreements,
their violations should be resolved through the auspices of the
appropriate international agencies such as GATT.
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Question 3: What is your assessment of the likely
effects or the proposed $50 billion reduction in the federal
budget deficit? How much do you expect interest rates to fall?
Are there other 'factors which have been keeping real interest
rates above historical levels? What are some of these? How
certain is the Federal Reserve that deficits are the primary
cause of the high interest rates?
Answer: Enactment of a deficit reduction of $50 bil-
lion would tend to lower interest rates from levels that other-
wise would prevail and, at the same time, to relieve the pres-
sures that have kept the dollar high on foreign exchange markets
and contributed to the deterioration in the U.S. trade balance.
Quantifying these impacts is a difficult task; expectational
factors, in particular, would be very influential and in this
regard I would underscore the importance of putting in place a
budgetary program that provides assurance tc invsstcrs that
there will be continuing progress in coming years toward balance
in the government's finances. The fluctuations in the bond
markets that have accompanied developments on the congressional
budget resolution have demonstrated the importance of expecta-
tions. I should think that the market action we've seen also
suggests that those econometric models showing interest rate
impacts of a percentage point or more for a permanent $50 bil-
lion deficit cut are in the right ballpark.
Obviously, the budget deficit is not the only factor
determining interest rates. At a basic level, real interest
rates reflect the net impact of all forces affecting the supply
and demand for savings in the economy. What one can observe in
recent years is that, while private investment has been a
substantial user of available savings (spurred to a degree by
tax incentives), the federal deficit has preempted an abnormally
large share of the financial capital—one that has not shrunk
the way it did in past cyclical expansions. Moreover, the
prospect of continuing massive deficits has weighed heavily on
the thinking of investors and tended to hold long-term rates
unusually high relative to the current rate of inflation.
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Question 4: In light of the decision of the FOMC to
rebase HI growth targets, how did the various components of Ml
behave in the first two quarters of this year? Were they con-
sistent? Did the decline in velocity influence the decision?
Is the Ml proxy still a reliable growth target, given low infla-
tion? If not, what additional targets is the Federal Reserve
using at the current time?
Answer; All of the major components of Ml grew sub-
stantially during the first half of the year. The greatest
strength, however, was evidenced by the deposit components,
especially interest-bearing checking accounts. The composition
of the growth in Ml is, we believe, consistent with our view
that the strong demand for money—and the associated weakness in
velocity—was in large part a reflection of the greater willing-
ness to hold Ml balances in light of the decline in interest
rates on other assets since last silver.
The decision to rebase took account of the decline in
velocity and reflected the judgment that this decline likely was
another stage in the process of adjustment to an environment of
lower inflation and lower nominal interest rates. We selected
a range for Ml that we believe is consistent with the mainte-
nance of progress toward reasonable price stability, as well as
with the furtherance of economic growth; the same is true df the
targets for the other monetary measures, which we reaffirmed.
Nonetheless, in light of the uncertainties surrounding the
behavior of all the monetary aggregates, the FOMC will continue
to take into consideration, in making its operational decisions,
a broad range of economic variables—including the strength of
the economy, the pace of inflation, and conditions in credit and
foreign exchange markets.
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Question AA; Even with the rebasing. Ml remains above
target. Is Ml likely to be rebased again at the end of this
year? Is the situation in the economy unique insofar as the
tremendous growth in Ml has been unaccompanied by either
increases in economic growth and/or inflation? Or do you expect
growth and inflation to accelerate at the end of the year? How
will the Fed respond, given these circumstances?
Answer; The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) typi-
cally has used the fourth-quarter average level as the base for
its annual target ranges, and it followed that procedure in
establishing tentative ranges for 1986. The Committee will be
reviewing those targets next February, at which time the speci-
fications for growth rates and base periods will be reexamined
in light of the experience with monetary behavior between now
and then, consideration of the economic situation, and whatever
information may be available regarding the consequences of the
deposit deregulation that will be occurring early in the year.
The impacts of monetary expansion generally are felt
with some lag, so the first-half pattern of economic growth and
inflation is not remarkable in that respect. It is, in fact,
the expectation of the FOMC members that there will be a pickup
in the pace of economic expansion in the second half of the
year, reflecting in part the easing of credit market conditions
that has occurred. However, we do not see a significant inten-
sification of inflationary pressures, owing to the slack in the
domestic economy and the continuing impact of the earlier appre-
ciation of the dollar. Were inflationary forces to become more
substantial than we have anticipated, it certainly would be
a concern and, all other things equal, would argue for a less
accommodative approach to policy. Whether it would necessitate
a downward adjustment of the ranges for money that we have set
tentatively for 1986 would depend on the outcome of the broader
analysis, to which I referred above, of the factors affecting
the relationship between monetary growth and economic perfor-
mance.
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(juegtion 5; What effect do you believe the distortions
in the economy will have on economic growth and monetary policy
during the remainder of 1985? How important a factor will the
uncertainty of investors be in light of the looming twin defi-
cits and the current state of agriculture and heavy industry?
Answer; One cannot say with any certainty what the
effects of the distortions evident in the economy will be in the
months ahead. It seems quite clear to me at this point, how-
ever, that the federal budget deficit and concerns about longer
range fiscal prospects are contributing to the high level of
real interest rates that still prevails; it also appears that
the trend of deterioration in our trade balance has not yet been
reversed, which has particularly negative implications for
sectors like agriculture and manufacturing. Under the circum-
stances, it. would not be surprising if investors mam' foct-oH a
degree of caution, which could further temper the expansionary
forces in the economy. All of these phenomena will, of course,
have to be considered by the Federal Reserve as it conducts
monetary policy with a view toward supporting sustained growth
in the context of continuing restraint on inflation.
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Questions 5A & Bi What are the effects of the distor-
tions in terms of the narrowing of options in the conduct of
monetary policy? Can the Federal Reserve effectively implement
monetary policy -given the need to sell the debt and the
worsening trade deficit? In addition, please address the effect
of both the employment and the potential withdrawal of foreign
funds on the U.S. economy. How essential are these funds to the
financing of investment and the selling of the debt? What
implications would the withdrawal of foreign funds have on
inflation, interest rates and the dollar? Would the withdrawal
aid the performance of heavy industry and agriculture through
weakening the dollar or would this be more than offset by the
rise in interest rates which would follow?
Answer; In the face of the large increase in the
structural budget deficit, which has led to an imbalance between
national domestic savings and domestic investment, net private
investment in the United States has benefitted from our access
to foreign funds. If foreigners were to choose to place their
funds elsewhere, then the economy would have to adjust to bring
domestic savings more in line with domestic investment. The
adjustment process might lead to a higher price level, higher
interest rates, and a real depreciation of the dollar, in the
absence of any independent action to reduce the structural
budget deficit.
It is difficult to say precisely how much the perfor-
mance of heavy industry and agriculture would improve with a
withdrawal of foreign funds. Their sales in U.S. and foreign
markets would increase as a result of the decline in the
dollar's exchange rate, but the rise in interest rates and
reduction in domestic demand would at least partially offset
this gain.
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Question 5C: How do you assess the net debtor status
of the United States? What are its implications on future
economic growth? Does it connote a trend or is it a. temporary
response given the unique circumstances at the current time? If
it marks a trend, when will it become serious?
Answer: The movement of the United States into net
debtor status reflects the necessity to borrow abroad to help
finance both domestic investment and the government budget
deficit. To the extent that we have borrowed abroad to increase
investment and build our capital stock, our increased borrowing
should help economic growth over the long run. However, in
order to pay for this debt, we must now ship a larger share of
our domestic output abroad. If our capital stock has not been
increased commensurate with the build-up in our debt, the need
to allocate a larger share of this output of a less rapidly
growing economy will become increasingly burdensome over time.
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Question 6: On page ten of your written statement, you
say that p ro due tive capital has not been expanding at an ade-
quate rate. Yet, the data indicates that a greater percentage
of GNP is currently being utilized for fixed investment than at
any time in the past twenty-five years. Do you continue to
maintain that expansion is inadequate? On what do you base this
analysis?
Answer; In my statement, I indicated a concern that
"the expansion in the industrial base" is less than we will need
"as we restore external balance and service our growing external
debt." I was calling attention to the fact that we are at
present consuming much more than we are producing domestically
and that at some time in the future the foreign lOUs we've been
incurring in effect will be called—potentially putting some
strain on our productive resources as we attempt not only to
meet domestic demands but also shift tc".;crd net er.r^rtatl™ of
goods and services.
The pressures in such circumstances are likely to be
felt most strongly in the industrial sector, where activity is
relatively sensitive to changing trade patterns. I should note
that "industrial base" must not, in this context be interpreted
too narrowly. The continuing weakness in industry may well be
having an important effect on the long-term availability of
trained labor and on marketing relationships. But even on the
physical capacity side, one can see cause for some concern.
Despite relatively strong investment in plant and equipment in
the past couple of years (not as strong, I should point out, for
net as for gross investment), capacity utilization in industry
today is somewhere between 80 and 81 percent. Figures in the
mid-80s for capacity utilization traditionally have been marked
by a degree of tightness in markets. Given the enormous size
today of our merchandise trade deficit, if we were to find it
necessary to meet just our own domestic spending demands (let
alone become a net exporter of goods) the implied level of the
capacity utilization rate would be well into the range that has
been associated with inflationary pressures in the past.
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Question 6A: The strength of nonresidential fixed
Investment may well~be due to the inflow of foreign capital and
the current account deficit which is making this investment
possible. If the current slowdown represents a return to his-
torically more normal levels of investment, is it wise to expand
money growth in the attempt to counteract this shift?
Answer: It is quite true that the ready availability
of capital from abroad has helped to keep real interest rates
from moving still higher and in that way has been supportive of
strong business fixed investment. Some slowdown in the growth
of investment after the enormous surge of 1983-84 has to be
expected, but, obviously, pronounced weakness in this sector
could be inimical to desirable economic performance in the
months ahead. The Federal Reserve must take into account devel-
opments in the investment sector, as we assess the overall eco-
nomic picture and the appropriateness of existing policy plans.
However, we cannot be expected to fine-tune the economy on a
sectoral basis and to ensure balanced economic performance.
Over the long haul, the maintenance of a healthy level of
investment will depend critically on our ability to deal with
our federal fiscal imbalance; we cannot depend forever on an
inflow of capital from abroad to offset the absorption of domes-
tic saving by the federal government.
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Question 7: How did the individual meDibcrs of the
Federal Open Market Cooraittee vote when confronted with the
decision to rebase the growth targets for Ml?
Answer: The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC)
determined in 1976 that the records of policy actions taken at
each of its meetings may be disclosed to the public shortly
after the next regularly scheduled meeting. (See Sixty-Third
Annual Report of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System, p. 215.) Accordingly, the policy record of the FOMC's
most recent meeting is now being prepared by the staff and will
be available within a few days following the FOMC's meeting
scheduled for August 20, 1985.
At the present time, I think it would be fair to say
that, while there was general agreement that the target for Ml
established in February was no longer a realistic one, various
Committee members had different views on what approach might
best be taken—and these were fully aired before the decision to
rebase was taken.
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Question 8: With regard to the farm debt crisis, what
has the Federal Reserve done to implement the recommendations
contained in the Subcommittee's Report on the Conduct of Mone-
tary Policy? Has the Federal Reserve agreed to taking a lead
similar to that undertaken in the international debt crisis?
Additionally, what has the Federal Reserve done to: 1) further
expand the seasonal lending program for agricultural banks
through the discount window; 2) encourage the exercise of pru-
dent judgments in bank examinations as to the solvency of agri-
cultural banks that may be faced with questions about extending
additional or renewed credit to farms; and 3) assist in expand-
ing the number of investors in farm lending through the develop-
ment of a secondary market for farm debt or equity instruments?
Answer; The Federal Reserve has continued to work
actively with other parties--private and public--seeking to deal
with the credit problems of the farm sector.
While no expansion of the seasonal credit program has
been undertaken recently, Reserve Banks have made special
efforts to ensure that banks are well aeqrisir.ted «•* t*1 *•*•» ""-""-
fications of the seasonal program instituted on March 8. The
seasonal program, as modified, reduces the amount of a bank's
seasonal needs for funds that it must meet from its own liquidi-
ty. This change was not limited to the 1985 farm production
season and thus expands access of agricultural banks to seasonal
credit in coming years as well.
For some time, it has been the policy of the Federal
Reserve to exercise forbearance in the examination and supervi-
sion of agricultural banks while maintaining a proper concern
for safety and soundness. Among steps that have been taken in
this regard, examination reports are reviewed carefully by
senior staff—before being sent to bank management and
directors--to determine that loans are classified only after
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careful review of the facts and to ensure that bank management
is not subjected to criticism when it has exercised an appropri-
ate and prudent degree of forbearance.
The development of a secondary market for farm debt or
equity instruments is not an area in which the Federal Reserve
System is by its nature particularly well suited to provide
leadership. However, the private sector appears quite generally
to be interested in developing secondary market channels and
"securitizing" many types of debt instruments, and the Federal
Reserve certainly would play a constructive role in dealing with
the supervisory and regulatory issues that almost inevitably
arise in these matters. The Farm Credit System, of course,
already provides a vehicle for broad credit market access by
agriculture; it sells its securities in the national credit
markets, where they may be purchased by insurance companies,
pension funds, and other entities, and channels the funds thus
obtained to farmers.
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CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
THURSDAY, JULY 18, 1985
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met at 9:35 a.m., in room 2128 of the Rayburn
House Office Building, Hon. Walter E. Fauntroy (chairman of the
subcommittee) presiding.
Present: Chairman , Fauntroy; Representatives Neal, Barnard,
Roemer, Carper, McCoIlum, Hiler, and Ridge.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The subcommittee will come to order.
This is the second day of our hearings on the conduct of mone-
tary policy. Yesterday, Hon. Paul A. Volcker, Chairman of the
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, testified before
us and presented the Semi-Annual Report issued by the Federal
Reserve pursuant to the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment and
Balanced Growth Act of 1978. Today we will hear evaluations of
the Federal Reserve's Report on Monetary Policy and its proposed
policies from several distinguished economists.
In the hearings held in February and March of this year, we
noted rather ominous clouds lurking in the seemingly bright eco-
nomic horizon. We were encouraged by the low inflation rate and
the remarkable growth of the economy which has ensued through-
out the previous five quarters. Much of the economic expansion
during this time was concentrated in the high-tech, defense, and
service industries.
The distortions in the economy at that time included the con-
tinuing high unemployment rate, the burgeoning budget deficit,
the worsening trade deficit, the strong dollar and the sectoral im-
plications of all of these phenomena on agriculture, natural re-
sources, and the manufacturing industries.
Several of the economists appearing at the hearing 6 months ago
expressed concern with the the impact of the high budget deficits
on the inflow of foreign funds, the strength of the dollar, the trade
deficit and on long-term prospects for economic growth in the
United States. The increasing influx of foreign funds into U.S. fi-
nancial markets was viewed as a short-term panacea with long-
term consequences which are difficult to evaluate
Five months have passed since the date of that hearing and the
outlook has become increasingly troubled. The Department of Com-
merce has told us that for the first time since 1914, the United
States has become a net debtor nation. In addition, economic
growth in the last two quarters has slowed; unemployment has re-
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mained between 7 and 7.5 percent; and trade deficits, in response
to the strength of the dollar, have remained over $100 billion per
year. Furthermore, in response to the strong dollar and the balance
of trade deficits, industry and agriculture continue to face troubled
economic times. Roughly 160,000 jobs were lost in the manufactur-
ing sector during the first 4 months of 1985 alone.
At the same time, Congress and the President may be on the
verge of cutting the budget deficit, though not by as much as was
initially envisioned. Yet, we must still contend with the interest
costs of past budget deficits, which add up roughly to $140 billion
per year to Federal Government expenditures. The implications of
the continuing deficits, together with the sizable interest payments,
constrain the Federal Reserve in its conduct of monetary policy.
In recent weeks, the Federal Reserve has eased its control of the
money supply, while lowering the discount rate, in an effort to
stimulate the economy. I have asked the witnesses to address the
outcome of this policy by the Federal Reserve, in terms of the fol-
lowing: Are we in a growth recession? Are there additional factors
at work in the shift of Federal Reserve policies toward the easing
of the money supply? What are the likely prospects for inflation
and unemployment? What constitutes an "unacceptable" rate of in-
flation at the current time? What effects do the distortions in the
economy, including the budget and trade deficit, the poor perform-
ance of heavy industry and the overvaluation of the dollar have on
the conduct of monetary policy by the Federal Reserve? What im-
plications will the inflow of foreign funds into the U.S. financial
markets have in terms of both the conduct of monetary policy and
the prospects for future economic growth? What is the meaning of
the Federal Reserve's most recent action in rebasing Ml?
To help us address these questions, we have with us today five
prominent economists: Mrs. Nancy Teeters, director of economic re-
search at IBM, and a former member of the Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve; Dr. Allen Sinai, chief economist with Shear-
son Lehman Bros.; Dr. Lawrence Chimerine, chief economist with
Chase Econometrics; Dr. Michael Sumichrast, chief economist with
the National Association of Home Builders; and Mr. Norman Rob-
ertson, chief economist and vice president of the Mellon Bank.
Ladies and gentlemen, we are pleased to have you, and before we
hear your testimony, in the order given, let me yield to my distin-
guished colleague, Mr. Barnard.
Mr. BARNARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and my commenda-
tions to you, first, for the selection of such an outstanding panel
this morning to discuss what I think is one of the most serious sub-
jects that we have got before us today, not only as a Congress, but
as a people, and second, I certainly commend you on your fine
opening statement.
All of the things that the chairman has indicated that he is con-
cerned about and we are seeking answers to, I want to say that
that does represent the sentiments of the total membership of our
committee from both sides of the aisle.
Speaking as one committee member, though, I am really con-
cerned. I just feel like we are before a real chasm of some kind. I
have an uneasy feeling about the economy.
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I hope that this morning in your testimony you will not only ap-
praise the situation that we have got today, but be as positive as
you can about what Congress needs to do. I know we need to
reduce Federal spending. We need to approach at least the deficit
problems very, very seriously. Sometimes I do not think we do it
seriously enough, but I think it is time that Congress got the bad
news. And we need to hear it from people like you who are stu-
dents of the subject and who are working as conscientiously as we
are in trying to keep our economy on a level plane. And so I look
with enthusiasm to what you have to say this morning, and thank
you very much for being here.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank the gentleman for his comments,
and now we will proceed with our witnesses, as their names appear
on the list. Dr. Teeters, we are very pleased to have you. You may
proceed in whatever manner you chose.
STATEMENT OF HON. NANCY TEETERS, DIRECTOR OF ECONOM-
ICS, INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS MACHINES [IBM], AND
FORMER MEMBER OF THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
Mrs. TEETERS. I am delighted to be here today to discuss my as-
sessment of the economy and policy issues. I am glad to be back in
Washington, having spent most of my working life in this city, in-
cluding some very busy years in the service of the Congress. For
the past year I have been in the private sector, as IBM's director of
corporate economics, which, hopefully, has given me some added
perspectives. While I shall describe IBM's latest economic forecast,
the views I express today are my own.
What is the current state of the economy? The strong growth
phase of the first year and a half of the present business expan-
sion—which was fairly typical in its overall dimensions of the early
phases of a cyclical recovery—has been followed by a year of
uneven, but essentially sluggish, growth. Real GNP over the past
four quarters has advanced at barely 2 percent. And with the new
numbers today, it is actually 1.3 percent. Our industrial production
over the last year has been essentially unchanged, with output par-
ticularly weak in manufacturing and mining. These vital parts of
our economy, along with agriculture, have been especially impact-
ed by the strong dollar and our poor international trade perform-
ance.
Net exports of goods and services, as measured in current prices
in the national income accounts, deteriorated dramatically from a
surplus of $19 billion in 1982 to deficits of $8 billion in 1983, $66
billion in 1984, and probably more than $80 billion in 1985. The un-
employment rate remains stuck at much too high a level, with the
figure for the civilian workers close to 7.3 percent
To be sure, the overall economy has not turned downward and
many forecasts of just a few months ago seem excessively pessimis-
tic. Personal income and consumer spending are holding up rela-
tively well and residential construction activity is showing some
signs of strengthening in response to recent downward trends in
the mortgage rates. Employment has been growing appreciably,
but essentially only in the service-producing areas and only in line
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with increases in the labor force. The inflation news, while not as
good as in the fifties and sixties, remains distinctly encouraging in
the context of more recent years.
As for the economic outlook, we at IBM prepared our last de-
tailed forecast of the U.S. economy for 1985 and 1986 in May. Since
that forecast is thus far holding up quite well, I shall use it as es-
sentially reflecting my present expectations for the next IVz years.
Underlying the forecast are a number of assumptions we made
with regard to policy and external developments. The Federal
budget deficit will approximate $220 billion in 1985 and $200 bil-
lion in 1986. Also, because of the huge accumulation of budget au-
thority granted in previous years, actual defense outlays may turn
out to be greater than is generally expected, and we have assumed
that the House view will prevail on Social Security, with the COLA
increase next January in accordance with current law. Some other
expenditure cutbacks in both the House and Senate resolution will
occur, but they will probably be smaller than anticipated even as
late as a month ago. With smaller decreases in spending, we may
have to go for a modest increase in taxes in the neighborhood of
$10 billion to $12 billion in 1986. We have not yet factored in a
major tax restructuring. For the next IVfe years, the Federal Re-
serve is seen as pursuing a relatively neutral stance, letting inter-
est rates be primarily determined by market forces. OPEC prices
will continue to decline moderately over the next several months
in response to the current excess supplies and then essentially hold
steady until the end of 1986. Most other industrial countries will
achieve moderate rates of economic growth.
Using these assumptions, we generated our "base" or most likely
forecast. As indicated in the attached table, this calls for sustained
growth and no recession through the end of next year. Growth
would be distinctly moderate, however, with real GNP rising at
about 3 percent a year, insufficient to make any new progress
against unemployment.
The upturn is maintained by further moderate increases in con-
sumer spending, residential and nonresidential fixed investment,
and defense outlays. The net export deficit remains high, but tends
to stabilize when measured in constant prices. Viewed in nominal
terms, the current account balance continues its deterioration, but
at a more modest pace. Inflation remains in check, with consumer
prices rising at about 4 percent annually.
As we prepared our base case, we were fully mindful that the
current expansion continues, despite a major public policy imbal-
ance. The size of the Federal deficit remains unusually high, creat-
ing a large demand for funds in domestic financial markets. We
have been fortunate so far in two ways: First, U.S. banks have kept
at home a large portion of funds that normally would be lent over-
seas, and second, there have been significant inflows of foreign cap-
ital into the United States which need not persist. Both develop-
ments have eased pressure on U.S. interest rates, but the price has
been a strong dollar and a weakening of our net foreign trade posi-
tion. Our base case assumes a marked deceleration of U.S. import
growth. That could be an overly optimistic view.
In the risk case, highlighted in the table, we have assumed
higher propensities to import and, therefore, a more pronounced
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weakness in the domestic manufacturing sector. In addition, the
household sector has accumulated over the current expansion, a
significant amount of debt relative to current income levels. This
could potentially restrain spending on consumer goods and serv-
ices.
The prospects of business capital spending could easily sour in
the context of rising imports, reduced domestic manufacturing,
moderating profits and corporate cash flow and declining factory
utilization. The result of combining these major exposures is a re-
cession that could start as early as now, with a peak-to-trough de-
cline of little more than 2 percentage points in real GNP. Such a
scenario raises the unemployment rate to 9 percent by the end of
next year and especially worsens the cyclically sensitive sectors of
the economy and the budget deficit.
Let me turn briefly to some policy issues. With regard to the
Federal budget, we are clearly not growing our way out of the defi-
cit. Continued large deficits will persist unless more painful steps
are taken on both the expenditure and the revenue fronts. Imple-
menting some mixture of the outstanding budget resolutions, while
definitely helpful, will, I'm afraid, fall short of what is needed.
Of course, there are some analysts who doubt that continuing
large budget deficits constitute much of a problem. They point out
that this fiscal situation has not prevented interest rates from de-
clining appreciably over the past year. Also they stress that the
fiscal stimulus has bolstered economic activity and that by
strengthening the dollar, the large deficits have lessened inflation
in this country. While I would grant much of the above, I believe
that all things considered, persistent large negative budget balance
is a major problem that must be addressed, and I am hopeful that
the majority of those in Congress and the administration feel the
same way.
The recent decline in interest rates seems primarily to reflect a
distinct slowing in the pace of the business expansion and a moder-
ate Federal Reserve response to that development. Nevertheless,
rates remain high by historical standards, especially when ex-
pressed in real terms. As the expansion matures, rising private de-
mands for funds in the context of huge Treasury financing require-
ments could produce upward pressure on rates with especially
harmful effects on interest-sensitive activites, such as homebuild-
ing, consumption of durables, and capital spending. A reversal of
the flow of the foreign capital into the United States could poten-
tially have a similar effect.
Relatively high interest rates have helped induce inflows from
abroad, strengthening the dollar, which in turn has hurt the export
and import-competitive firms. They have contributed to the plight
of the debtor nations and the vulnerability of financial institutions.
Also, European economic activity has been constrained by the
tighter-than-desired credit conditions maintained to limit capital
flight to the United States.
To promote a more balanced and sustained expansion, I, along
with most economists, want to see less fiscal stimulus; this should
foster easier credit conditions which would lessen dependence on
international capital flows. The budget deficit must be properly ad-
dressed. Spending restraint is clearly needed, and in the defense
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sector, I am disposed toward some reduction in new budget author-
ity; the ratio of unspent budget authority at the beginning of the
year to defense outlays has increased steadily from 60 percent to 84
percent over the past 4 years.
Unpleasant as it may be, Congress must recognize that the en-
acted spending cut will probably not be sufficient, and that taxes
will have to be raised. I personally would urge that deficit contain-
ment actions be instituted reasonably quickly. You know that if
you do not act quickly, and if the economy, in the meantime, slips
into a recession, fiscal restraint will not be feasible, and the long-
term deficit problem will be greatly intensified.
In the current environment, I see no reason for any significant
shift in monetary policy. Our fiscal issues must be addressed first.
With the imposition of substantial deficit reduction measures, I
would expect the financial markets to respond favorably. Should
the economy weaken substantially, I would expect that the mone-
tary authorities—as they have in the past—will act to bolster busi-
ness activity.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mrs. Teeters follows:]
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STATEMENT OF NANCY H. TEETERS,
DIRECTOR OF ECONOMICS
INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS MACHINES CORPORATION
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
JULY 18, 1985
Mr. Chairman, members of the Subcommittee, I am delighted to be
here today to discuss my assessment of the economy and policy
issues. I'm glad to be back in Washington, having spent most of
my working life in this city, including some very busy years in
the service of the Congress. For the past year I've been in the
private sector, heading up IBM's corporate economics staff, which
hopefully has given me some added perspectives. While I shall
describe IBM's latest economic forecast, the views I express
today are my own.
What is the current state of the economy? The strong growth
phase of the first year and a half of the present business
expansion — which was fairly typical in its overall dimension of
the early phase of cyclical recoveries — has been followed by a
year of uneven, but essentially sluggish, growth. Real GNP over
the past four quarters has advanced at barely more than 2%.
Industrial production over the last year has been essentially
unchanged, with output particularly weak in the manufacturing and
mining sectors. These vital parts of our economy, along with
agriculture, have been especially impacted by the strong dollar
and our poor international trade performance. Net exports of
goods and services, as measured in current prices in the national
income accounts, deteriorated dramatically from a surplus of $19
billion in 1982 to deficits of $8 billion in 1983, $66 billion in
1984, and probably more than $30 billion in 1985. The unemploy-
ment rate remains stuck at much too high a level, with the figure
for all civilian workers at close to 7.3% for the past year.
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To be sure, the overall economy has not turned downward and many
forecasts of just a few months ago seem excessively pessimistic.
Personal incomes and consumer spending are holding up relatively
well and residential construction activity is showing some signs
of strengthening in response to the recent downtrend in mortgage
rates. Employment has been growing appreciably, but essentially
only in service-producing industries and only in line with the
increase in the labor force. The inflation news, while not as
good as in the fifties and sixties, remains distinctly
encouraging in the context of more recent years.
As for the economic outlook, we at IBM prepared our last detailed
forecast of the U.S. economy for 1985-1986 in May. Since that
forecast is thus far holding up quite well, I shall use it as
essentially reflecting my present expectations for the next year
and a half.
Underlying the forecast are a number of assumptions we made with
regard to policy and external developments.
1. The federal budget deficit, unified basis, will approximate
$220 billion in fiscal 1985 and $200 billion in fiscal 1986.
These are higher, particularly for next year, than
administration and congressional projections — in good part
because the latter are geared to economic growth rates in
real terms that appear overly optimistic. Also, because of
the huge accumulation of budget authority granted in
previous years, actual defense outlays may turn out to be
greater than is generally expected, and we have assumed that
the House view will prevail on social security — with the
COLA increase next January in accordance with current law.
Some other expenditure cutbacks in both the Senate and House
resolutions, I expect, will probably turn out to be smaller
than anticipated.
Realization of less-than-desired progress through spending
cutbacks was assumed to lead to a modest tax increase
(perhaps $10-12 billion) effective in mid 1986 — which I
now would push into 1987. This could embody some
revenue-raising elements of the tax reform proposals.
3. We have not factored in major tax restructuring.
4. For the next year and a half the Federal Reserve is seen as
pursuing a relatively neutral stance, letting interest rates
be primarily determined by market forces.
OPEC prices will continue to decline moderately over the
next several months in response to current excess supplies
and then essentially hold steady until the end of 1986.
Most other major industrial countries will achieve moderate
rates of economic growth.
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Using these assumptions, we generated our "base" or most likely
forecast. As indicated in the following table, this calls for
sustained growth and no recession through the end of next year.
Growth would be distinctly moderate, however, with real GNP
rising at about a 3% rate, insufficient to make any new progress
against unemployment. The upturn is maintained by further
moderate increases in consumer spending, residential and
nonresidential fixed investment, and defense outlays. The net
export deficit remains very high, but tends to stabilize when
measured in constant prices. Viewed in nominal dollars, the
current account balance continues its deterioration -- but at a
much more modest pace. Inflation remains in check, with consumer
prices rising at about a 4% annual rate.
As we prepared our base case, we were fully mindful that the
current expansion continues despite a major public policy
imbalance. The size of the federal deficit remains unusually
high, creating a large demand for funds in domestic financial
markets. We have been fortunate, so far, in two ways. One, U.S.
banks have kept at home a large portion of funds that normally
would be lent overseas. Two, there have been significant inflows
of foreign capital into the U.S. (which need not persist). Both
developments have eased pressure on U.S. interest rates. But the
price has been a strong dollar and a weakening of our net foreign
trade position. Our base case assumes a marked deceleration of
U.S. import growth. That could be an overly optimistic view.
In the risk case (highlighted in the table), we have assumed
higher propensities to import and, therefore, a more pronounced
weakness in the domestic manufacturing sector. In addition, the
household sector has accumulated over the current expansion a
significant amount of debt relative to current income levels,
This could potentially restrain spending on consumer goods and
services. The prospects for business capital spending could
easily sour in the context of rising imports, reduced domestic
manufacturing, moderating profits and corporate cash flow, and
declining factory utilization rates. The result of combining
these major exposures is a recession which could start as early
as now, with a peak-to-trough decline of a little more than two
percentage points in real GNP. Such a scenario raises the
unemployment rate to 9% by the end of next year and especially
worsens the cyclically-sensitive sectors of the economy and the
budget deficit.
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IBM ECONOMIC FORECAST HIGHLIGHTS
1984 1985 1986
BASE RISK BASE RISK
ACTUAL CASE CASE CASE CASE
FOURTH QUARTER:
(Percent Channggee)
GNP - Current Dollaarrss 9.5 6.9 ' 2.9 6.6 6.6
- in 1972 Dollaarrss 5.7 2.8 -1.2 2.7 3.2
GNP Deflator 3.6 4.0 4.2 3.8 3.3
CPI 4.1 4.1 4.2 4.2 3.7
(Rate)
Civilian Unemploymesnntt 7.2 7.2 8.0 7.3 8.9
(fourth quarter)
CALENDAR YEAR:
(Percent Channggee)
GNP - Current Dollaarrss 10.8 6,.9 5,,4 7..0 4.0
- in 1972 Dollaarrss 6.8 2,.9 1,.5 3,. 1 0.3
GNP Deflator 3.8 3..9 3..9 3..8 3.7
CPI 4.3 3..8 3..9 4,,4 4.1
(Rate)
(Levels)
Civilian Unemploym.eenntt 7.5 7..3 7,.6 7.3 8.8
Disposable Personal1 10.1 6..7 5..7 6.8 4. 1
Income
Corp. Cash Flow 15.2 7.2 3..3 6.5 5.9
3-Month Treas. Bil1l 9.5 7.6 7.7 7.2 6.8
Rate
Federal Budget Balance -223 -248
Unified, FY
(Billion 5)
Current Account Balance -115 -120 -123 -136
(Billion S)
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Let me turn now to some policy issues. With regard to the
federal budget, we are clearly not growing our way out of the
deficit. Continued large deficits will persist unless more
painful steps are taken on both the expenditure and revenue
fronts. Implementing some mixture of the outstanding budget
resolutions, while definitely helpful, will, I'm afraid, fall
short of what is needed.
Of course, there are some analysts who doubt that continuing
large budget deficits constitute much of a problem. They point
out that this fiscal situation has not prevented interest rates
from declining appreciably over the past year. Also they stress
that the fiscal stimulus has bolstered economic activity and that
by strengthening the dollar the large deficits have lessened
inflation in this country.
While I would grant much of the above, I believe that, all things
considered, the persistent large negative budget balance is a
major problem that must be addressed. And I am hopeful that the
majority of those in the Congress and the Administration feel the
same way.
The recent decline in interest rates seems primarily to reflect a
distinct slowing in the pace of the business expansion and a
moderate Federal Reserve response to that development.
Nevertheless, rates remain high by historical standards,
especially when expressed ir real terms. As the expansion
matures, rising private demands for funds in the context of huge
Treasury financing requirements could produce upward pressure on
rates, with especially harmful effects on such interest-sensitive
activities as homebuilding, consumption of durables and capital
spending. A reversal of the flow of foreign capital into the
United States could potentially have a similar effect.
Relatively high interest rates have helped induce inflows from
abroad, strengthening the dollar, which in turn has hurt export-
and import-competitive firms. They have contributed to the
plight of debtor nations and the vulnerability of financial
institutions. Also, European economic activity has been
constrained by tighter-than-desired credit conditions maintained
to limit capital flight to the U.S.
To promote a more balanced and sustained expansion, I, along with
most economists, want to see less fiscal stimulus; this should
foster easier credit conditions which would lessen the dependence
on international capital flows. The budget deficit must be
properly addressed. Spending restraint is clearly needed and in
the defense sector I am disposed toward some reduction in new
budget authority; the ratio of unspent budget authority at the
beginning of the year to defense outlays has steadily increased
from 60% to 84% over the last four years.
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As unpleasant as it may be, Congress must recognize that the
enacted spending cutbacks will probably not be sufficient, and
that taxes will have to be raised. I personally would urge that
deficit containment actions be instituted reasonably quickly.
You know that if you do not act quickly and if the economy should
in the meantime slip into a recession, fiscal restraint will not
be feasible and the long-term deficit problem will be greatly
intensified.
In the current environment, I see no reason for any significant
shift in monetary policy. Our fiscal issues must be addressed
first. With the imposition of substantial deficit reduction
measures, I would expect the financial markets to respond
favorably. Should the economy weaken substantially, I would
expect that the monetary authorities — as they have in the past
year — will act to bolster business activity.
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Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you, Mrs. Teeters. We will have
questions for you, of course, but we are going to hear the entire
panel first, however.
Dr. Sinai.
STATEMENT OF ALLEN SINAI, CHIEF ECONOMIST, SHEARSON
LEHMAN BROTHERS, NEW YORK, NY
Mr. SINAI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to pose some questions and, rather than go through the
written statement, deal with them mainly by looking at the tables
and materials in the appendix to the statement. The questions are
along the lines of your inquiry in the letter having to do with, first
the economic outlook at this time, second, whether the economy
can rebound sufficiently from the declines of interest rates and the
dollar that have happened so far this year to permit sufficient
growth to satisfy the Federal Reserve and to give us an acceptable
growth rate through 1986, third, how the so-called twin deficits—
both budget and trade—are constraining monetary policy, fourth,
some matters having to do with the recent testimony and state-
ment of the Federal Reserve, and finally, fifth, the constraint that
budget deficits and international matters now place on the finan-
cial authority.
Dealing first with the economic outlook, and looking at the same
time at the Central Bank's new expectations on growth—this is
done in table 1 in the appendix—we see that for 1985 the Federal
Reserve has scaled back its own projections—the ones made in Feb-
ruary—and is now expecting 2V4 to 3 percent growth as a central
tendency for real GNP within a wider range of forecasts by mem-
bers of the FOMC and several Federal Reserve presidents, from 2V4
to 3^4 percent. In February, the Central Bank expected something
on the order of SVa- to 4-percent growth. Now the expectation is
that the unemployment rate will not change much from what it is
until the fourth quarter, and will range from 7 to 7V4 percent. Pre-
viously, the Central Bank had expected the unemployment rate to
decline.
Our own forecasts are considerably more pessimistic than the
Federal Reserve's and I think indicate a need for further easing by
the Federal Reserve. We see the trade and manufacturing sectors
as very weak, because the lags of response in our imports and ex-
ports to declining interest rates and the declining dollar are long;
most research would indicate at least 6 months after good-sized de-
clines in the dollar before you have any reversal. We also do not
see signs in the manufacturing sector—those clients we talk to—of
any improvement of any consequence so far.
The GNP data today tend to bear out this perception in that
there was another $5 billion decline in our net export position; that
is about a percentage point or more on real economic growth. Since
the beginning of the U.S. economic expansion—we have lost $57
billion in real terms out of net exports. It is now costing us 2 or 3
percentage points a quarter in our growth to have this kind of
weakness in the trade sector. It is for that reason and an expecta-
tion that consumer spending at the pace of the first half is unsus-
tainable, that makes us relatively pessimistic about the second
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half. Or, I should say, we expect growth to continue in the second
half but rather slowly. For the Federal Reserve to reach their ex-
pectations, the expectations reported yesterday for the year in
table 2 give you some idea of the kind of growth rates in the second
half that will be required.
Table 2 was prepared before today's announcement on GNP and
so our assumption—we were a little high—was 2.5 percent real
GNP growth; the actual figure was 1.7 percent. Thus the growth
we need in the second half to get to a 2%- to 3-percent range for
the year—the Federal Reserve expectation and hope—is at least 4
percent in the second half. A range of 4 to 5 percent is necessary to
reach the lower bound of the central tendency of the Federal Re-
serve projection. It is going to be very hard to do given the situa-
tion and the economy today. I think the Federal Reserve is going to
be disappointed in their expectations. My own view would be that
the Central Bank is going to have to ease some more and probably
the sooner the better.
But the kind of complex factors that are determining Federal Re-
serve policy will make it difficult for the Central Bank to do any-
thing but move cautiously. The Central Bank is in an almost no-
win situation with regard to the impacts of Federal budget deficits
as it works through interest rates, the dollar, trade deficits, and
the fallout on manufacturing, which is the major reason for slow
growth in the economy.
The bright spot in lower interest rates, the lower dollar, and the
slow growth that is occurring—is that with some luck it actually
makes the outlook for 1986 look better. Lower interest rates al-
ready have induced some response in the housing and construction
areas of the economy this year. Consumer spending has also been
strong in the first 4 or 5 months of the year, especially in autos,
which is interest rate sensitive. But in the kind of economy we now
have today, lower interest rates alone, given the large Federal
budget deficits in prospect, will not give us enough of a response to
return growth to a steady rate of 3 or 4 percent. The dollar also
has to decline further in order to reverse the trade deficits and the
problems in the goods-producing sectors of the economy that stem
from that trade deficit.
I think the figure on the second quarter is quite clear that we
clearly have had—by standard definitions—a growth recession.
More technically, the first half of 1985 will surely qualify as a
growth recession—two quarters of below potential real economic
growth. The only interruption in the quarters of below potential
real economy growth was the fourth quarter of last year—where
we had a 4.2-percent growth rate.
Why and how has all of this arisen and where does it lead us. I
put a large portion of the blame for the sluggish growth in the
economy at the feet of the huge Federal budget deficit; it is a very
stimulative Federal budget policy that has been run in the past
and the effects that it has had, including the necessity of the Cen-
tral Bank running a relatively tight monetary policy. The phrase
for this is something called policy mix which really refers to the
stance of both fiscal and monetary policy at the same time. The
policy mix in our history has not been studied that much because
usually we run the same mix of policy. We will run an easy mone-
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tary and an easy fiscal policy to stimulate the economy, or a tight
monetary policy and sometimes tight fiscal policy to slow it down.
But in the last 3 or 4 years we have been running a very stimula-
tive budget and a nonaccommodative monetary growth targeting
policy which has raised nominal and real interest rates to extraor-
dinary levels which, in turn, has tended to attract funds to the
United States strengthening the dollar. A strong dollar has surpris-
ing effects in lowering our inflation rate. Our low inflation rates
have tended to keep real interest rates high. The high rates—real
returns on dollar denominated investments—have kept the dollar
strong. The strong dollar has kept inflation low, and so forth.
Out of that process comes increasingly weaker exports and a
larger volume of imports as our exports get more and more expen-
sive relative to foreign goods and our imports get less and less ex-
pensive relative to other countries' goods. All of this has showed up
in the data very clearly, both with respect to the dollar and our
trade debt, and also in the composition of economic activity in this
country. If you look at the data on goods-producing sectors versus
the services sectors—goods-producing where we employ about 25
percent of our people—you see a clear-cut recession; 6 months of
declines in manufacturing employment and my guess is that with
today's industrial production number, 3 months of declines in in-
dustrial production and manufacturing. If you were on the business
cycle committee of the National Bureau of Economic Research and
you looked at the goods side of the economy—in particular manu-
facturing, mining, and agriculture, that part of the economy—you
would call it in a recession by the standards that the National
Bureau uses.
On the other side, the services side, we have had good growth.
Thus so I think we have slow, sluggish growth, because you have
essentially a weighted average of a strong services sector, a weak
manufacturing sector, and that is giving us this growth recession.
But it is the fallout from the impacts of the Federal budget defi-
cit on interest rates, the dollar, and on the trade balance, that have
created the current situations. And there is no end in sight to this
process.
What goes on if there is no change in the Federal budget deficit,
that is to say, if there is no major reduction in the deficit either
through spending or tax means? What follows on the heels of the
slow growth is a natural decline in short-term interest rates; a de-
cline in the dollar; fears that the dollar will bring reinflation, re-
versing what happened in the past; and a self-cumulating feedback
effect on the dollar which would keep it declining. Now, unfortu-
nately, it takes a long time before a decline in the dollar can turn
trade and manufacturing around to relieve the process, and that is
where we are today—with the dollar down sharply over the last
few months, the economy in a growth recession, inflation rates still
low but under some pressure because of the declining dollar, and
the Federal Reserve in a situation of having very difficult choices
in terms of what it does.
Now, the Federal Reserve faced a major dilemma in its policy-
making at its current meeting and that was super-rapid monetary
growth in a world in which we have very slow economic growth. I
think the Federal Reserve did the right thing to diminish the
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weight of Ml in its deliberations and to rebase and reset the tar-
gets for Ml.
There are two reasons for the rapid Ml growth: First, Ml now
attracts funds because the interest rates on components of Ml are
more competitive with other money market rates given that inter-
est rates have fallen. Second, and something not noted in the Fed-
eral Reserve report—Ml growth is strong because we are buying
not only domestic goods but foreign goods and you need to transact
both types of goods with domestic money. But the imports that we
buy with components of Ml do not show up as a positive in real
GNP. So there is rapid growth in Ml but not very rapid growth in
real GNP. In addition, the strong dollar has lowered our inflation
rate considerably and that breaks the relationship between money
growth, real GNP, and inflation as well. As a result, Ml is just not
reliable as an indicator for monetary policy. The Fed has absolute-
ly done the right thing in changing the target range and shifting
the weights of focus on other matters.
I feel less sanguine about the large number of other matters that
the Federal Reserve has decided to wait and watch in its delibera-
tions. Virtually everything that has any impact, four of five factors
now, are determinants of Fed policy. And, there is almost no way
that all of those factors will give the Federal Reserve a clear indi-
cation of what to do and what direction to move monetary policy.
For example, monetary growth is still one of the factors watched; it
is exploding. The Federal Reserve cannot ease on the monetary
growth factor. Real economic growth is very weak; we are in a
growth recession. The Fed could ease on that information. Inflation
rates are low. The Fed could ease on that information. But the
dollar is sliding. The Federal Reserve cannot ease on that informa-
tion because if it were to do so, the dollar might slide further and
raise the problem of inflation later. I think this means that the
Federal Reserve is hamstrung; it is caught; it is not going to be
able to move much in one direction or another. All of this assumes
that we still have the large budget deficits.
Now, a way out—which unfortunately stands at an impasse in
the Congress now—is, at the least, for the House and the Senate to
come to agreement and write a concurrent budget resolution on a
package of spending cuts that is somewhere in between what each
of the branches of Congress originally put forth. I think this is the
greatest danger now to the outlook, both in the financial markets
and to the possibility of sustaining growth in the future. If the
budget process breaks down and they go to an item-by-item appro-
priations process, we estimate we will only get about 50 percent of
the savings that are indicated. That will not be enough. And, the
forces that have given rise to the imbalances and sluggish growth
in the economy will prevent us from sustaining growth through
1986.
What should be done? Somebody should make sure the Congress-
men get back together and that they write a concurrent resolution
and do that quickly. They really are playing with fire on this
matter and it is most unfortunate that the process has broken
down. Unless there is a budget fix, the same factors existing now
will persist. In our own forecast—summarized in the table—we
have assumed that there is a significant budget tightening, param-
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eters of which are somewhere between where the House and
Senate started, and that in response over time the Federal Reserve
will be more accommodative. That is a key pillar of our belief that
we can keep growing through the rest of this year and have a
greater growth rate next year. If it does not happen, we would
have to reevaluate and, at the moment it is a big risk for the econ-
omy.
Out of this process of big budget deficits and the flowthrough
effect on interest rates, the dollar, and trade deficits, has come a
new dimension for the Central Bank—and you asked about this,
Mr. Chairman, the international constraint. It is now a key ele-
ment, I think, of monetary policy, as revealed in the statement of
the Federal Reserve and the testimony of Chairman Volcker. The
dollar now and its impact on trade and the manufacturing sector
looks to me to be at least as important as Ml and maybe M2 and
M3 in the making of monetary policy. For sure, growth is the most
important factor that now drives the Federal Reserve. I think I,
and many other economists, feel that targeting the growth of nomi-
nal GNP is actually a superior way to run monetary policy than
targeting the growth of the monetary aggregates. We will get
better results that way.
So, I would applaud putting primary weight on growth of the
economy as the force behind the making of monetary policy, and I
think the Federal Reserve has done it. But for sure the internation-
al constraint—particularly the dollar—will now loom in this very
open U.S. economy with flexible exchange rates as one of the three
or four key elements in the making of monetary policy and that
means the issue of policy mix and what we do about our Federal
budget deficits is more critical than ever before.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I thank the gentleman and without objec-
tion, your entire statement will be included in the record.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Sinai follows:]
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An American Express company
Economic Policy
Studies Series
July24,1985/Number8
Monetary Policy at a
Crossroads
by Allen Sinai
Chief Economist
Statement prepared for the Domestic Monetary Policy Subcommittee. House Committee on Bank-
ing, Finanoe and Urban Affairs, Hearings on the Midyear Humphrey-Hawkins Testimony of the
Monetary Authority, July 18, 1985, Washington. D.C.
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Monetary Policy at a Crossroads
by Allen Sinai
In mill-1985, monetary policy appears to be at a crossroads. Changing patterns in the relationship
between money growth and the economy, a lopsldedness in economic performance, subdued rates of
inflation, an overvalued dollar, a record weakness in foreign trade, depressed goods production, and a
continuing impasse over the fiscal year 1986 budget present the Federal Reserve with a number of
difficult choices. Indeed, the factors affecting monetary policy may be such that the central bank could
be in a no-win situation, especially if there Is no significant tightening of the budget.
• What is the economic outlook at midyear? Slower growth than was expected by :hc central bank
earlier this year and a recession in U.S. goods production and manufacturing suggest the need for an
easier monetary policy. But near- or above-target growth in the monetary aggregates — especially for
MI t:ven after a rebating and resetting of its 1985 target range — indicates a tightening.
• Will the economy rebound adequately from the declines of interest rates and the dollar so far this year
to bring about the economic growth expected by the central bank?
• \Vhat is the role of the "twin deficits" —budget antitrade — in the performance of the economy, and arc
the continuing large federal budget dcficiis narrowing the Federal Reserve's options so that no way out
exists for the monetary authority to sustain growth over the longer run?
• Did the Federal Reserve do the right thing In rebasing and resetting the Ml targets for the rest of this
> ear?
» Arc too many factors no» being considered In the making of monetary policy, in effect tying the hands
of the central hank?
• Him much of a risk do continuing large budget deficits and the recent slide In the dollar pose for the
l-ederal Reserve in reviving growth and reducing unemployment while, at the same time, sustaining a
less inflationary environment?
• Ho« much of a constraint is international trade and finance now on U.S. policy?
In sun unary:
• I he L'.S. economy is growing anemic-ally, weakened by depressed manufacturing, mining, and agri-
cultural sector.-, thai show no real signs of a turnaround. The current Shearson Lehman forecast shows
only a 2. l'!o nsc in real GNP for 1985, fourth quarter-to-fourth quarter — well below Administration
goals and the latest expectations of the Federal Reserve.
• The economy Is essentially in a growth recession, with average growth in the first half at only about
1 '/.'"'(i and in the second half expected to be near 2 lli%. The main cause is weak trade, with a growing
(radc deficit and weak goods ptoduction offsetting the positive thrust from rising consumption, resi-
dential construction, business fixed Investment, and government spending. No full-blown recession is
likely, however, »ith the services side of the economy staying robust and some response in economic
dctiv uy from lower Interest rates and the recent weaker dollar.
• A positive effect of the current slowdown has been declines in interest rates and a fall in the dollar. But
interest rates and the dollar have not yet fallen enough to reverse the weak momentum of the econ-
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omy. Indeed, with tiie earlier promising progress on the budget now at risk because of the breakdown
in Congressional talks, the factors that created the current weakness in the economy could intensify.
Monetary policy would then be in an even more difficult position than now, caught between easing to
promote growth and a need for tightening to prevent inflation from a low-er dollar. The fallout on trade
and manufacturing would continue, eventually leading to a growing threat of reinflation and a major
collapse of the dollar. The hands of the cential bank would be tied — much as is che case now — with
the end result another period of stagflation, although less severe than the late 1970s.
• Continuinglargebudget deficits and the dollar pose great risks to the potential for sustained growth, a
gradual reduction in unemployment, and continuing progress in keeping inflation rates low. Huge
federal budget deficits, in the context of a monetary growth targeting policy, have been most responsi-
ble for the extraordinary levels of nominal and real interest rates that have occurred, the superstrong
dollar, the rising trade deficits and trade debt, and much of the imbalances in goods and services activi-
ties that has arisen. A significant tightening of the budget — somewhere between the House and Sen-
ate versions of the budget currently being discussed in the Congress — would relieve pressure on
interest rates and provide more leeway for the central bank to ease. The additional growth that might
be induced by further relaxations in monetary policy would tend to prevent any dollar collapse and
do liar-related reinflation. Without a compromise on the budget, however, the same forces would exist
as previously to push interest rates higher, firm the dollar, and weaken trade. A related danger is pro-
tectionist measures that would be counterproductive for the world economy. Eventually, che failure to
reduce the huge federal budget deficits in prospect would bring a free-fall in the dollar.
• The Federal Reserve made the right choice in reb as ing and re sett ing the Ml targets for the rest of this
year, essentially forgiving the bulge in money in the first half of the year. The relationship between M1
growth and nominal GNP, real GNP, and inflation is broken now, given the higher interest rates that
are allowed for the deposit components of the narrow money stock and the unusual weakness in trade
and manufacturing. M1 velocity growth is likely to remain below trend so long as deregulation permits
interest rates to be paid on components of M1 that are competitive with other money market instru-
ments. Also, with so great a siphoning of purchases abroad, transactions balances can grow rapidly
without a corresponding rise in real GNP and inflation. The central bank apparently has learned its
lesson, recalling episodes in 1982 and 1983 when slavish adherence to monetary growth targets
resulted in a tighter monetary policy than was necessary.
• Probably the central bank is now considering too many factors in the making of monetary policy.
These include the behavior of money and credit, the pace of real growth, inflation, the dollar, prob-
lems in financial institutions, and the weakness in manufacturing. It is unlikely that all these factors
could provide an unambiguous signal to ease or tighten monetary policy at any given time. As a result,
the central bank will have to move cautiously — perhaps too much so.
• The effect of international trade and finance on U.S. macroeconomic policy is great now, given the
policy mix in place, a more open U.S. economy, and flexible exchange rates. The dollar and its fallout
on U.S. goods producers has become at least as important to monetary policy as some of the monetary
aggregates. In a showdown between growth and a declining dollar, the central bank certainly would
ease to sustain growth. But the weak dollar that is accompanying slow growth prevents the Federal
Reserve from easing as much as otherwise might be the case, given the potential rise of inflation that is
a consequence of a declining dollar.
The monetary authority is operating under more constraints than usual, such as huge federal budget
deficits, a sliding dollar, and the effects of international trade and finance on the goods sectors of the U.S.
economy. The central bank is "between a rock and a hard place," since any further easing might lower the
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dollar and be inflationary. But, without additional ease, the recession in ihe U.S. goods-producing sec-
tors may worsen. Any lightening because of renewed growth or a possible reinflation would strengthen
the dollar and would worsen the recession in manufacturing.
It is absolutely essential that the Congress proceed with a budget reconciliation, even if some savings are
lost in the process. Should the deficit reduction discussions break down and the appropriations route be
taken, the resulting loss in budget savings and the uncertainty surrounding the deficits could be disas-
trous for the financial markets and could exacerbate the downturn in the tradeable goods sectors. The
House-Senate conferees are playing with fire and should try to teach quickly an agreement that pre-
serves the bulk of the savings recommended by the Senate.
During the second half, the economy is unlikely to rebound enough to reduce unemployment, making
very likely the need for some further easing by the central bank. The Federal Reserve should ease at
least another notch to get both interest rates and the dollar down enough to stop the decline in trade and
manufacturing. But the prospects of large deficits, too rapid monetary growth, and the current slide in
the dollar make such an easing difficult and could even prevent it.
Foreign currency traders will not support the dollar forever under currcnr conditions and prospects. At
some point, momentum takes over when an expected depreciation of the dollat is factored into various
foreign currency portfolio decisions. At that point, slow growth in the U.S. economy, lower interest
rates, and expectations of a further decline in the dollar could cause a sharp decline in the domestic-
currency, preventing interest rates from falling further at a time w hen reductions might be needed.
Since (he deficits — both federal and trade — interest rates, and the dollar are so intertwined, the solution
of choice is to cut the federal budget deficit before it is too late.
The Economic Outlook
Table 1 shows the economic projections, by the Federal Reserve and by Shearson Lehman Brothers
Economics, for growth, inflation, and unemployment.
Table 1
Economic Projections for 1985 and 1986
Federal Reserve vs. Shearson Lehman Brothers
Central Tendency I^h
Percent vhjngc, lourrh quarte
Nummal GNP 6V* to 73li 6"s to 7 6.2
KcaKJNP 2'Mo3'/.. 2%to3 2.1
Implicit deflator for GNP 3 V? to 4 V« 3^ to A 4.0
Average level in the fourth quarter, percent
Unemployment rate
Percent change, fourth quarter to fourth quarter
Nominal GNP
Real GNP
implicit deflator hit GNP
Average level in the fourth quarter, percent
I'nempkiyment rate
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For 1985, the Federal Reserve has scaled back its projections of growth made In February, and is now
expecting 3 2V*% to 3% rise in real GNP as a "central tendency" within a possible range of 2Vi% to
.V/4%, The I-ebruary expectation was 3'/>% to 4%. The unemployment rate would be essentially
unchanged by the fourth quarter-at 7% to 7'/4%. Previously, a 63/4% to 7% range had been indicated.
'iable 2 shows the second half growth necessary to attain the various year-over-year possibilities in the
Federal Reserve's range, assuming about a 2 'li% rise in real GNP for the second quarter. A substantial
upturn in real growth is required — 4% plus to attain the centra! tendency of 23U% to 3% — a difficult
task. If second quarter real growth js less, an even greater rebound will be necessary in the second half.
Table 2
Possible Growth Rate for Second Half Real GNP
16635 16740 16873 17005
03 25 32 32
2 3
1674.0 16906
25 40
16635 16740 1693.0 1712.2
03 25 4.6 4.6
3.0
16740 1695.6 1717.2
2.5 5.3 5.3
3.3
The Shearson Lehman Brothers forecast, summarized more fully in Table 3 and the accompanying
assumptions, is much less sanguine on growth and employment. Real economic growth averaging 4% is
very unlikely in the second half, and the unemployment rate could move higher rather than decline,
A continuation of the up-and-dow n pattern for real economic growth — in place since the second quarter
of 1984 — is expected, stemming from a fading of consumer spending during the second half and a
further worsening in trade and manufacturing activity. As a result, only an average 2 '/z% rate of growth is
indicated. 'I he slow growth is expected to have a positive aspect, however, permitting sustained low
inflation rates, lower interest rates, and a weaker dollar. With lags, the economy should benefit in 1986,
growing at a greater 2V_'% to 3% rate, fourth quarter-to-fourth quarter.
Although trade and manufacturing arc in a recession, the "services" side of the U.S. economy should
remain strong. Services activities — defined as wholesale trade; retail trade; transportation and public
utilities; government; finance, insurance, and real estate; and services (business services, health
services) — comprise about 75% of total nonfarm payroll employment. Goods employment is about
25% of the total. With so big a chunk of the U.S. economy growing robustly, it is unlikely that the
weakness in trade and manufacturing could drag the overall economy into a full-blown recession. There
is some spillover effect from the weak manufacturing sector toother areas of the economy (for example,
weakness in high tech and related services because of a decline in domestic capital goods spending). But
services jobs aie required no matter whose products are purchased. Servicing, marketing, and
distribution activities must take place. So far this year, growth in nonfarm payroll employment has been
a robust 1.4 million persons, with more than enough jobs created in services to offset those lost in
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manufacturing. The more likely effect of the recession in manufacturing, mining, and agriculture is slow
growth — the product of a kind of weighted average of strung services and weak goods activities.
Following the second quarter, economic growth should remain moderate, principally from a slowdown
in consumer spending and a further deterioration in the trade balance.
Consumer spending, which has been a major driving force for the economy so far this \car, is expected
to slow from a 5.4% rate of growth in the second quarter to a 2.6% pace in the third quarter. Less growth
in real income, an increasingly burdensome debt load, and an end 10 the accelerated tax refunds all
indicate weaker consumption. Auto sales were down in June and early July, and consumer sentiment has
been somewhat weaker over the past two months, Business fixed investment is projected to rise at only
a 4% rate, with a considerable siphoning of capital goods spending abroad. The pace of federal
government spending should slow to a 2.1 % rate, compared with 8.6% in the second quarter.
Housing and construction should maintain a strong performance, given the lower interest rates of the
last nine months. But, given that housing purchases are now more a shelter decision than an investment,
any rises will be less than previously in response to the sizable declines of interest rates that have
occurred. A small inventory build-up for manufacturing and trade is forecast — the result of reduced
consumption and increased production.
Foreign trade — so far a big negative in U.S. economic growth — is expected to take another turn for the
worse, moving from a net position of-$31 billion in the second quarter to -$36 billion in the third.
Beyond the third quarter, the lower profile of interest rates and a weaker dollar should begin to take hold
and should arrest the downturn in trade and U.S. manufacturing. Though still negative, improvements
in net exports arc expecied to contribute positively to real growth from the fourth quarter forward.
Fourth quarter growth is forecast at a 3.3% rate — the result of a positive swing in the trade balance and
solid growth in the government and consumer sectors. The improvement in trade stems from the lagged
effects on imports of slow U.S. economic growth and the weaker dollar. Real net exports move from
-S35.8 billion in 1985:3 to -$22.6 billion during 1986:2, for a $13.2 billion positive contribution to real
GNPover the period. Apart from the trade sector, other areas of the economy grow at modest rates — in
a range of 2% to .V^ii, producing an overall pace of growth for the economy of between 2 '/2% to 3%,
measured from the fourth quarter of 1984 to the fourth quarter of 1985 — a better performance than in
1985.
The rate of inflation is expected to remain subdued; indeed, less than the average 4% expected by the
Federal Reserve. The Producers' Price Index is forecast to rise 1'/;%, the CPI-l! is up 3.6%, and the
implicit GNP deflator is up 3.8% — all equal to or less than the inflation of 1984. Such decelerating
inflation in the third year of expansion is unusual.
Some upward tilt on inflation and interest rales is projected for late this year and in 1986, as a
consequence of renewed growth and a weaker dollar. Dollar weakness is the main reason tor higher
inflation and higher interest rates through much of 1986.
A key assumption is thar fiscal and monetary policies move toward a tighter budget and more
accommodative monetary policy, twisting away from the previously loose fiscal-tight money policy mix.
The implications of such a policy twist aie a lower profile of interest rates, higher equity prices, and a
weaker dollar— all likely to help in sustaining economic growth. These parameters already have
appeared in the aftermath of the euphoria on budget matters during May.
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ability
Praliadnarj
Oau
1985:1 1985:2 1986:3 1985; 4 1986: 1 1986:2 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988
Oroaa National Product -1972 Dollan 1663.5 1874.0 1683.1 1696.8 1713.4 1727.3 1639.3 1679.4 1729.3 17B6.8 1B69.4
Ammnl Rate of Change 0.3 2.5 2.2 3.3 4.0 3.3 6.8 2.4 3.0 3.3 4.1
Percent Change Tear Ago 3.3 Z.I Z.3 2.1 3.0 3.2 5.7 2.1 2.6 4.2 3.8
Coaauuption 1089.1 1103.6 1110.8 1117.7 1126.4 1131.8 106Z.4 1106.3 1133.0 1172.4 1215.6
Annual Bate of Change 5.2 5.4 Z.G 2.6 3.2 1.9 5.3 4.0 2.5 3.5 3.7
Buaineaa Fixed Invaataenl 213.0 215.4 217,3 219.2 220.1 222.7 204.9 216. Z 224.1 233.5 247.9
Annual Rate of Change -1.6 4.6 3.6 3.5 1.7 4.8 19.8 5.5 3.7 4.2 6.Z
Beatdential Construction GO.O 61.5 62.3 62.9 63.2 62.6 60. Z 61.7 62.8 64.7 67.8
Inventor? InreatMent 19.1 10.6 13.1 13.0 11.5 ID. 5 24.8 14.0 9.1 6.9 10.1
Net Exports -28.4 -31.0 -35.8 -32.6 -28.0 -22.6 -15.0 -32.0 -22.0 -17.4 -12,4
nin in 10111111
Fed A e n ra n l ual Bate of Chance 1Z 0 9 . . 6 8 13 a Z . . 6 5 13 2 3 . . 1 2 13 1 3. . 7 5 13 9 6. . 8 6 13 3 8 . , 9 1 122 5 . . 5 4 13 8 2 . . 0 3 137 3 . . 4 8 13 1 8 . . 1 9 14 0 0 , . 9 1
State and Local 180.9 181.4 182.2 IBS. 9 183.4 184.2 179.6 181.9 184.9 187.9 190.4
annual Rote of Change 0.0 1.1 1.8 I.S 1.1 1.8 2.2 1.3 1.6 1.6 1.3
Ind A u n s n t u ri a a l l M P a r t o e d o u f c ti C o h n a ng (1 e 967=1.000) 1.6 z 5 .o 5 1. - 6 O 54 .Z 1.6 1 6 . 0 6 1.6 3 7 .2 3 1.6 4 9 . 3 9 1.7 5 1 . 6 5 1 1 .6 0 3 .7 3 1.6 1 6 .7 1 1.7 3 2 . 0 6 1.7 4 9 .6 8 1.8 5 9 . 5 4
Bowing Start! {Mil. Unit.) 1.796 1.770 1.808 1.795 1.783 1.765 1.764 1.792 1.778 1.820 1.905
Auto Balea-Total (Mil. Unit.) 10.8 10.9 10.6 10.5 10.5 10.6 10.4 10.7 10.5 10.9 11.1
Federal Budget Surplus '
Unified (Quarterly Hate, MSA. FT) -58.8 -30.8 -42.2 -53.4 -64. a -34.6 -185.3 -203.3 -192.5 -186.3 -155.0
laplicit Price Deflator (*CB)
CPI- All Urban (tCH) 3.3 3.9 3.8 4.0 4.0 4.4 4.3 3.6 3.9 4.3 5. 1
PPI-Fiuiahed Oooda (KB) 0.9 2.2 3.2 3.6 3.B 3.9 2.1 1.4 3.4 5.S 5.1
Trad A e n n W ua e l i g B ht i e te d o E f x c C ha h n a g ng e e Bete 1 2 .3 3 5 .3 1 - 1 1 .3 0 1 .8 3 1 -1 .2 4 6 .9 1 1 - .2 4 4 . 8 1 1 - .2 2 3 .9 9 1 - .2 6 1 . 7 9 1.2 7 Z .1 3 1.Z 5 9 . 3 8 1 - .1 8 8 .4 6 1 - .1 4 2 .S 9 1.1 0 3 .9 9
Corporate Profit. Aftertu (Bill, t) 137.0 142.5 143.6 146.7 149.6 152.9 14S.9 14Z.5 163.0 164.9 180. Z
percent Change Tear Ago -9.0 -S.I 1.3 4.0 9.1 7.3 14.5 -2.3 7.4 7.8 9.3
Adjusted Profit. Aftertax (Bil. *) 207.0 214.9 218.0 223. 1 Z27.9 233.3 195.9 215.8 Z3S.7 Z66.3 295.6
Percent Change Tear Ago 1Z.1 10.1 9.1 9.4 10.1 8.6 31.1 10.1 9.7 12.1 11.4
Seal Di.poMble Incone 1161-9 1209.0 1216.2 1225.0 1232. B 1242.6 1169.0 1208.0 JZ45.B 1289.5 1345.7
Annual Bate of Change -1.6 9.5 Z.4 Z.9 2.6 3.3 6.7 3.3 3.1 3.5 4.4
Peraonal Soring Bate (*) 4.7 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.3 5.6 6.1 5.2 5.7 5.8 6.5
HI (Bill, *) 568.1 582.5 696.8 606.7 614.9 826.1 553.5 606.7 644.5 882.7 731.7
AonuaZ Bate of Change 11.0 10.5 10.2 6.1 6.2 7.5 5.2 9.4 6.4 5.9 7.2
«C (till. *) 2416,4 2448.4 2515.9 2563.6 2610.3 2661.0 2345.8 2563.6 Z762.7 2949.1 3175.5
Annual Bate of Change 12.6 5.4 11.5 7.B 7.5 8.0 7.V 9.3 7.8 6.7 7,7
federal Fund. Bate <*) B.48 7.92 7.15 7.30 7.45 7.75 0.23 7.71 7.71 7.71 8.24
Priac Rote <*) 10.54 10,20 9.30 9.00 9.28 9.67 2.04 9.76 9.77 10.22 10.82
New Top Quality Corporate Bonda (*) 11.97 11. 7B 10.86 10. SB 11.12 11.32 2.44 11.30 11.29 11.45 11.52
30-Vear Treasury Bond Bate (*> 11.58 10.99 10.12 10.05 10.40 10.60 2.39 10.69 10.60 10.86 11.11
Bond lur«r I ode™ (*> 9.63 9.02 8.64 8.4B 8.62 8.79 0,09 8.94 B.BD 8.96 9.06
5U> Inden of 500 Ccoonn Stock. 177.3] 184.80 196.26 197.22 199.71 201.26 160.43 188.66 204.04 217.30 232.70
Annual Bate of Change 33.Z 18.0 24.6 4.1 5.1 3.1 .0 17.6 B.Z 6.6 7.1
Earnings Per Share - SaP 5OO (*) 3.91 4.24 4.12 4.54 4.14 4.46 16.60 16.81 17.67 18.67 19.92
Price-laming* Ratio - SaP 600 11.3 10.9 11.8 10.9 12.1 11.3 9.6 11.2 11.6 11.7 11.7
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Forecast Assumptions:
Fist-atpotlrf The I louse-Senate conference on tin1 budget resolution is assumed to c\cntuall\ settle on a budget package
bcfuic the AUK"" recess 'I he reported savings are S50 billion or mure in 1<Wf>, with .. ITI'WK deficit of about Sll ^
billmn. UK- icportcd savings arc overstated and dcfiuts understated,however, because (he Senate and rhe House are lining
mo lush ;i baseline lor defense and economic assumptions thai arc overly optimistic. After correction f,,r saving overesti-
mates, the package is estimated to he worth about 31.10 billion in KY I'IH6 and a cumulative S1W billion to SI9> billion for
fiscal vcjrs ]'W)to I'MM I 'ndcr the Shcarson l,ehman interest rate and real CNF forecasts, the-deficits actualK resulting
from rhe conference on the resolution are then projected at $!'>> billion,}] Hi billion, ant) 3155 billion for fiscal vears I'JKfi
to I'WM.
Monetary Ixiltcy: .-Vcoinmodjtiv e 10 slightls easier through much of the rest uf this year, viith growth in the cconorm slug-
gish, monetary growth decclciatmg to within target ranges later, and subdued rates uf infljnon. The rapid growth in M 1 has
been finessed by rod mine its weight in Ked deliberations, rebasmg and resciiingilii: Ml urget limits, '['his make' clear the
centra] hank's koniern «ith sustaining the expiinsion and SI.IKRCSIS tlui more attention uill he pjid ro economic growth,
inflation, and the dollar in the making (if monetary policv.
Fntiijmix- \ modest and ^udujl elunye in che "loose fiscal-tight monev" policv mil ihat hjs tharacitri/ed the economy is
assumed to take place o\tr the tub nee of this year - not enough to fullv result e the deficit dilemma and the imbalances
that exist in trade, manulaituniiK, and the financial markets because of the policy mix, but sufficient to present any major
sustained upward pressure on interest rates. The reduilions in spending cxentualk embodied in the FV 14Kd budset and
the sniiieului more jLcummodarive stance of the [-'cdcra! Reserve eonstltuie the third t«ist in the policv mix over the last
four years and Mij^est .1 lower profile uf interest rjtes, j weaker dollar, and a better equity marker than otherwise would be
the case.
VUpnin: As mejsured hv refiners'acquisition eosis, oil prices jre assumed to drop SI to Si ..SO a barrel oier the summer. A
$1.50 to $-' drop in hej\\ crude and a smaller reduction in light crude oil are aimed at realigning price differentials. OPEC
oil production continues to decline lor a short time longer, then stabilises with newly enforced production quous for eaih
member. The limits on produuiun hold better because the situation is "do or die" for the OPEC carrel.
WaffsandrnriituhartnsK: In general, do« murti pressure on wages from deregulation, competition, and [he decline in union
strength persists. Contract negotiations are scheduled to go on through September. While these negotiatioDS Mill be
slightly more favorable to laboi this sear and nest, a tough stance by management is assumed to keep labor cost increases
modest- about .<"»pci jniiuni in IWSand 19H6.
Third llMd debt awl bank fa-oblems: The recent decline in interest rates #ejtl\ relieves debt-hurdened third \iorld nations.
In addition, import restraints and increased exports help boost growth. I'.S. bank failures at the regional level continue at J
high rate, but the major money center banks are assumed to remain solvent. ! Iigh reserves in the hanking svstem and an
accommodati* e monetary policy assure no liquidity crunch.
(jrowth in (/lemi-oi-f/ie-wirldfionvmm: In I IKS, similar or lower growth compared with 1('H4, as most western industrial-
ised lountries reach a growth plateau. Exports to the United States w ill continue to be strong and boost economic growth
for the U.S. trading p.mncrs: unemplosrtient will remain a major problem for most countries, but inflation rates arc likcl> to
keep subsiding. The 1-ar hast economies should remain strong. I.aim America will see positive but small giowih, adjusting
to an enforced ausrcnn because ol debt problems.
Pe/itu sand \hnrh Progress - though not definitive - on arms talks with the Soviet Union, but not enough to pievcnt a hard
line on defense spending bv the President because of the negotiations.'lax reform islikels In thefiist <|iiarter of l')K(i. No
major oil or agfitultural shocks are assumed, although theie is a one-m-fne chance of a major hreakdosi n in the OPEC
cartel this M-JI, with oil prices IIIOMIIE to S.2I) to S24 a barrel.
Altemamv[>ats,Mutr> ami'probability. An allernatiie forecast to the baseline (Higher Rates scenar.o, probability = J0"n)
assumes abo\e-tjrget monev growrh and stroni;er-than-expected growth in rhe second and ihird quarters. The continuous
higher monetar> pmwth is associated with higher inHaiion and increased interest rates, then a recession hv I4H<>. \ seiond
alternative ford >sr (llr(^ Rndi;ct Fix-Lower Oil Price scenario, probabihts = 1 ?»,,l assumes a quick major budger solution
and bs more, the infl:nmn i.iic lalls. and interest rates are much lower. There is a ncar-,-croprobal>ilit\ of a fi//lmj;-.)in into J
recession l,..t.n.,e -4 t!ie goods-side weakness. Sen ices activities should be strong enough ro siist.uo Kr(mih .irid the l-'eH-
eral Heseive wm'-l i *- 'n.>re moves to prevent a recession.
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Although budget negotiations have stalled in the Congress, it seems inconceivable that the budget
tightening in hand would be lost at the eleventh hour. Both the House and the Senate have gone too far
and have expended too much effort toward reducing the budget deficits to permit the process to totally
break down. It is not unusual for budget deliberations to occur through much of the summer before a
budget resolution is passed, so that no strongly negative conclusions should be drawn yet from the
impasse that has arisen. This sanguine view on the outcome of the budget process is a key assumption of
the forecast. The risk to sustained expansion will be considerably greater if there is no agreement.
It should be noted that even the weak growth in the .Shcarson Ixjhman Brothers forecast requires lower
interest rates and a lower dollar than currently exist. A Fed casing and budget tightening are assumed.
The dollar declines, but does not collapse. These assumptions are in question now, given the budget
impasse in the Congress and the big slide recently in the dollar.
If there is no budget tightening, the task of the Federal Reserve will be considerably more difficult. I,ess
accommodation will be likely, the financial markets would worsen on expectations of a further
deterioration in trade and a possible reinflation from a declining dollar. A "worst-of-all-worlds"
configuration could result: slow growth, a collapsing dollar, and higher inflation.
Policy Mix, the "Twin Deficits," and the "Lopsided" Economy
The topic of policy mix — defined as the simultaneous stance of monetary and fiscal polity — has not
been studied much. This is generally because both monetary and fiscal policy have moved in the same
direction during the postwar period, with an "easy money-easy fiscal" policy combination at times of
recession and early expansion and a "tight money-tight fiscal" combination in booms or at times of high
inflation. Monetary and fiscal policy have only been at variance since 1981. with a stimulative fiscal
policy — mostly from large tax cuts — and thenonaccommodative stance of monetary policy established
in late 197'). The effects of such a clash on growth, interest rates, the dollar, inflation, trade, and the
composition of economic activity between goods and services have been new for the postwar period.
Given an increasingly open U.S. economy and a regime of flexible exchange rates, the loose fiscal-tight
money policy mix of the early 1980s has been the primary source for the unusual pattern of behavior in
the economy, money growth and trade, and the growing dichotomy between goods and services sector
activities.
The "twin deficits" — budget and trade —and the emerging net debtor status of the United States are
consequences of the stimulative fiscal policy of recent years and the generally nonaccommodative
monetary policy of the Federal Reserve. The long string of huge U.S. federal budget deficits, record
trade deficits, and increasing trade debt are intertwined. Large federal budget deficits, in the context of
monetary growth targeting by the Federal Reserve, stimulate economic growth and raise nominal and
real interest rates. Strong growth and higher interest rates strengthen the dollar. A stronger dollar holds
down inflation and raises real interest rates. The dollar is strengthened further. With strong economic
growth and a strong dollar, imports increase and the pace of exports decreases. A worsening trade deficit
and increased trade debt result. So long as the huge federal budget deficits remain, the process continues
until the trade sector becomes so weak that economic growth slows, interest rates drop, the dollar
declines, and the process is reversed. With no intervention to tighten the budget, the eventual result is a
lopsided, unbalanced economy, with numerous problems, including chronic federal budget deficits, an
overvalued domestic currency, permanent erosion in the relative market shares of basic industries,
stagnant economic growth, high unemployment, still too high inflation, high real interest rates, and a
fallout of failures in beleaguered sectors, industries, and financial institutions. A growing erosion of
goods activities and the siphoning of purchases abroad by consumers and businesses also can be
expected, with a shrinking of the industrial base and services activities growing.
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The U.S. economy currently is in the midst of the [fade-induced slowdown that is a consequence of this
process, with economic growth having tailed off into considerable weakness compared with 1983 and
1984.
What are the likely possible consequences now that weak growth and lower interest rates have driven
the dollar down without significant reductions in the federal budget deficit? Most likely the dollar would
firm, further worsening the trade deficit and depressing economic growth. But, with lags, the declines of
the dollar would resume, eventually reigniting higher inflation. In the interim, bond yields would rise
higher as inflation and a greater deficit were discounted into the financial markets.
Suppose there is a tightening of the budget. What then? In this situation, the likelihood of an easing by
the central bank in order to sustain real economic grouth at desired levels would be enhanced. In an
open economy with flexible exchange rates, the tightening of the budget —especially if accompanied by
an easing of monetary policy — should result in permanently lower interest, rates, higher stock prices,
and a weaker dollar — all pluses for sustained growth. The extent of the dollar's decline could well be
limited or made only gradual, depending on how much growth was induced by an easier monetary policy
and the interest rate response abroad.
The Midyear Report to the Congress and the Volcker Testimony
Table 4 shows the new target ranges set by the Federal Reserve for 1985 and 1986, che current
performance of the monetary aggregates in relation to the targets, and recent trends in monetary
velocity.
Table 4
New Federal Reserve Monetary Growth Targets,
Current Performance, and Monetary Velocity
1985 19-N6
MT 3loS 4107
MZ 6 to 9 6 to 9
M.5 6to9'fe 6to9
Debt 91012 8to11
Last Last2 Last 3 From Base
Monlh Months Months Period"
206 18.3 13.8
137 11.2 72
10.5 6.9 60
Trend Growth IWtSE
FirstHalf
The central bank rebased and reset the M1 growth targets. A 3% to 8% target range was set for the rest
of 1985, with the second quarter as the base period. In so doing, about $15 billion of Ml was
"forgiven" —wiped away by the action. Less weight was given to the Ms in Federal Reserve
deliberations and more weight for growth and the dollar. The main reason was the unusual behavior of
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Ml velocity (Chare 1). More practically, Chart 1
without such a change, a tightening of M1 Velocity and Trend
(Quarterly, 1960 lo 1985:2)
monetary policy would be indicated —just
the opposite of what seems necessary at
this time.
Given the irregularity between M1 growth
and the growth of nominal GNP in recent
years, the Federal Reserve did the right
thing in detaching monetary policy from
Ml growth. Targeting nominal GNP
should prove to be superior.
As Chart 2 shows, the relationship
between the growth in Ml, real GNP
growth, and inflation has been quite
irregular in recenc years. In the first half of
1985, the growth of Ml and of the
economy is seen to be moving in opposite
directions. The normal link between
accelerated monetary growth and inflation
clearly is absent.
In the midyear report, the centtal bank
provided a correct explanation for the 1960 1970 1980
surge in M1; the reduced opportunity costs
of holding NOW and SuperNOW accounts Chart 2
as market interest rates have declined. But Growth in Ml Inflation and Real GNP
a full explanation of the decline in velocity
should include the irregular pattern of
behavior for real GNP because of declining
net exports since the expansion began.
Since the fourth quarter of 1982, real net
exports have declined $52.5 billion. The
average decline in net exports over the first
nine quarters of five previous expansions
has been only $1.1 billion (Table -S). In
each of the last three quarters, some two to
three percentage points of real economic
growth have been lost from weak trade.
What has happened is that the strong dollar
has prevented rises in real GNP
commensurate with the transactions
balances in M1 used to purchase goods
here and abroad. Also, the disinflationary
effects of the dollar, which are more
considerable than generally realized, have
reduced the growth of nominal GNP
relative to M1. The result is the decline in
1981 1982 1983 1984 1985
Ml velocity over this business cycle
expansion that is shown in Chart 1. Source S/warson Lehman BroOieis Bo
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Table 5
Performance of the U.S. Economy, by Sector
Billions of
uilManf Dollar
Real Cross National Product
Fixed Investment
Nonresident 13]
Hcvilemial
Inventories,
Federal
State and 1 xx al
Net Kxports
Under these circumstances, using Ml as an indicator for monetary policy would be an egregious error,
leading to lighter monetary policy when just the opposite is required. Indeed, the tightening of monetary
policy during the first half of 198Z, in response to a surge in M1, and again — although less so — in the
spring of 198.1 turned out to be counterproductive.
Thus, the central hank is on [he right track in detaching its policy from M1. As shown in Table 4, even
M2 and M3 velocity are growing at less than trend, also reflecting the effects of the unusual weakness in
trade on the relationship between the monetary aggregates and the economy.
While the decision to broaden the factors followed in making monetary policy is a good one, die tentral
bank may have gone too far. Now, growth of money and credit, the economy, inflation, the dollar, and
institutional fragility are all involved in the making of policy. With so many factors determining monetary
policy, it will be almost impossible for the Federal Reserve to obtain an unambiguous reading on the
direction for policy. A result will be only cautious movements in one direction or another — probably not
sufficient either to arrest a weakening economy or to restrain one that is growing too rapidly. The central
bank is eschewing much of the leeway it has by following so many different targets and having so few
instruments of control.
Currently, weak growth in the economy and the fallout on manufacturing unambiguously indicate the
need for more easing by the Federal Reserve. But M1 growth well above the new targets and M2 growth
also above its target suggest no easing should be carried out. The large slide in the dollar also indicates
that no further casing should be undertaken. Finally, low inflation rates indicate little risk for any easing
by the Federal Reserve in terms of near-term reinflation.
By the Federal Reserve's own actions and targets, growth clearly is the key factor now driving monetary
policy. DC facto, the central bank has been targeting GNP for over a year now, easing when economic
growth fell well below potential and tightening when growth rates were too high — the case in March
19S4. A policy of nominal GNP targeting would be appropriate to follow in the current circumstances,
with many of the positive attributes of monetary growth targeting retained but much less uncertainty
because of a linkage problem between the indicator and the ultimate target.
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The shift to an emphasis on growth as the key factor in Federal Reserve polity should be applauded and
encouraged; the results will he hotter. But it cannot help on compositional problems stemming from an
imbalance in both fiscal and monetary policy, '['he lopsided economy poses a major dilcmn'a for the
Federal Reserve: whether to ease in order to revive the weak trade and manufacturing sectors and how
to do so without causing too strong growth in other activities.
The Central Bank - Between A Rock and A Hard Place
The current situation has the central bank between a rock and a hard place. The unbalanced policy mix
has led to higher interest rates than otherwise would have been the case, too strong a dollar, increasing
loss of markets in U.S. goods activities to the rest of the world, deteriorating trade, and a depressed
manufacturing sector. Too rapid monetary growth has appeared — the result of many domestic
purchases that do not appear in U.S. GNP. Reducing interest rates further to revive growth runs the risk
of too much M1 growth — even under the new targets - and a sharp decline in the dollar, which would
prove to be inflationary. Raising interest rates to slow monetary growth and to prevent a major slide in
the dollar risks a recession.
Rebasmgand resetting the targets for M I is one way to escape the problem, eliminating one reason fora
tightening. But, unfortunately, even after the change, the Ms remain well above targets, perhaps only
buy ing a little time for the Federal Reserve but not providing a solution. Ml has grown at a 20% annual
rate since the new second quarter base period. It is now $7.8 billion above the new upper target limit.
M2 is slightly over target. The new targets do postpone a tightening. But the central bank cannot
abandon the monetary growth targeting approach entirely, since fear of a caving-in on inflation could
become quite pronounced.
With the dollar also sliding, the central bank is hamstrung in any further easing. Interest rates do not
seem low enough yet to help the economy recover fully to the desired real growth rates.
Thus, the central bank has no easy way out. A tightening of the budget provides one escape valve. A
significant decline in oil prices provides another. In the absence of these events, the central bank will find
that little can be done to increase the growth of the economy, lower unemployment gradually, and
simultaneously keep inflation pressures at a minimum.
The International Constraint
With the U.S. economy now so open and exchange rates so flexible, international trade and finance
become a major constraint on domestic monetary policy. In particular, the dollar has become a key
consideration in policy.
Table fi shows the behavior of the dollar recently. Given the threat of reinflation from a lower dollar and a
still stimulative fiscal policy, the recent slide in the dollar suggests caution in any potential easing. The
declines in the dollar have varied from -12.2% against a trade-weigh ted average of foreign currencies to a
large 35% versus the British pound.
While a drop in the dollar can prevent an easing, lags in the reaction of exports and imports to changes in
the dollar will prevent the economic rebound that is desired from occurring soon. Without a turnaround
soon, policymakers will be under increasing pressure from protectionist sentiment, as a second-best
solution.
Current research is tending to show a much larger role for dollar appreciation or depreciation in inflation
than had commonly been thought.1 Some two or three percentage points of additional inflation is
change Ha/es anrt
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possible within a year from a sustained 10% drop in the dollar, depending on the other factors ihat
determine inflation. Dollar performance is thus more critical for the Federal Reserve, and this
international constraint is beginning to loom as systematically more important to the central bank than
ever before.
Table 6
Strength of the Dollar
1122
102
Nofe fl"e«criaige rafe$ expressed in totetgn cufiency units pe< ftotla< except the pound. *fucfi'
% = Petcem change to Is lest iveeV
• Morgan Guaranty ttaOe weighted value ollhe Oollai
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We move now to our third witness, Mr. Chimerine. As I indicat-
ed, we will question all of you once the panel has completed its
presentations. Mr. Chimerine.
Mr. CHIMERINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am delighted to be
here. I have submitted a fairly lengthy statement, which I ask be
included in the record.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Without objection, it will be included in
the record.
STATEMENT OF LAWRENCE CHIMERINE, CHAIRMAN AND CHIEF
ECONOMIST, CHASE ECONOMETRICS, BALA CYNWYD, PA, AND
PRESIDENT, MONETARY POLICY FORUM
Mr. CHIMERINE. I will try to summarize briefly my statement this
morning.
I might make one additional statement about my prepared re-
marks. They include, in addition to my own views, the views of the
Monetary Policy Forum, of which I am the current president. I
might add, that two of the other distinguished panel members here
this morning are also members of the forum, and those views, as I
mentioned a second ago, are included in my statement.
I would like to focus on two or three issues this morning, and do
so in a way that does not duplicate what you have heard from
Nancy Teeters and Allan Sinai. First, the current state of the econ-
omy; second, the appropriate monetary policy response; and, third,
the subject of the Federal deficit.
I agree very strongly with your remarks earlier this morning,
Mr. Chairman, and those of Mrs. Teeters and Dr. Sinai regarding
the growth recession. We have been in a growth recession in the
United States for about a year. During this period, we have not
only suffered from extremely slow growth on an overall basis, but
as has been mentioned earlier this morning, various segments of
the economy, particularly manufacturing—excluding Defense—
commodities, agriculture, and energy, have suffered badly and have
actually experienced modest declines during the last 12 months.
This even though, in most cases, they had not yet experienced a
complete recovery from the long period of stagnation we had in the
United States in the late 1970's and early 1980's. So the timing of
this decline is very unfortunate for those industries because they
were suffering to begin with, and conditions have gotten consider-
ably worse in many cases.
Before we look ahead, it is important to understand why we have
slowed so sharply from such a robust recovery during the first year
and a half of this recovery phase—in fact, reaching the point about
a year ago when a number of people, including some people based
in this city, began talking about a new era of rapid economic
growth, a new economic boom, and so forth. And, just about 2 days
after those pronouncements were made, a growth recession devel-
oped in the United States. I think reasons are predominantly high
real interest rates and the overvalued dollar, both of which have
been discussed already this morning. In turn, both of those relate
to large budget deficits.
The economy is now beginning to suffer from the pattern of ex-
tremely large and rising structural Federal budget deficits. They
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were stimulative during the first year or year and a half of the re-
covery, but conditions are very different today—and have been
over the last 12 months or so. When this recovery process began,
much of the deficit was cyclical in nature rather than structural.
Private borrowing was tremendously depressed; there was massive
excess capacity in the economy and large pent up demands because
of that long period of stagnation I talked about earlier. And, the
Fed had the freedom to pursue a highly accommodative monetary
policy, so that during the first year or so of the recovery, actually
going back to the middle of 1982, they permitted money growth to
accelerate very dramatically and made very strong efforts to push
interest rates down.
Conditions over the last year have been very different. The defi-
cits are now largely structural, and the structural portion contin-
ues to rise. Private borrowing has risen dramatically during the
last couple of years, as it normally does during recoveries. And, it
will be necessary for it to rise further if we are going to sustain the
recovery process. A lot of that pent up demand and some of that
excess capacity is used up. And, on a long-term basis, there is no
way the Federal Reserve can continue to permit money growth and
the monetary base and other measures of money and credit to
expand at double-digit rates.
So, in today's environment, the deficit has fundamentally become
counterproductive. On a net basis, it is holding back growth in the
U.S. economy through its adverse effects on real interest rates and
the dollar, which, in turn, are offsetting the direct stimulative
impact of rising budget deficits.
I think many people tended to underestimate the impact of high
real interest rates during the past 12 months because they make
the argument, "Well, we recovered during the first year and a half
with high interest rates, why cannot we continue to do that?"
Again, it is a matter of timing. Conditions are different now be-
cause many individuals and many businesses already funded, their
highest rate of return projects and their most necessary expendi-
tures.
At this point in the recovery process, lower interest rates are re-
quired to stimulate expenditures for more marginal projects, par-
ticularly among industrial companies. Real interest rates for those
companies remain extraordinarily high because, essentially, there
is no inflation in the industrial sector in the United States. Even 9
or 10 percent interest rates are extremely high relative to zero in-
flation and are retarding the typical inventory cycle and causing
capital spending projects to be deferred or canceled.
I think you can make the same argument for housing. Wages are
now growing at only about a 4-percent annual rate. The gap be-
tween mortgage rates, even though they have come down, and
income growth is still quite high by historical standards and, as a
result, housing activity, while not extremely weak, is nonetheless,
lagging behind the levels we experienced in the United States in
previous periods.
Second, I think the overvalued dollar has been at least as impor-
tant—as Allan Sinai mentioned, it in part directly reflects high in-
terest rates in the United States. And, again, I think many people
are underestimating the adverse effect of the dollar, or the overval-
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ued dollar, on the U.S. economy. It is producing an enormous in-
crease in import penetration on a widespread basis throughout the
United States—hardly a manufacturing industry is not experienc-
ing a sizable increase in import penetration.
It has also caused exports to remain quite sluggish and, third,
and perhaps just as importantly, it has led to a profit squeeze in
the United States, particularly among those industries trying to
compete in world markets. It is not confined to those industries
however—and I think I can tell you this from personal experi-
ence—it is now spreading through the rest of the economy because
those industries are trying to push the impact back to their suppli-
ers. They cannot raise prices so they are trying to force their sup-
pliers to cut their prices. And, as a result, the spreading effect on
profits of the overly strong dollar is spreading throughout the U.S.
economy and is now short circuiting the investment boom we had
going for a while. It does mean lower inflation. But the benefits of
lower inflation resulting from a profit squeeze are not as favorable
for the economy as the benefits of lower inflation from higher pro-
ductivity. And, in fact, when you net out the full impact, the over-
valued dollar has been a major factor retarding economic perform-
ance during the last 12 months.
I think we have all mentioned this morning that both high real
interest rates and the dollar situation directly reflect massive
budget deficits. Contrary to what many other people might have
stated previously, in my judgment, Federal deficits have now
become counterproductive for U.S. economic growth. Unless they
are reduced dramatically, this process of slow and erratic growth,
is likely to continue for as far out as we can see—certainly, for the
next several years.
Now, what about the current situation? There have been hopes
expressed that the economy is starting to respond to lower interest
rates and to a softer dollar and that an acceleration in economic
activity is taking place. In my judgment, there is basically no evi-
dence at this point to support that view. The only strength we see
is in consumer spending. And I do not believe consumer spending
the numbers because they completely contradict the information
we are getting from retailers around the United States. Second,
even if the data are correct, it is not sustainable in view of the very
slow growth in incomes that is currently taking place, some soften-
ing in consumer confidence, rising debt burdens, and a very low
saving rate. Even after you adjust for the IRS tax refund problems,
savings rates have dropped to extremely low levels in recent
months. That is not likely to be sustained.
Even in housing, which has responded to some extent to the de-
cline in mortgage rates, the favorable effect is being offset to some
extent by massive overbuilding and high vacancy rates among
apartments and condominiums, and by slow income and employ-
ment growth. No matter what mortgage rates are, people without
jobs do not generally buy new houses. So that effect has even been
very modest thus far. And, most importantly, the anticdotal evi-
dence that we get from our clients, who include a wide spectrum of
the U.S. economy, indicate to us that their situation has not im-
proved. Most of them tell us sales and orders remain very soft and
that no pickup has yet taken place.
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Now, having said that, I do not think we are in a recession; I do
not think we are going to have an actual recession. But, I would
not be too optimistic about a new economic boom taking place
during the second half of 1985. At best, we will see a modest accel-
eration in growth. In our judgment, the maximum we can get
during this period will be in the 3-percent range.
Consumer spending is going to slow during this period—we are
beginning to see it in autos already. Investment spending is not
strong. Orders have been very soft. We still have a ways to go in
terms of the trade deficit—even if the decline in the dollar thus far
does eventually improve the trade deficit it will not happen for at
least a year. So that will get worse during the second half of this
year. Inventories have been corrected. There is likely to be less in-
ventory liquidation. That will probably keep us out of recession.
But the other factors I just mentioned suggest to us very modest
growth at best during the second half of this year, with some in-
crease in unemployment very likely, even under the best of circum-
stances. And if a recession does occur, unemployment could rise
very sharply during the months ahead.
What about monetary policy and interest rates? Interest rates
have declined, and so has the dollar, but I think it is important to
recognize that perhaps the most important reason for these de-
clines is the weakness in the economy itself. In my judgment, as
long as these budget deficits persist, it will not be possible to sus-
tain these declines in interest rates and the dollar if the economy
picks up significantly.
What would likely happen under those conditions is that interest
rates will start moving up again. Perhaps the dollar will strength-
en and a few months later, the economy will begin to slow down
again. The current situation is not sustainable. What this economy
needs is lower interest rates, a lower dollar and stronger growth all
occurring together. I do not believe it is possible as long as the Fed-
eral budget deficit situation remains the way it is right now.
I think that the policy shifts that the Fed has made in recent
months are highly appropriate. The policy mix in the last year or
two—the Fed not being restrictive but not being extremely accom-
modative, and a very loose fiscal policy—is what has caused our
economic problems. I think the Fed is now doing their part on the
policy side, but their part is not sufficient on a long-term basis.
Without a reduction in budget deficits, interest rates will move
back up at some point, or the dollar will strengthen, because, fun-
damentally, we are financing those deficits now with very easy
money and with money coming from overseas. On a long-term
basis, neither is an acceptable solution.
On the deficit, I feel very strongly, as I have told this committee
several times in previous years, that the target should be about a
$25 to $30 billion decline on a year-by-year basis in the Federal def-
icit. So that if the deficit this year is going to be around $220 bil-
lion, you should target next year at $190 or $185 billion. The year
after, $150 billion, and so on, which would represent a dramatic
change from the current upward trend on a current services basis.
To accomplish that, I think three things have to be done. First,
some cutbacks or stretching out in the military buildup, particular-
ly in the procurement process is necessary. Some of the weapon
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systems have to be cut back or cut out—it is that simple. Second,
the entitlements have to be addressed, particularly the health and
pension programs. And, quite frankly, I think now is the time to
explore whether we want to make some of those programs means
tested. And, third, even after both of those are done, some tax in-
creases will be necessary. That is an arithmetic statement, not a
political statement. There is no way to get from here to there with-
out it. I think we would better start recognizing that and very
quickly, because the economy is languishing.
We can debate what kind of tax increases are best. My own judg-
ment is a base-broadening kind of tax increase. And some of the
things included in the tax reform proposal, quite frankly are ideas
that ought to be explored. But, in any case, the sooner we do that,
the better because the current situation is not sustainable on a
long-term basis, and we are likely to see economic stagnation, or
growth recession, or whatever terminology you want to use, contin-
ue until the budget deficit situation is resolved.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman,
[Mr. Chimerine's prepared statement and attached material of
Monetary Policy Forum follows:]
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Statement By
Lawrence Chunerioe, PhJD.
Chairman and Chief Economist
Chase Econometrics
Bala Cynwyd, Pennsylvania
and
President, Monetary Policy Forum
Presented to
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
of the
Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C.
July 18, 1985
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My name ut Lawrence Chlmerine and I *m Chairman and Chiel Economist of Chu«
Econometrics. I am also President of the Monetary Policy Forum. The Monetary Policy Forum
it an organization dedicated'to the study of the relationship between monetary policy and the
economy; its membership includes more than twenty-five well-known economists, business
leaders, and financial analysts, representing a wide range of institutions and organ!cations. The
Forum lakes a very practical and pragmatic approach to policy issues rather than relying on a
narrowly defined philosophic viewpoint. It is an honor for me to testify before the Subcommitte
on Domestic Monetary Policy on the current economic situation and implications for the
conduct of monetary policy.
Briefly, I will make the following observations
(1) The economy at the present time is extremely sluggish, with little growth on an
overall basis and with the industrial sector in a state of mild decline. This slowdown, which ha*
been in effect for about a year, has come well before the economy experienced a complete
recovery from the long period ol stagnation in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Furthermore,
while the weakness is concentrated in manufacturing, agriculture, energy, and other commodity
producing industries, it is now spreading to other segments of the economy, especially high-tech
and some services.
{1} The major factors limiting economic growth are the effects ol the extremely hign
interest rates which have prevailed in recent years and the enormously overvalued dollar on
foreign exchange markets. In turn, these are directly related to the large and growing
structural Federal budget deficit. Thus, over the last year. Federal budget deficits have
become counterproductive for economic growth, after helping stimulate the economy during the
earlier part of the recovery.
(3) The Federal Reserve has shifted to a highly accommodative stance in recent months.
This shift is highly welcome in view of the lagging economy. The Fed's policy options have been
narrowed somewhat by the enormous stimulus embodied in large budget deficits and by the fact
that a large fraction ol tho»e deficits is now being financed overseas. Until the F ederal budget
deficit is reduced, any major change in the willingness of foreigners to decrease their holdings
of dollar assets would exert upward pressure on interest rates in the United States. Thus, the
Fed has been trying to bring interest rates down but not so fast as to produce a sharp decline in
the dollar, which would then exert upward pressure on rates.
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(4) In my view, the outlook for the economy ia not good. At best, a modest acceleration
in growth will occur later this year — continued stagnation, or even a mild recession, cannot be
ruled out. Thus, unemployment, which is already relatively high, will probably rise somewhat
during the months ahead.
(5) The outlook for inflation is extremely favorable, however, although some upward
pressure may occur if the dollar continues to decline sharply. However, the inflation rate is not
likely to average significantly above 5% even with a dollar decline.
(6) The relatively low inflation rate, sluggish economic growth, the LDC debt situation,
the large and growing trade deficit and resulting decline in manufacturing, and other [actors
suggest a need for a continuing shift in the policy mix toward a tighter fiscal policy and more
accommodative monetary policy. This in the long run is the best way to get both interest rates
and the dollar down to acceptable levels, while at the same time reducing U.S. dependence on
foreign capital. It ia important to emphasize that monetary policy alone cannot do the job in
view of the outlook for the budget deficit. Nonetheless, it is imperative that the Fed remain
accommodative and not attempt to offset the rapid growth in the basic money supply during the
first half of this year. To da sa would require slowing the growth in the basic money oupply to
about 3% during the second half of the year, which would likely cause significant upward
pressure in interest rates and prevent the even modest economic pickup that I now expect. I
would suggest that the Fed permit the basic money supply to grow at near or above the upper
' range of its current target during the second half of the year — this could be accomplished by
rebaling the targets.
(Ti Tb* majority of the members of the Monetary Policy Forum also support the view that
the Fed should continue to adopt an accommodative posture during the months ahead but that
thi* muot be supplemented by major reduction! in the Federal deficit.
L CUKBKNT STATK Of THE ECONOMY
On h^lfinr^ toe economy remain* in the slow and erratic growth mode that baa prevailed
for nearly a year, with little evidence of any significant acceleration. While the flash estimate
indicated an acceleration in real GNP growth to 3.1% in the second quarter, I view this as an
exaggeration of current economic performance. This in part reflects a number of technical
factors, soch as the fact that defense spending declined in the first quarter but probably rose
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significantly in the second quarter, bad the smaller increase in imports in the second quarter
than in the first quarter — both probably reflect erratic movements rather than any changes in
basic treads. Thus, the average of the first two quarters (1.7%) is a better measure of current
underlying growth than either the 0.3% increase in GNP in the first quarter or the 3.1% flash
estimate for the second quarter. Furthermore, there is a strong chance that the preliminary
estimate for second-quarter GNP will show a smaller increase than the flash estimate,
especially since retail activity was weak in June; since the trade deficit in May and June may
turn out to be larger than assumed in the flash estimate {it has already been reported to have
risen significantly in May); and since many companies appear to be cutting inventories very
sharply. Furthermore, most of the rise in second quarter GNP was due to the surge in retail
sales in April) ao that even with the May and June declines in sales, the second quarter average
was significantly above that of the first-quarter. However, I believe that consumer spending is
not as strong as the earlier retail sales data indicated because: (a) some of the earlier strength
reflected temporary increases in auto sales due to low-cost financing and some makeup effect
from last winter's General Motors' strike — auto sales are now beginning to decline; (b) the
numbers appeal to be inconsistent with the reports issued in recent months by the large chain
stores; and (c) anecdotal evidence suggests that sales thus far in July are not especially strong.
There has been an improvement in the underlying trend in housing activity as suggested by both
new and existing home sales and new housing starts. The uptrend has been very modest,
however; sales and starts actualy dropped significantly in the most recent month.
Most other recent data also indicate that the economy is still quite sluggish and that the
manufacturing sector, in particular, remains quite weak. These include the following!
1. Despite a small increase in May, nondefense durable goods orders have trended down in
recent months, and have not yet broken out of the stagnant pattern that has prevailed
since early 1984. Furthermore, orders have actually been lower than shipments in several
recent months, indicating that backlogs have actually begun to edge down for the first
time since the economic recovery began.
Z. Paper board demand has traditionally been an extremely good coincident indicator.
Paperboard shipments have been extremely weak since early this year, and while they
appear to have stabilized in recent months, a significant upturn has not yet developed.
3. Labor markets remain very soft — the overall unemployment rate has essentially been
stagnant for nearly a year. Furthermore, help wanted advertising has declined
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significantly in recent months and initial claims for unemployment insurance have been
somewhat higher in recent weeks. Spreading layoffs in the computer industry also indicate
a weak pattern in labor markets.
4. Although the index of leading indicators rose in May, the index was revised downward for
the two preceding months. Since it takes at least three months of increase to indicate an
acceleration in economic growth, the May increase by itself is not meaningful. The
components of the index which relate to manufacturing activity, such as the average
workweek, new orders, vendor performance, plant and equipment orders, and changes in
inventories, have been especially weak during the last year and in fact, have fallen by an
average of more than 10%. This is not only consistent with the downward trend in
industrial production during this period, but every major decline in the manufacturing
related leading indicators has always been followed by a general economic recession.
Thus, it will be particularly important to monitor these components in the months Ahead.
5. The National Association of Purchasing Managers index remains very weak, with no
significant acceleration at this point.
6. Early reports suggest significant weakness in second-quarter corporate profits — in fact, it
appears that on an economy-wide basis, profits will be down significantly from year-
earlier levels.
7. Financial market indicators, such as interest rates and loan demand, also suggest
continued weakness.
&. Commodity prices generally remain very soft, despite the recent decline in the U.S. dollar
— this in part reflects sluggish demand.
Thus, on balance, I believe that the evidence at this point does not justify the view that
the economy is in the midst of a significant acceleration. Rather, it appears to be in a holding
pattern, with the same general trends that have been in place for nearly a year continuing
essentially as is.
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IL WHATEVER HAPPENED TO THE ECONOMIC BOOM?
The slowdown in the economy that began laat summer occurred just when many were
beginning to proclaim that a "new era of economic growth," was upon us. At the outset, it
should be recognized that there was no economic boom in the first place. The problem sterna
from confusion between the direction and the level of economic activity — while the economy
was moving upward at a very rapid rate during the first half of 1984, economic activity was still
considerably below its potential, reflecting the extremely weak conditions from which the
recovery began. Thus, unemployment, capacity utilization, profits, and other important
measures of economic performance were still far from satisfactory at that time, and in most
cases, had not even returned to the relatively sluggish levels which existed in the 19?0*- In
fact, many industries and geographic areas were still extremely depressed, having experienced
virtually no recovery at all.
Two other important aspects of the earlier stages of the economic recovery ore also
essential to help understand why rapid growth has been so short-lived. First, the recovery waa
not caused by tax cuts alone; to a significant degree, what waa in place was a cyclical rebound
caused by a number of relatively transitory factors, such as inventory rebuilding in many
industries, the large amount of pent-up demand for consumer durables and other goods that had
previously built up, and an extremely loose monetary policy. The stimulative impact of these
factors, aa well as of the tax cuts and rising budget deficits, was bound to diminish in
magnitude. Second, the faster-than-expected recovery during 1983 and early 1984 was simply
using up idle resources more rapidly than had been anticipated, rather than reflecting any major
improvement in the long-term growth potential of the U.S. economy.
In fact, the major sources of long-term growth have shown no fundamental im pro vein entst
1. The growth in the labor force has slowed markedly since 1980, in part reflecting a
slowdown in the rate of increase in the participation rate. This has occurred despite the
reduction in marginal tax rates in recent years, which was supposed to have stimulated
more work effort.
2. The rate of increase in productivity has been below the rate of increase during the first
two years of most previous recoveries. While productivity growth is exceeding it* growth
during much of the 1970s, the relatively modest rate of increase during the recovery thus
far is somewhat disappointing in view of how rapidly GNP grew in its early stages and in
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view of the emphasis on productivity enhancement and cost cutting. Most significantly,
productivity growth has slowed sharply during the last several quarters, also suggesting
that, at least at this point, the improvement in the underlying trend growth in productivity
has been very modest at best.
3. Despite sharp cuts in marginal tax rates, the enactment of IRAs, Keoughs, and other
direct savings incentives, extremely high nominal and real interest rates, and declining
inflationary expectations, the personal saving rate during the last four years has averaged
considerably less than in earlier years. Thus, even after adjusting for other factors which
hold down savings, it does not appear that there has been any increase in savings as a
result of policy changes in recent years.
4. Profits also remain depressed despite the sharp increase during tbe last two years. Profits
as a share of GNP are still below the levels during much of the 1970s, although the quality
of earnings has improved. Furthermore, profits have weakened during the last several
quarters.
5. Despite the so called "investment boom" now underway, real net investment as a share of
GNP has only recently returned to the levels which existed in earlier periods. Investment
was extremely depressed in the early 1980s, so that the sharp increase in investment
spending in 1983 and 1984 simply returned us to previous levels. In addition, a relatively
large fraction of current investment is for short-lived assets, many of which do not add
significantly to capacity. Most significantly, there is no evidence that net investment
relative to GNP is now, or will be, any higher than it has been historically despite tax cuts
and recently enacted investment incentives.
t. The U.S. competitive position in world markets has deteriorated dramatically in recent
years, and is probably at its lowest point in the entire postwar period. This is certainly not
a favorable development for long-term growth.
7. The unevennesa of the recovery has also cast doubts on the new era hypothesis. Many
industries, regions, and economic sectors have hardly participated in the recovery at all,
indicating a high degree of imbalance and that the economy has not reached a fully
prosperous and healthy condition.
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So, for all of these reasons, the rosy extrapolations regarding future growth were
premature and dangerous to begin with — the fact that economic growth has moderated thus
comes as no surprise. What is highly disturbing, however, is the degree to which the pace of
economic expansion haft slowed. Growth over the year has not only lagged far behind the "New
Era" expectations, but it has even been considerably below the long-term average of the U.S.
economy, even though the recovery is far from complete. Why? In my view, in addition to the
fading out of the temporary growth stimulants mentioned earlier, the slowdown in economic
growth is also being caused by the enormous and growing Federal budget deficit which baa in
large part resulted from those massive tas cuts enacted in 1981.
How could the same factor actually help speed the recovery at one time and, at another,
act to slow it down? In 1983 and much of 1984, when private borrowing was relatively low,
when the Federal Reserve was relatively accommodative, and when a large fraction of the
Federal deficit actually reflected the low level of economic activity (i.e., was cyclical in
nature), large and growing deficits stimulated demand and thus helped propel the economy
forward. More recently, however, these underlying conditions have changed — private
borrowing has increased rapidly in tandem with the recovery thus far; the Federal Reserve is
not on average permitting the growth in money and credit to continue at the relatively high
rates experienced earlier in the recovery; and most importantly, the rising deficit now primarily
reflects a growing structural imbalance between revenues and expenditures rather than cyclical
factors. These growing deficits are keeping interest rates well above Historical levels, which is.
primarily responsible for the increase in net foreign demand for U.S. assets which has caused
the U.S. dollar to become so overvalued on foreign exchange markets. In effect, interest rates
and the U.S. dollar are too high to permit more rapid economic growth and are thue the two
principal factors preventing a. faster completion of the recovery process — in turn, both are
primarily caused by high and rising Federal budget deficits at a point in the recovery when they
should be falling sharply. Federal deficits have tUus become counterproductive for economic
growth — the direct stimulus of such deficits is now being outweighed by the adverse effects of
the excessively high interest and dollar exchange rate which they have caused.
Interest rates are especially high when measured relative to the inflation rate for goods
(which strongly influences capital spending and inventory decisions) and relative to wage growth
(which affects the demand for housing). These real interest rates have remained extremely
high, despite the highly accommodative monetary policy in recent years (especially during the
last several months), and despite the massive inflow of foreign capital from overseas and
cutbacks in foreign lending by U.S. banks, because ol the enormous amount of Treasury
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borrowing. This is compounded by the economy's increased sensitivity to high rates because
many of the most necessary and highest-return expenditures and investments were made earlier
in the recovery — in more and more cases, those now being considered are not economical at
current interest rates.
The situation with respect to the U.S. dollar is similar — although it has weakened some in
recent weeks, it remains at least 25 percent overvalued on a purchasing power parity basis. The
overly strong dollar exchange rate is now restraining economic activity in the United States in
several ways: (a) It has been a major factor behind the very sharp and widespread increases in
import penetration, which are causing enormous U.S. trade deficits despite falling oil imports.
Until now, most of the growth in imports has come from foreign-based corporations — however,
more U.S. companies are now beginning to shift production overseas, suggesting that substantial
increases in imports from foreign operations of U.S. baaed companies, and more sluggish U.S.
exports, are likely. Furthermore, import prices were not reduced when the dollar continued to
strengthen in late 1984 and early 1985 — profits earned in U.S. markets by foreign companies
just widened further. Thus, the recent decline in the dollar will probably not result in higher
prices for imported goods, and therefore is probably not sufficient to significantly improve the
competitive position of U.S. companies in world markets. Therefore, unless the dollar drops far
more sharply, the trade deficit will become even larger in the months ahead, (b) As evidenced
by recent earnings reports, the strong dollar is causing a profit squeeze by preventing most
industrial companies from raising prices; this in turn is reducing the growth in capital
spending, (c) Many companies are increasing their efforts to cut wages in order to at least
partially offset declining profits — this, combined with the direct job loss in the relatively high-
wage manufacturing sector, has caused a sharp deceleration in the growth in personal incomes,
and thus slower growth in consumer spending. Furthermore, the benefits of relatively low
inflation caused by the strong dollar are less than are commonly assumed, since they are largely
offset by the squeeze on profits and/or cutbacks in wages — this source of disinflation does not
stimulate economic activity to the same extent as does lower inflation caused by rising
productivity.
Several industries have already been devastated by the high interest rote/over valued dollar
combination. In fact, while the woes of the agricultural sector have been heavily publicized,
what has been less noticed is that the industrial sector, which accounts for about 30 percent of
total economic activity in the United States, has stagnated since mid-1984. Furthermore, the
squeeze is now beginning to spread. Even high-tech industries are experiencing a significant
loss of orders due to the direct and indirect effects of high interest rates and the overvalued
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dollar. And the service sector, which has thus far been relatively strong, will soon begin to be
adversely effected. This will be true both for numerous business services, as demand from
manufacturing companies falls, and for various household services, as tbe job and income loss
associated with declining manufacturing and other interest and exchange rate sensitive
industries increases. This will dispel the myth that the U.S. economy can continue to grow at
healthy rates when a sizeable fraction of it is not growing, or is actually declining — in fact,
exactly the opposite is the case.
So, whatever happened to the economic boom? Very simply, the small economic boomlet
that did take place has given way to a period of slow and erratic growth that is being directly
caused in part by the excessive tax cuts which were alleged to have produced the boom in the
first place. Furthermore, this pattern of subpar growth, or worse, none at all, is likely to
continue until the underlying fundamentals are reversed by much stronger action to reduce
future deficits than is even now being content plated. And, in view of the massive military
buildup underway and this country's strong commitment to a social safety-net and to various
entitlement programs, this will require reversing some of the excessive tax cuts enacted in 1981
in addition to the spending cuts that are likely to be implemented.
m. ECOHOMIC OUTLOOK
The outlook for the remainder of this year and into 1986 depends on the following factors;
1. IB there «n inventory overhang? The increased use of more sophisticated inventory
control techniques, tbe dramatic shift in the risk-reward ratio resulting from extremely high
real interest rates (high carrying costs relative to the potential appreciation of the prices of
goods being held in inventoried), and the uncertain sales and profits outlook, have resulted in a
significant downsizing in desired inventory-sales ratios in recent years. However, actual
inventories/sales ratios have gradually risen since early 1984, suggesting that some inventory
overhang no-n exists. While this will represent a drag on economic activity during the next
several months, it is not likely by itself to cause a recession because: (•) the magnitude of the
overhang is fairly modest, (b) it is concentrated in only a few sectors (especially in segments of
retailing and durable goods manufacturing), and (c) it will be partly offset by additional
rebuilding of auto inventories.
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t Will tbe trade deficit continue to wormen? The recent decline in the value of the U.S.
dollar on foreign exchange markets has raised hope* of an early turnaround in the U.S. trade
deficit. However, I believe such an expectation is premature — ray work suggests that the trade
deficit will widen considerably during the remainder of 1985 and early 1986 in response to the
strengthening of the dollar which occurred during 19S4 and early 1985. In addition, the trade
deficit during the months ahead will be aggravated by: (a) rising imports of autos in response to
the elimination of voluntary quotas on Japanese cars, (b} some increases in oil imports now that
refined product inventories have been reduced sharply, (c) continued relatively slow growth
outside the United States, and (d) the continuing shifting of production by many U.S. companies
to their foreign operations. Furthermore, the recent decline in the dollar has not yet
significantly affected the prices of most imported goods — its main affect thus far has been to
reduce the extremely high profit margins associated with sales of foreign products in U.S.
markets. Thus, a much larger decline in the dollar is necessary for any major turnaround in the
U.S. trade deficit even after the next several quarters.
3. I* tbe capital spending boom over? After surging earlier in the recovery, business
investment has lost considerable steam, reflecting the following: (a) The surge in capital
spending in 1983 and early 1984 came from an extremely low base, and thus in part was simply a
makeup for extremely depressed spending during the prior several years. fl>) The stimulative
effect on the desired level of capital stock of investment incentives enacted in 1981 has in large
part already been realized — therefore, they will not continue to contribute to the growth in
capital spending, (c) Capacity utilization is falling in many industries as a result of weak de-
mand and/or increased outsourcing, (d) The sharp decline in profits in the last several quarters
has dramatically slowed cash flow. The slowdown in capital spending is highly evident from the
recent pattern of nondefenae capital goods orders [which have been on a downward trend since
last summer), from recent plant and equipment surveys (which project little growth during the
course of 1985 despite a significant year-over-year gain), from recent cutbacks in plant
construction, and from signs that the commercial and office building construction boom of
recent year* is now beginning to taper off. It is thus clear that capital spending is not in a
position to lead an acceleration in economic activity in the period ahead — its outlook depends
heavily on the general economic and profits outlook.
•i. Will tax reload* stimulate coammer sponduig? Consumer spending has been one of the
bright spots in the economy in recent months. However, it appears that the underlying
fundamentals are only moderately favorable, so that some deceleration in growth is likely in the
period ahead. This reflects: (a) continued slow growth in real income, (b) the modest erosion in
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consumer confidence which has taken place over the last few months, (c) continued sharp
increases in household debt even after adjustments for the increased use of both credit cards
and of longer-term loans, (d) the decline in the saving rate (adjusted for tax refunds) in the last
lew months, and (a) some slippage in auto sales now that the adjustment for the GM strike in
late 1984 is over. These relatively negative factors will be partially offset by the rising value
of household assets and by the stimulative effects on spending for household durables of the
upward trend in both new and existing home sales now underway. On balance, consumer
spending should grow enough during the months ahead to keep the economy moving forward, but
not enough to trigger a major resurgence in economic growth.
The outlook for consumer spending will be relatively unaffected by the additional tax
refunds because it appears that most of the late refunds have already been, dispursed, and
because the delay in refunds has not held spending down significantly in recent months since the
short-term marginal propensity to consume is extremely low. Furthermore, the timing of tax
refund payments is only a temporary factor and cannot affect the underlying trend in consumer
spending.
5. Will the decline in interest r»te» stimulate the economy? The recent decline in
interest rate* has been triggered primarily by the slowdown in credit demands (especially from
the business sector) in response to sluggish economic growth and by the Fed's dramatic easing in
response to the lackluster economy. As of now, the impact of declining interest rates on the
economy has been very limited, primarily reflecting the long lags. Housing activity has trended
upward in recent months, despite a sharp decline in. aew starts in May, in direct response to
lower mortgage rates. However, the rise in housing will be fairly modest because of various
offsets to lower interest rates, especially the slowdown in income growth, the likelihood that
employment growth will slow sharply in the months ahead in response to sluggishness in the
economy during the last 12 months, and the weakness expected in multifamily construction in
view of the high vacancy rates for apartments and condominiums in much of the South and
Southwest. Furthermore, while consumer spending is benefiting to a limited extent from the
decline in interest rates, this is partly offset by lower interest income.
I expect that th* pickup in economic activity will likely cause some upward pressure on
interest rates later this year and in early 1986, reflecting the direct effects of rising credit
demands, and the likelihood that the Fed will pay increased attention to rapid growth in the
basic money supply once the economy accelerates. The increases in rates at that time will be
relatively modest because: (a) the magnitude of economic growth will he fairly moderate, (W
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even modest increases in interest rates will begin to slow economic growth again, and (c) at
least some reduction in Federal deficits will take place (although considerably less than has
recently been advertised).
The net impact of the factors discussed above for the outlook are as follows: (») I
continue to believe that a recession is likely to be avoided, although the next several mouths are
crucial. A sharp decline in consumer confidence or a sharper deterioration in the trade deficit
than now expected are the two major Dear-term risks, (fa) A rebound is not likely for several
months because of continued inventory cutbacks and additional increases in the trade deficit.
The economy will then begin to grow somewhat more rapidly, probably by the end of the third
quarter, in response to recent declines in interest rates and the completion of the iaventory
correction. The pickup in economic activity later this year and in early 1986 will be fairly
modest, however, because consumer spending Ls not likely to grow rapidly and because the trade
deficit will continue to worsen, (c) For the remainder of 1986, the economy is likely to continue
to grow at only a modest rate, reflecting a rebound in interest rates that is likely later this year
or in 1986, and the effects of deficit reduction, which is likely to depress economic activity
soon;what in the short term (although it is very favorable for the long term). If the dollar
continue* to decline sharply in the months ahead, economic growth will he stronger than I now
expect during 1986. Thus, the risks for 1986 are more evenly balanced.
My most likely forecast for overall economic activity and some key economic indicators
can be seen in the following chart and table.
IV. OUTLOOK FOR INFLATION A.SD TJHEUPLOYUENT
In my view, the outlook for inflation remains highly favorable for at least the next few
years. This reflects a number of factors; (a) the downtrend in energy prices now under way is
likely to continue, reflecting substantial excess capacity in both the oil and natural gas
industries; (b) food supplies remain extremely large so that any sharp acceleration in food prices
during the next year or two is highly unlikely) (c) despite smaller productivity increases, cost-
push inflation remains very Low in view of the continued deceleration in rate of wage increases,
especially in the manufacturing sector. Furthermore, while the growth in productivity has
slowed, it does appear that there has been some improvement in the underlying trend growth in
productivity relative to the 1970s; (d) capacity utilization remains relatively low in much of the
economy, with no significant upward pressure likely in the foreseeable future. This is also true
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PERCENT CHANGE-ANNUAL RATE
i
I
o CJ1 Ul
iJ-L.
17)
33
Oi tn n oo
OS
CD
O
O
O
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FORECAST SUMMARY TABLE
(I CHANGE)
1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987
REAL GHP -1.9 3.3 6.8 2.6 2.2 3.5
INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION -8.1 6.5 10.7 1.6 1.4 4.0
REAL CONSUMPTION 1.4 4.2 5.3 3.9 2.8 3.5
REAL FIXED INVESTMENT -4.7 1.5 18.0 6.2 3.9 4.1
CPI 6,2 3.2 4.3 3.8 4.3 4.5
GNP DEFLATOR 6.0 4.2 3.8 3.9 4.3 4.7
PRE-TAX PROFITS -23.2 18.6 16.0 -1.6 0.0 9.6
UNEMPLOYMENT RATE (I) 9.6 9.4 7.4 7.2 7.6 7.1
PRIME RATE (Z) 14.9 10.8 12,0 9.8 9.9 10.4
AUTO SALES (MILLIONS) 8.0 9.2 10.4 10.7 10.3 11.0
HOUSING STARTS (MILLIONS) 1.06 1.70 1.77 1.76 1.62 1.69
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on a worldwide basis for most industries. Thus, it is unlikely that the kind of shortages and
bottlenecks that are usually necessary to produce a major acceleration in overall inflation will
occur during the next several years; (e) the economy remains extremely competitive, in part
because of deregulation in many industries, in part because of the overvalued dollar, and in part
because of large excess capacity. This high degree of competitiveness not only will limit any
acceleration in inflation, but is encouraging more and more companies to intensify cost control
efforts, which will also have a favorable effect on future inflation rates.
Some increase in the inflation rate is likely, however, if the recent downward trend in the
U.S. dollar continues. This will not only eventually cause some increase in import prices, but
many competing domestic prices will rise as well, as will various commodity prices. In. «vy
judgment, the impact on overall U.S. inflation will be relatively modest, however, so that even
with a sharp decline, the overall inflation rate is not likely to substantially exceed 5% during
the next several years. Furthermore, some acceleration is actually welcome under these
conditions, since it will enable many U.S. industries which are now suffering a severe profit
squeeze to experience some recovery.
With respect to unemployment, even my standard forecast, which includes a modest
acceleration in economic activity later this year, implies that unemployment will riae by at
least half a percentage point. If, of course, the economy remains stagnant or if a recession
were to develop during this period, the rise in unemployment would even be sharper, probably
bringing the overall unemployment rate to at least 8-l/Z% by early 1986. In my view, any
increase in unemployment during the period ahead would be a matter of great concern since
unemployment is already too high because we have not had a complete recovery from the long
period of economic stagnation in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
V. IMPACT OF THE FEDERAL DEFICIT
As I discussed earlier, the large and growing Federal budget deficit has now become
counterproductive for economic growth. Furthermore, the outlook for the deficit is still
extremely poor — the Federal deficit will continue to rise sharply in the years ahead in the
absence of new spending cuts and/or tax increases. If this pattern were to occur, the pattern of
slow and erratic economic growth that we have already experienced during the last year will
continue, at best. Investment in particular will remain well below its potential level and, in
fact, could drop sharply if foreigners decide to supply less funds to U.S. capital markets. Such a
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change in the willingness of foreigners to hold dollar assets would probably offset the more
accommodative Federal Reserve stance and cause upward pressure on U.S. interest rates
leading not only to a decline in investment, but to weakness in other interest-sensitive
industries as well. In effect, in the absence of significant reductions in future deficits, it will
be virtually impossible for lower interest rates and a significant decline in the dollar to occur
simultaneously (unless, of course, we experience a severe recession). But to sustain strong
economic growth, it is necessary for both interest rates and the U.S. dollar to be significantly
lower than current levels. Furthermore, any effort on the part of the Federal Reserve to offset
the adverse effects on interest rates of growing Federal budget deficits on a long-term basis is
likely to be counterproductive because it would require extremely rapid growth in money and
credit on a sustained basis which in the long term will lead to a major acceleration of inflation,
upward pressure on interest rates, and probably an even weaker economic environment.
In sum, the long-term consequences of Federal budget deficits would be as follows: (•)
keep real interest rates add/or the U.S. dollar relatively nigh, (b) require larger and larger
future tax increases just to service the rapidly growing Federal debt, (c) to the extent that
foreigners hold an increasing share of that debt, interest payments will leak outside the United
States, squeezing U.S. living standards. The net effect would he relatively slow growth and
stagnant or declining living standards. Therefore, by far the most urgent policy priority in the
United State* is to adopt measures which would reverse the upward trend in deficits so that
they are placed on a significant downward trend during the years ahead. In my judgment, this
will require not only aotne significant cuts in all areas of spending, but it will also require some
modest tax increases. The tax cuts that were enacted in 1981 were too large because of this
country's continued commitment to a safety net, because of the current military buildup
underway, and because of the difficulties of significantly reducing entitlement programs in the
short ma. Wtul* some ol those tax cuts have already been reversed, additional revenue
recoveries will be necessary. However, the net effect of spending cuts and tax increases which
reduce future deficits will be positive in the long run because the loss of fiscal stimulus will be
more than offset by the favorable effects of lower interest rates and a lower dollar.
Furthermore, there will still be ample fiscal stimulus to promote a healthy and balanced
economic recovery
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VL IMPLICATIONS FOR MONETARY POLICY
I give the Federal Reserve high marks lor its conduct of monetary policy in recent months,
particularly since it has become more accommodative despite the rapid growth in the basic
money supply. It is important that a relatively accommodative monetary policy be continued
for the following reasons! (a) The relatively strong growth in Ml in recent months should not
be cause for alarm. This reflects the fact that the relationship between money growth and
economic activity, which has never been very precise, has been distorted even further by the
surge in import penetration in the United States. In effect, the money and credit needed to
purchase imported goods are essentially the same as that needed to purchase domestic goods, so
that the growth in GNP will lag behind money growth when imports are rising rapidly. This is
precisely the situation that has occurred over the last year. Furthermore, financial market
deregulation in recent years has made Mia less reliable measure of spendable cash. The growth
in other monetary aggregates have been much more moderate in recent months and are probably
more meaningful guides to the availability of money and credit in the current environment, (b)
As discussed earlier, the inflation outlook is extremely favorable, tc) Despite the decline in
nominal rates in recent months, real rates still remain relatively high. It appears that lower
rates will be necessary to stimulate an acceleration in economic growth, (d) Without a looser
monetary policy, it is unlikely that the dollar will continue to declinein an orderly way in the
months ahead. A lower dollar is essential to improve the competitive position of U.S.
companies in world markets, although a dollar collapse prior to deficit reduction is very risky,
(e) Stronger economic growth will be necessary to prevent the LDC debt crisis from flaring up
in the months ahead.
Perhaps the biggest concern is that while a highly accommodative monetary posture is
warranted now, it cannot be sustained on a long-term basis. However, large and growing
Federal budget deficits, the net debtor status of the United States, and the international debt
situation, are pushing the Fed into a comer by narrowing its option to become less
accommodative if other factors so warrant. In my judgment, significant deficit reductions
would overcome this problem by directly exerting significant downward pressure on interest
rates — under these conditions, interest rates can be considerably lower, and the world
economic situation considerably healthier, even with a more neutral monetary policy.
As indicated in the attachments, the majority of the members of the Monetary Policy
Forum also highly support the view that the Fed should continue its accommodative stance in
the months ahead because of their concern about the economic outlook. Furthermore, Forum
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members are unanimous in their view regarding the need to substantially reduce Federal budget
deficits.
VIL WTERHATIONAL FACTORS
A. Vulnerability of High Debt ConntriCB to World Economic Condition
It IB clear that significant downward risks exist regarding the foreign debt situation. The
base case scenario of modest U.S. economic growth, a pickup in economic growth in other
industrialized countries (especially Europe), and continued low interest rates suggests that the
debt crisis is manageable. If, however, interest rates should back up, or if the U.S. sinks into
recession and/or Europe remains stagnant, it will be very difficult for many of these debtor
countries to service their debts without significant further austerity measures in view of the
difficulties they are likely to encounter in receiving more credits from outside financial
institutions. A continued loose monetary policy in the United States, coupled with less fiscal
stimulus, is the best macroeconomic policy approach for reducing the risk of a worsening of the
LDC debt situation.
B. Exchange Rate*
ID my judgement, the overvalued dollar has become an impediment to economic growth not
only in the United States, but in European countries as well . This reflects the fact that many
of these countries have adopted relatively restrictive monetary and fiscal policies in recent
years in order to prevent their currencies from weakening even further. Restrictive policies
have kept domestic demand in those countries relatively weak, so that overall economic growth
in Europe has been relatively slow, even with the sharp increase in their exports to the United
States. In my view, therefore, a shift in the policy mix in the United States, resulting in lower
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interest rated, would also result in speedier economic growth on a worldwide basis because it
would give other countries more freedom to adopt more stimulative policies.
C. Het Debtor Stattv
The net better status of the U.S. economy represents another illustration of the fact that
the current economic situation is unsustainable. The more that our debt* oveneas grow, the
less likely that foreigners will continue to be willing to hold U.S. dollar assets. When that day
comes, it will likely produce a. sharp decline ia the U.S. dollar on foreign exchange markets —
while this would be welcome in order to improve our trade situation, it will have adverse effects
on credit availability if the Federal budget deficit has not been reduced significantly. In my
judgment, under these conditions, the Fed should provide whatever offset is necessary to
prevent the resulting upward pressure on U.S. interest rates — this may be very difficult,
however, if the resulting decline in the dollar becomes disorderly. The Fed may have to permit
higher interest ratres to encoiirage foreign holders to keep holding their dollar assets, but the
rise in interest rates would probably further slow economic Activity in the United States.
Furthermore, the more of a debtor nation we become, the larger the ultimate decline in the
dollar will have to be in order to produce a trade surplus to enable us to service the foreign
debt. This might be highly inflationary for the US. economy on a long-term basis. Again, a
strong shift in the U.S. policy mi* is the best way to reduce our reliance on foreign capital and
thus prevent our overseas debt* from growing to unacceptable levels.
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Monetary Policy Forum
6935 Laurel Avenue, Takoma Park. Maryland 20912 (2O2) 822-0487
Pteuc Hill Conapondenu to:
P.O Bo< 5417
Tafcoma Park. Maryland
2O912-O417
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Lawrence Chimerlne
(215) 667-6000
FORUM SAYS EASING OF MONETARY POLICY SHOULD CONTINUE
WASHINGTON, D.C., June 29 — Despite the second quarter "flash"
GNP estimate of rising economic growth, to a moderate annual rate of
3.1 percent, the Federal Reserve Board should continue monetary ease,
according to the Monetary Policy Forum, a group of business, financial,
In the June survey of the Monetary Policy Forun, a majority of
the group's 28 members said that the Fed should continue to provide
sufficient funds to enable the Industrial sector to recover from its
"The economy is continuing to show a great deal of weakness with
the industrial sector declining moderately," said Larry Chimerine,
President of the Monetary Policy Forum, and Chairman and Chief
Economist, Chase Econometrics. "Continued accommodation is also
Justified by the fact that the rElattonship between money supply and
GKP growth are being distorted by rising import penetration and the
fact that broad measures of money supply has not Increased appreciably
and the narrow money supply actually dropped sharply In the last week,
of June," Chimerinp said.
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"The Federal Reserve Board faces a major dilemma as it approaches Its
critical raid-year meeting — how to cushlng the decline of U.S. manufacturing
in the face of increasing Ml growth and the recent evidence that the overall
economy seems to be rebounding. If it takes seriously Its Ml growth targets,
no further easing or tightening of monetary policy may be called for. That,
however, would strengthen the dollar and punish U.S. manufacturing even more.
If the Fed moves to sustain growth in the 3 to 4 percent range then it will
have Co abandon Ml growth as a target," said Allen Sinai, Managing Director
and Chief Economist, Shearson Lehman Brothers.
The June survey found a growing concern about apparent inaction on efforts
in the Congress to reduce the federal deficit. Said Edgar Fiedler, Vice
President and Economic Counsellor, The Conference Board, "The news on the
budget reduction Is discouraging. Once again we are seeing, as George Schultz
observed many years ago, that the budget is a battle of the parts versus the
whole and the parts always win."
The members of the MPF were pessimistic about chances of reaching the $56
billion proposed budget reduction. The majority said that the size of the
actual deficit cut will be substantially lower, In the $30 to $40 billion range.
The most disturbing development has been the new record deficit in May
reaching $42 billion. This is the first time in forty years that the federal
government spent more than twice as much as it received.
"The budget deficit problem has not been resolved. As a matter of fact
it may become more ominous assuming that the expected reduction package is smaller
than expected and that the tax legislation turns out to be a major tax reduction
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hill," said Leonard Sanr.ou, Managing Director, Griggs & Santow. This would
result in a significant revenue reduction adding to Che already unbearably high
deficit.
The consensus of the group Has that interest rates will bottom out In
the current June-July period, but will not return to the mid-1984 levels in the
next three years.
The group was about evenly split between those who felt that the U. S.
economy wfll be in a recession next year and those who said that it will muddle
through 1986 without H major recession. The major problem is the dollar and its
Impact on demand in the U. S. industrial sector and the need for a realignment
of the world's currencies.
Said Robert Barbera, Chief Economist, E. F. Hutton, "I still think the
dollar is the real problem."
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MONETARY POLICY FORUM MONTHLY TELEPHONE SURVEY June 20, 1985
Assuming the tax reform bill is passed this year, will it be
Re Neutral
b. A small revenue reduction
c. A large revenue reduction
d. A small revenue increase
e- A large revenue increase 0
Both houses have passed a $56 billion expenditure reduction package,
but with conflicting components. Assuming that some legislation is
agreed upon by the joint conference, what will be the estimated size
of the expenditure reduction?
a. 510-520 billion 3%
b. 520-530 billion 12%
c. £30-540 billion 53%
d. $40-$50 billion ~ 2Vf,
e. $50-560 billion 3%
What month in 1985 are we likely to see the lowest short and long-
121
What month in 1985 will the prime loan rate and the 30-year Treasury
bond rate be at their lowest levels?
Anytime in the next three years will short and long term rates return
to their mid-1984 levels of 131 for the prime and 14% for long term
Treasury bonds?
Yes 10%
The Fed has not paid a great deal of attention to M 1 so far in 1985.
Is this due to problems with respect to the accuracy or the quality
of the statistics or is there a more basic move toward downgrading
the importance of H 1?
Accuracy or the quality
Basic move toward downgrading
Neither
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If you were to characterize fed policy at the present time in terms
of accommodation with 10 being the most accommodative and 1 being the
least accommodative, vhat figure would you use?
Average - 7-2
Will the recent easing of fed policy be sufflclen bring about
economic growth in the 2nd half of 1985 that will L. greater than
In the 1st half of the year?
Yes 70%
No 301
commie Indices are flashing a possible recession. Do you think
ession ulll take place In 1985 or 1986?
Yes UOZ
No 601
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Chairman FAUNTROY. I want to thank you, for a sobering analy-
sis of where we are, and your frank assessment of what we ought
to be doing to handle the deficit in particular. We now move to Dr.
Sumichrast.
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL SUMICHRAST, CHIEF ECONOMIST,
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF HOME BUILDERS, AND VICE
PRESIDENT/SECRETARY-TREASURER, MONETARY POLICY
FORUM
Mr. SUMICHRAST. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I will try to limit my remarks to housing. I have prepared a
short summary of my statement and I would like this to be includ-
ed.
Mr. BARNARD [presiding]. Without objection, the entire testimony
will be entered into the record, Doctor.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. I also would like to submit a short statement
on housing which is appropriate at this time and I will sum it up
in about 5 minutes.
First, let me say that there is very little I can add to what Allan
and Chimerine have already said. I think we are in a growth reces-
sion. I think inflation is not an issue. The unemployment rate, in
my opinion, is going to increase. We need lower interest rates. The
Federal deficit is the major problem. We have seen a total realign-
ment of interest rates among other industrialized nations and now
only two countries, Switzerland and Japan, have lower interest
rates than we have. It creates problems for us in terms of paying
for the deficit with the supply of money coming from overseas.
I think the Ml is largely irrelevant in the current situation and I
would urge that we look at the broader aggregate of GNP growth,
unemployment, and interest rates other than try to run the size of
the economy of the United States by simply looking at a narrow
target as we used to do.
Let me briefly say something about housing because I think it is
important to understand what's happening to housing and con-
struction in general. First of all, the numbers are rather mislead-
ing; starts are fairly strong but you have a very uneven kind of re-
covery. You have some dozen States already down some 30 to 60
percent from last year. In particularly the oil, energy, and agricul-
tural States are showing a very serious decline in the production of
housing. You have Texas, minus 40 percent; you have Oklahoma,
already down 60 percent; Wyoming, minus 55 percent; Alaska,
minus 45 percent; West Virginia, minus 43 percent; Montana,
minus 40 percent; and Colorado, New Mexico, North Dakota, all
down more than one-third from a year ago.
The southern region is doing very poorly and as long as that con-
tinues, you cannot have a strong housing market either in 1985 or
1986. There is no way in the world you could have that. The south-
ern region accounts for one-half of total housing production. What
is holding housing up is the two things. One is the explosion in the
use of tax-exempt revenue bonds; everybody is trying to use these
before the tax rules are changed next year and there has been a
tremendous activity in that area. Second, northeast region is doing
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very well but it is a small part of the total production, roughly ac-
counting for only, what, about 14 or 15 percent.
What s really happening in housing cannot be seen in the num-
bers coming out of either the Department of Commerce or some
other type of activity. For one thing we have seen a decline in
mortgage rates of 20 percent and yet housing is down 7 percent
from a year ago. A 20-percent decline in the mortgage rate did not
stimulate housing. Sales are marginal; the sales of existing homes
are 1 million units below the previous peak. In the previous peak,
we sold 4 million units and you are barely scratching 3 million
units now. Second, you have a deflation in the prices of homes. I
mean, when you really look at prices over the last 5 years, even at
either average or medium price of a home without actual sales
numbers, you could see that the existing home market prices are
only about one-half as high as inflation rates. Prices of new homes
are somewhat better but still below the inflation rate. As a result
of it, we have seen a 20-percent jump in the foreclosure rate from a
year ago.
The other increases in rates are also there. You have a very seri-
ous problem surfacing in the private insurance companies, which
insure 10 to 15 percent of mortgages. They are losing—140 percent
is the cost against the premium of 100 percent. Obviously, this
cannot continue. It is affecting Fannie Mae; it is affecting Freddie
Mac portfolios, and obviously it's affecting all the savings and
loans. On the side of savings and loans, very curious things devel-
oped. In the first 5 months of 1985 the savings and loans have not
received any new funds or practically none. A year ago the net
inflow was nearly $30 billion and now they are ending up with
practically no new money.
Well, what is happening? One problem is, of course, the Mary-
land-Ohio situation and I would like to also add, if I may, Mr.
Chairman, a short one-page statement on the Maryland situation
because it is pertinent to the total discussion I make.
Mr. BARNARD. Without objection, it will be included in the text.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. What is also happening is that the savings and
loans started to be hit pretty hard by the Federal Home Loan Bank
Board regulations against the high flyers; against the very expen-
sive money and so forth. And as a result of it they were unable to
attract money. In the first quarter of this year, the share of the
savings and loan industry dropped below 20 percent. Typically, sav-
ings and loans always supplied one-half of mortgage funds. Now,
they are down to 19.8 percent; something which has never hap-
pened, ever, in the history of the United States. So we do not have
that part of support for housing. Then the rental vacancies are way
up. We have a record number of rental vacancies in the south, 9.3
percent. In an area like Houston, the vacancies are in the high
teens or 20 percent.
We have a very serious situation with inventory levels. We do
not really know how many houses we have standing out there with
a for sale sign but realtors are telling us that there are roughly
about 3 million—we have about another 360,000 new homes and
probably another 200,000 condos unsold, so when you tally it all up
we have somewhere around 3 ¥2 million unsold homes. Now, that
number would not be so bad if the sales would be as high as they
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used to be in the previous recoveries. But the sales are 1 million
below where they were before. So we have a serious situation in
unsold inventory and that is not going to change; I don't see that.
On the side of nonresidential construction, we are seeing over-
building, an oversupply, of office buildings which boggles your
mind, simply. It is all over; anywhere you go, you can see that.
Commercial buildings are also overbuilt in most parts of the coun-
try. You cannot have an explosion in these two areas continuing
into 1986.
For that reason, when you sum it all up, I do not see any
strengths in the overall construction activity for 1986 and I see
very little of it in 1985. We are going to be sort of plugging along at
the current high rates because of the tax-exempt revenue bonds.
But we have some major and serious problems confronting us in
1986. What we have to do—as Larry mentioned—is do something
about the deficit. That is our first priority as an association. We
have done nothing other than try to convince the Congress and the
public that this is a very serious problem. Second, interest rates
are still way too high. We cannot sell houses with a 13- or 12-per-
cent mortgage rate. At the 13-percent rate we can qualify only 15
percent of families; 15 percent of all families can qualify for 13-per-
cent mortgages. And, finally, I am convinced now that we need to
do something more on the budget side and possibly a tax increase
is the only way we can go in the future.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Sumichrast on behalf of the Na-
tional Association of Home Builders follows:]
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STATEMENT
BY
DR. MICHAEL SUMICHRAST
CHIEF ECONOMIST
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF HOME BUILDERS
and
VICE PRESIDENT/SECRETARY-TREASURER
MONETARY POLICY FORUM
before the
SUBCOMMITTEE ON DOMESTIC MONETARY POLICY
COMMITTEE ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
on
SEMI-ANNUAL REVIEW OF THE CONDUCT OF MONETARY POLICY
BY THE FEDERAL RESERVE
JULY 18, 1985
Mr. Chairman, thank you for Inviting me to this important hearing on the
semi-annual review of the conduct of monetary policy by the Federal Reserve
Board, I represent the National Association of Home Builders, a trade associ-
tion of over 135,000 members. I also represent the Monetary Policy Forum as
Vice President/Secretary-Treasurer. This organization Is dedicated to improve-
ment of the monetary policy of the United States. Attached is a recent MPF
press release which includes a list of MPF members.
Here, in summary, are my responses to your questions:
In my opinion, we are currently at the border of a "growth recession."
Clearly, we are In a recession in the industrial sector-
Inflation is not an issue. With worldwide commodity prices remaining
flat, or declining, and our producer prices down 0.4 percent In the past 12
months, what's holding up the Consumer Price Index, for the most part, is
services. But even so, the CPI Is only 3.7 percent higher than It was a year
ago—hardly a reason for alarm.
The unemployment rate Is going to increase. We expect the unemployment
rate to reach 8 percent in the first quarter of 1986 and then go to 8.3 per-
cent during the last quarter of 1986.
What this tells us Is that the Federal Reserve Board should continue its
accommodative monetary policy and provide sufficient funds for our economy.
Interest rates are still too high. We should make sure that we see a further
decline in Interest rates.
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The deficit issue caused the Federal Reserve Board to keep interest rates
high and the exchange value of the dollar is far higher than would be the case
under a more restrained fiscal policy. The deficit, If not corrected, will
eventually push us into an intolerable situation—with totally unacceptable
alternatives such as: a sharp reduction in government expenditures, a sharp
increase in interest rates and, thus, a deep recession; or the scenario could
involve the printing of more money with a renewed high level of inflation
(which would go far beyond anything we have seen before). The final outcome
of this scenario is not fully predictable. However, there is sufficient prece-
dence in the history of other nations which gives us a glimpse of the potential
outcome.
The fact that foreign money is financing a large part of our deficit makes
it rather difficult for the central bank to continue a policy of aggressive
ease. A sharp decline in interest rates will affect the desire of foreigners
to invest in the U.S. However, it is also clear that, until recently, U.S.
Interest rates have been quite high compared to most other industrial nations.
Even today, the prime rate in both West Germany and Switzerland is 7.50 percent,
while Japan's prime stands at 5.50 percent.
There has been a wide realignment of interest rates among the other indus-
trialized nations in Europe and today most are higher than ours. This is due,
in part, to the extentlon of the monetarist doctrine (largely abandoned by the
U.S»)t but still practiced to some degree in Europe. Simply put: fix money
growth in a non-inflationary range, balance the budget and disregard unemploy-
ment and economic growth. For many years, Europeans have been waiting for
their economies to recover and unemployment to decline. It didn't happen.
The unemployment rate in Holland remained over 17 percent; in the United King-
dom it's at 12.5 percent and in West Germany it is over 9 percent—unheard of
rates just a few years ago.
Let me make a few succinct observations:
* U.S. monetary policies should be guided away from mechanical monetarism.
The Ml is largely irrelevant in today's world. As you can see from the attached
Table 1, the current Ml is quite different than it used to be, particularly the
Inclusion of "other checkable deposits," which is becoming the dominant compo-
nent: of Ml compared to currency. By the end of the year, according to some
predictions, this may be the largest component.
* The contention that the current Ml growth is suggesting the beginning
of much faster economic growth cannot be confirmed by the data. Since deregula-
tion, historical data offers no help. More fundamentally, the reasoning for the
Ml targeting was never very convincing. Now it is even less so. It is suggested
that this money is "transaction money," which is used to buy goods and services.
However, its use has been quite volatile, as many of the Innovations in the
transfer of money within the financial system clearly demonstrates. This
point has been well proven In the velocity numbers (see Chart 1).
What I am suggesting Is that we cannot look the other way and hope that the
transfixion with money supply is our salvation. As Professor James Tobin said:
"History, since 1979, has not been kind to the monetarist prescription of stable
policies blind to actual events and new information."
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In the final analysis, what really matters is production and employment:, as
wel] as the level of prices. In this it is more important to pay attention to
credit conditions and interest rates than some arbitrary set of numbers defined
as Ml.
* The net debtor status of the U.S. is a direct result of the strong
dollar. That, in turn, is the residual of four years of record high interest
rates in the U.S. In the long run, we must clear our books on the inter-
national balance sheet. If this status should continue, our living standard,
and employment and investment in our industries will suffer.
The more obvious and generally understood Impact is on employment. Less
obvious is the long term impact on monetary policies. While the dollar remains
strong this problem Is not too apparent. But let us assume that eventually the
dollar weakens, or becomes more volatile. Then our currency will be considerably
more vulnerable than it Is now. The central bank may get Into a position of
having to direct monetary policy to pratect the dollar, thereby paying less
attention to domestic developments. The potential danger of such a scenario
Is not well understood.
Housing activity continued strong through the first 6 months of 1985- This
ia due to declining Interest rates and a heavy issuance of tax exempt mortgage
revenue bonds (see Table 2).
However, housing activity differs appreciably from region to region. Com-
pared to one year ago, housing is booming In the Northeast and dying in some of
the Western and Southern states. Hardest hit are the energy-dependent states as
well as the Midwest states where the economy depends on agriculture. The best
growth states are those where the economic base changed in response to the
changing economic climate (see Table 3).
Among the top 10 gainers, 5 are in the Northeast, 2 each in the Midwest
and South, and 1 in the West. Among the top 10 losers so far, 5 are In the
South, 4 in tVte West and 1 in the Midwest.
Mr. Chairman, again I thank you for inviting me here today to share oy
thoughts vilth you and the Committee.
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TABLE 1
OTHER CHECKABLE DEPOSITS AS A PERCENT OF MONEY SUPPLY MEASURES
APRIL 1960-APRIL 1985
(in billions of dollars at seasonal rates)
Other Total Checkable Deposits
Checkable Money as a Percent of
Aprjj. Deposits*. Ml Supply (L) Ml _L
1960 S 0 $140.6 $ 392.3 0.0% 0.0%
1965 0.1 163.7 553.5 0.1 *
1970 0.2 209.3 774.1 0.1 *
1975 0.6 279.4 1,278.6 0.1 *
1976 1.4 297.6 1,420.3 0.5 0.1
1977 3.1 319.9 1,579.5 1.0 0.2
1978 4.7 344.3 1,776.9 1.4 0.3
1979 12.5 371.7 1,994.6 3.4 0.6
1980 17.5 387.1 2,191.8 4.5 0.8
1981 63.4 429.7 2,420.3 14.7 2.6
1982 85.3 449.3 2,710.3 19.0 3.1
1983 114.7 497.9 2,980.0 23.0 3.8
1984 136.1 539.2 3,292.3 25.2 4.1
1985 155.3 574.9 3,626.3 27.0 4.3
1 Consists of Negotiable Order of Withdrawal and Automatic
Transfer Service accounts at depository institutions,
Credit Union Share Draft accounts and Demand Deposits at
thrift institutions.
* less than one-tenth of 1 percent
Source: Federal Reserve Board; compilation by NAHB Econom-
ics Division.
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Table 2
Sale of Long-Term Municipal Bonds for Housing, 1976-1985
(in millions of dollars)
Mortgage Revenue Bonds
Total Veterans' State Local
Housing Housing Multi- Single Multi- Single
Period Bonds G.O. Bonds family Family family Family
1976 S 2,744 S 620 $1,420 S 680 S 21 $ -
1977 4,398 584 2,633 959 241 -
1978 6,946 1,155 1,748 2,792 735 619
1979 12,072 1,590 1,929 3,333 729 4,491
1980 14,048 1,332 1,379 4,974 839 5,524
1981 4,834 870 711 1,662 405 1,186
1982 14,626 480 2,784 5,493 2,360 3,509
1983 15,350 675 1,269 7,506 2,418 3,482
1984 20,348 2,211 1,387 9,269 3,072 4,340
1983
Q I S 2,831 S 50 S 452 S 651 $1,031 S 647
Q II 3,453 300 183 1,429 878 663
QIII 4,488 150 180 3,013 219 926
Q IV 4,578 175 454 2,413 290 1,246
1984
Q I 1,822 365 197 0 469 322
Q n 2,126 415 459 427 458 367
QIII 9,928 568 301 5,932 829 2,298
Q IV 6,872 863 430 2,910 1,316 1,353
1985
Q I S 4,259 S 582 $ 917 $1,787 S 972
1984
Jan 384 85 30 0 129 140
Feb 587 280 40 0 171 96
Mar 382 0 127 0 169 86
Apr 743 165 151 30 201 196
May 656 250 36 104 129 137
Jun 727 0 272 293 128 34
Jul 3,671 175 180 2,813 168 335
Aug 3,597 131 28 2,087 287 1,064
Sep 2,660 262 93 1,032 374 899
Oct 2,302 250 103 1,074 356 519
Nov 2,374 0 145 1,164 641 424
Dec 2,196 613 182 672 319 410
1985
Jan 769 0 211 65 492 0
Feb 1,053 0 186 0 640 227
Mar 2,437 0 185 852 655 745
Apr 1,576 0 126 730 365 355
May 1,751 0 250 581 489 431
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TABLE 3
CHANGE IN NUMBER OF BUILDING PERMITS ISSUED
(1st 5 months of 1984 vs. 1985}
Biggest Winners Biggesj Losers
New Jersey 7,014 Texas -36,023
California 5,918 Oklahoma -6,603
New York 5,682 Colorado -5,847
North Carolina 5,183 Louisiana -5,129
Massachusetts 5,082 Florida -3,765
Pennsylvania 4,221 Arizona -2,610
Michigan 3,447 New Mexico -2,119
New Hampshire 3,225 Alaska -1,311
Maryland 2,973 Minnesota -1,299
IlHnois 1,182 Mississippi -1,128
PERCENT CHANGE IN BUILDING PERMITS ISSUED
(1st 5 months of 1984 vs. 1985)
Biggest Winners Biggest Losers
New Hampshire 93.0% Oklahoma -57.5%
Kansas 80.1 Wyoming -53.8
District of Columbia 77.0 Alaska -44.6
New Jersey 51.0 West Virginia -42.8
Massachusetts 46.9 Montana -39.9
New York 35.1 Louisiana -37.2
Michigan 35.0 Texas -36.0
Hawaii 33.2 North Dakota -31.0
Pennsylvania 30.6 Colorado -39.0
Oregon 25.7 New Mexico -28.8
Source: Bureau of the Census; compilation by NAHB Economics Division
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M-l Velocity
Year Over Year Percent Change
-4
-6
1970 1372 1974 1976 1976 1980 1982 1984 1986
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Mr. BERNARD. Thank you, Doctor. We will now hear from Dr.
Norman Robertson, Jr., chief economist for the Mellon Bank. Dr.
Robertson.
STATEMENT OF NORMAN ROBERTSON, SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT
AND CHIEF ECONOMIST, MELLON BANK, PITTSBURGH, PA
Mr. ROBERTSON. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
As the last witness, I am afraid that much of what I am about to
say has been heard exactly four times before. Let me summarize
my view of the economic situation.
I do not see any significant improvement in our economic per-
formance for the balance of this year or even in 1986. I doubt very
much that the drop in interest rates is going to inject new energy
into this aging cyclical expansion. And as the other speakers have
mentioned, the expansion is very lopsided with the service sector
and the construction sector seemingly generating most of the
growth in economic activity.
But I think we have to recognize that further gains in these area
are going to be very hard to achieve given what has been done
since 1982. So, even though I do not see a full-fledged recession
either this year or next year, my own feeling is that the rate of
economic growth is going to hover around 2 percent which, of
course, is not going to reduce the unemployment rate which could,
in 1986, begin to move upward again, possibly to around IVz per-
cent. So, what I would argue is that this growth recession is likely
to persist well into 1986.
From a policy standpoint, of course, the crucial question now is
whether the Federal Reserve should try to reenergize or reinvigo-
rate an expansion which has dissipated much of its energy. Those
who argue in favor of a much more stimulative policy by the Fed,
rightly point to the dangers that a slowing U.S. economy would
pose for the world economy and there is not any doubt that the
growth of world trade and the health of the international financial
system are contingent on what happens to the United States.
Having said that, I think there is a risk that if we adopt a sig-
nificantly more aggressive monetary policy designed to keep the
economy going, it could prove counterproductive since it could lead
to more inflation which in turn could set the stage for a full-
fledged recession. Now, I agree that the risks of a more expansion-
ist monetary policy right now seem very small especially since
there is low inflation today. Commodity prices are falling; energy
prices are declining. We have low to moderate wage increases; we
have a signficant margin of idle capacity. I do not deny any of that.
In fact, I think that inflation over the coming year should hold at
around 4 percent.
But having said that, I do not think we should be complacent
about the outlook for inflation. Of some significance, the dollar is
now declining and while, of course, that may ultimately help ex-
porters and import competing industries, the shorter run effects
could well be higher prices in this country.
Most of the studies that have been done would seem to suggest
that a 10-percent drop in the value of the dollar will raise the infla-
tion rate by roughly IVa percent over a subsequent 3-year period,
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So if we assume for the sake of argument that the dollar falls 20
percent this year, and it has dropped 15 percent already, we could
be looking at an inflation rate of something close to 7 percent in,
say, 2 or 3 years time. And, since the inflationary process generally
tends to feed on itself, I do not think anyone can say how high the
inflation rate might ultimately rise.
The other concern, I suppose, is that a weakening dollar could be
accompanied by a diminished inflow of foreign capital which has
helped finance the budget deficit and which had held interest rates
below the level that they would otherwise have reached. So, unless
we can reduce this enormous Federal budget deficit, it seems to me
that a softening foreign demand for dollar assets would tend to
push our interest rates upward since our supply of savings would
be inadequate to finance both the deficit and private investment at
the prevailing level of interest rates. And needless to say, if private
investment is crowded out as a result of increased borrowing costs
that, too, would increase the risks of a recession. So, quite simply,
if we have a substantial or significant easing of monetary policy,
that would risk an accelerating decline in the dollar which in turn
would put upward pressure on our prices and interest rates.
We should also ask whether an easier monetary policy is justi-
fied at a time when the narrowly defined money supply is well
above its target range. The conventional wisdom is that since the
velocity of money or the turnover rate of money is falling, this
rapid rate of money growth does not really have any serious conse-
quences in terms of inflation.
And I think there's a lot to be said for the argument that since
we do not know enough about the behavior of the money supply in
a deregulated financial world, we ought to be cautious about using
the various measures of the money supply as rigid policy guides. In
fact, the whole thrust of Federal Reserve policy, so far in 1985, has
aroused a good deal of speculation that the Central Bank has shift-
ed its policy focus away from the monetary aggregates to nonmone-
tary objectives, including the growth of GNP and the exchange
value of the dollar. The decision of the Fed to establish a new and
higher base for Ml, which of course allows the policymakers to
ignore much of the rapid growth in money that has already taken
place, seems to support the view that for the moment at least the
monetary aggregates have been significantly deemphasized.
I think we can not ignore, though, the fact that time after time
since the end of World War II, periods of rapid money growth al-
though justified at the time, have been followed by reigniting of in-
flation. In the current situation I see some danger that the Federal
Reserve, seeking to stimulate this lagging rate of economic growth,
will push too hard on the accelerator and again spark a new round
of inflation. While I would acknowledge the need on occasion to
rebase Ml, what would concern me is that if we continue to aban-
don targets or modify targets when their attainment appears diffi-
cult or the involvement of restrictive actions, that could raise some
serious doubts about the Federal Reserve's commitment to combat
inflation. Quite simply, I do not see much point in setting all these
objectives and targets if there is no intention of reaching them.
All things considered, I think the Federal Reserve is facing a vir-
tually impossible task. I can not think of any policy or set of poli-
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cies that can guarantee us a steady, 3- to 4-percent rate of real eco-
nomic growth year in and year out. And yet we seem to expect that
the Central Bank with inadequate policymaking tools and confront-
ed on all sides with conflicting pressures and constraints can some-
how achieve this ambitious and ellusive goal.
Until very recently, the Federal Reserve was concerned with the
need to sustain growth, reduce unemployment, and combat infla-
tion. Now, that task, it seems to me, is difficult enough but it has
become even more difficult because the Fed now has to consider
the problems of manufacturing, the problems of agriculture and
mining, the plight of the world economy, the problems of the
debtor nations, and the fragility of the financial system, both at
home and abroad.
Not only that, the unpredictable dollar has become the wild card
in the outlook and represents, I think, something of a nightmare
for the Federal Reserve as it struggles to keep the expansion going
without reigniting inflation. The middle ground between a too
strong dollar and a too weak dollar is very hard to define, and it is
even harder to hold especially since markets are liable to overshoot
the mark.
In summary, it seems to me that the Federal Reserve is carrying
far too heavy a burden and I think the strain is beginning to show.
The only way that burden can be eased is to reduce this enormous
budget deficit and to reduce it sooner rather than later. If we can
do that, it would have the beneficial affect of lowering or easing
the intense pressures now being felt by the trade-related sectors of
the economy while at the same time allowing interest rates to stay
down and possibly to move down even further. As part of this proc-
ess, the Federal Reserve could then continue to follow accommodat-
ing policies which would foster lower rates and sustained expan-
sion without really contributing to a new round of inflation.
But as the other witnesses have indicated, I think the persistence
of these deficits could have really very ominous implications for in-
vestment, for productivity, and economic growth. The cold fact is
that these continuously large internal and external deficits are in-
compatible with noninflationary expansion and we should not
expect the Federal Reserve to somehow overcome these barriers
and allow us to escape what are going to be some harsh, economic
consequences of a very undisciplined and irresponsible fiscal policy.
Thank you very much, indeed, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Robertson follows:]
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Testimony of
Norman Robertson
Senior Vice President and Chief Economist
Mellon Bank
Pittsburgh, PA
before the
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
of the
Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban ftffairs
House of Representatives
July 18, 1985
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I appreciate the Subcommittee's invitation to discuss monetary
policy options in the context of current and prospective domestic
economic conditions, fiscal policy issues and the international
financial situation. Before addressing the question of monetary
policy, I believe it would be both helpful and appropriate to
spell out in some detail my views on the current state of the
economy and where it may be headed over the next year and a half.
The expansion is now more than two and one-half years old and, in
my judgment, has lost much of its cyclical energy and vitality.
Over the past four quarters, the economy's growth pace has
averaged only a shade better than 2.25 percent, which by and large
fits the description of prior "growth recessions" experienced in
1951-52, 1961-62 and 1966-67, The crucial question now, of
course, is whether this slowdown will be followed by a downturn in
economic activity, the resumption of vigorous growth or, as I
believe, a more extended period of sluggish and unsteady expansion,
Despite the recent parade of generally weak economic statistics, I
do not believe the U.S. economy is poised on the brink of a
full-scale recession. Most recessions of the post-World War II
era have generally been associated with a rapid -- and for the
most part unintended — buildup of business inventories,
accelerating inflationary pressures, a tightening of monetary
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policy and sharply higher interest rates. Today, however,
economic conditions bear little or no resemblance to those which
in the past have often been the harbingers of recession. For one
thing, business inventories are in very good shape. Essentially,
the combination oF stable or declining prices, prompt delivery
dates and the development of sophisticated, computer-based
inventory control systems have enabled most firms to keep their
inventories very lean, avoiding the speculative hedgebuying of
goods and materials which has frequently set the stage for a
downturn in economic activity. These factors, I believe, combined
with some uneasiness regarding the outlook for sales and profits
will continue to provide businessmen with a powerful incentive to
keep a very tight grip on their inventory positions. So far as
the behavior of prices is concerned, the inflation rate in the
summer of 1985 is actually lower than it was when the recovery
started more than two and one-half years ago. Finally, monetary
policy has been eased, not tightened, and interest rates, which
generally rise during the latter stages of a business cycle
expansion, are in fact declining.
Tne avoidance of a recession, however, does not, in my opinion,
mean that we will see the resumption of strong economic growth
during the balance of 1985 -~ or 1986. Many observers believe
that falling interest rates will soon spark increased activity in
the key credit-sensitive areas of the economy, including
hornebuilding, nonresidential construction, fixed investment
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spending and outlays for consumer durables. After all, many
interest rates have dropped more than two percentage points since
late March and are at their lowest level in seven years.
In my view, however, the stimulative impact of lower interest
rates in the third year of an economic expansion will be quite
limited. Specifically, I doubt that lower borrowing costs are
likely to generate a new burst of consumer buying for durable
goods. Over the past two and one-half years the powerful rise in
outlays for automobiles and other big-ticket items, although
within the range of previous business cycle expansions, has
resulted in a larger and faster-than-usual pileup of installment
debt. For example, the closely watched debt-to-income ratio has
now surpassed its previous peak, having climbed over three
percentage points in just over two years -- a similar percentage
rise in the 1974-79 expansion took four years. The present
condition of consumer finances, to be sure, is generally good, and
the high level of consumer confidence and buying plans is
encouraging. I have the suspicion, however, that the families and
individuals who benefited the most from rising stock and bond
prices are, by and large, a very different group from those with
the heaviest burden of debt relative to income. Thus, I believe
that the recent boom-like expansion of installment credit reported
during the first half of 1985 -- 24 percent on an annualized rate
basis -- is unsustainable and is, therefore, likely to slacken
appreciably during the latter part of the year.
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In addition to the sizable debt burden, the increasingly sluggish
growth of income and employment is also likely to dictate a much
more cautious approach to both spending and borrowing. Declining
payrolls in manufacturing -- down 145,000 since March -- have
materially reduced the monthly gains in nonfarrn employment from an
average of more than 325,000 during much of 1984 to a second
quarter average of 185,000. The June rise of 90,000 was one of
the weakest in the recovery period. At the same time the loss of
jobs in manufacturing along with a flattening trend of interest
income — stemming from the recent drop in interest rates -- have
been primarily responsible for cutting monthly gains in personal
income from an average of 0.7 percent in 1984 to less than 0.4
percent during the first half of 1985. Eventually the loss of
manufacturing jobs and income will probably begin to curb the
advance of service- and construction-related activities, with very
negative implications for the growth of consumer spending and,
indeed, the entire economy. All things considered, I see consumer
spending growing at a very subdued and uneven pace over the next
18 months, with outlays for durable goods in the final quarter of
1986 essentially unchanged from the level reached in the second
quarter of this year.
I also doubt that the decline in interest rates will encourage a
stepped-up rate of spending for new plant and equipment. For most
industries, particularly in the hard-pressed manufacturing sector,
the drop in borrowing costs -- coming at a time of weakening
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demand, lackluster earnings, low operating rates and chronic
uncertainty regarding the economic outlook -- is not likely to
produce much in the way of increased outlays, especially for major
capacity expansion projects. At this stage of a business cycle
upswing, operating rates are usually within the 85-90 percent
range and consequently a significant drop in interest rates would
likely be sufficient to induce businesses to activate plans for
additional capacity. The situation today is very different. Much
of the increase in domestic demand over the past couple of years
has been accommodated by imports as opposed to domestic
production. And as a result, the all-industry operating rate
remains near the 80 percent mark, well below the level which in
the past has been needed to generate increased outlays for
capacity expansion.
Another consideration is that following a two-year period of
record-setting expenditures, additional gains will be harder to
realize. Since late 1982, real fixed investment outlays have
soared more than 32 percent compared with an average gain of less
than 17 percent recorded during comparable periods of previous
post-World War II business cycle expansion. In fact, the 39
percent rise in outlays for equipment since late 1982 is the
strongest reported in any expansion since World War II, while the
17 percent increase in spending for nonresidential building was
the largest cyclical gain experienced since the early 1950s. The
potentially negative impact of the President's tax reform plan,
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217
which would reduce tne incentives for investment, must also be
taken into consideration. Until the tax issue is settled, which
is unlikely any time soon, there may well be a tendency for many
firms to delay or postpone a number of major capital projects.
Although some advance indicators of capital spending are pointing
to continued modest gains through the balance of 1985, I believe
that the lengthening list of negatives in the outlook points to a
flat or slightly downward trend of activity in 1986.
Might not the declining dollar revive activity in the domestic
manufacturing sector and in time encourage a quickening pace of
investment spending? Over the past three months or more, the drop
in domestic interest rates along with mounting evidence of a
faltering and increasingly tenuous economic expansion have been
primarily responsible for the dollar1 s sizable decline on the
foreign exchange markets. And certainly, there is no denying that
over time a weaker dollar should gradually reduce the trade
deficit and arrest the alarming deterioration in much of the
nation's manufacturing sector. But for most industries,
measurable relief from intense import competition is unlikely to
be visible until late next year. And even then, the prospect of a
relatively slow-paced economic expansion implies little strength
in domestic demand and hence I do not see a vigorous rebound in
manufacturing production and employment during 1986, even assuming
that the flow of imports is in fact gradually reduced. Moreover,
given the very modest growth prospects for many of our major
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trading partners and the slow response of trade flows to movements
in the exchange rates, the demand for U.S. goods abroad is likely
to remain weak for some time.
The response of the housing market to lower interest rates should
be more positive. The two percentage point drop in home financing
costs since last July as well as the prospect of a further 50-100
basis point decline over the balance of 1985 should improve the
already strong tempo of homebuilding activity. As a result of
falling interest rates and a much slower rise in new and existing
home prices, more people are now able to qualify for a mortgage
loan than at any time since 1979. By the same token, however,
housing affordability is still running well below the level
recorded during the 1970s when home mortgage rates were in the 6-9
percent range. Thus, despite the evident strength of demand, I
doubt that the annualized rate of housing starts will return to
the peak 2-2.5 million zone experienced during the housing booms
of the 1970s. While the housing outlook is generally positive, I
am concerned that the President's proposal to severely limit the
tax deductibility of mortgage interest on second homes has
injected a new element of uncertainty into the construction
outlook, and may in fact curtail activity in those parts of the
country where the vacation or second home market is an important
source of demand. I expect that housing starts in 1986 will be
little changed from the near 1.9 million presently forecast for
1985.
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In sum, the sizable drop in interest rates is not likely to inject
new life and energy into the aging cyclical expansion. Activity
in much of the manufacturing sector is likely to remain on the
weak side, reflecting in part the lagged effects of the strong
dollar on both imports and exports. Moreover, many of the
nation's long-established industries have also been seriously
weakened by the forces of structural change within the U.S.
economic system as well as the increasingly powerful challenge of
highly competitive industries in Asia and elsewhere in the world.
We should not, therefore, expect that a reduced flow of imports
will automatically signal a perceptible strengthening of activity
in basic manufacturing industry. Thus, despite the prospect of a
rising trend of productivity in a number of industries, notably
the high technology and defense-related groups, I see little
overall improvement in the nation's manufacturing sector during
the next 18 months. In fact, my forecast anticipates that the
annualized growth of industrial production will be in the
neighborhood of 1.3 percent over the next six quarters, which
implies a flat or even declining trend of manufacturing employment,
In sum, I do not see any significant improvement in the economy's
performance during the balance of 1985 or 1986. The expansion is
very lopsided with the service and construction sectors generating
most if not all of the growth in overall economic activity. But
further strong gains in these two major sectors of the economy may
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be increasingly difficult to achieve, given the unusually rapid
growth recorded since 1982. Nonetheless, the odds continue to
favor positive real GNP growth through most of 1986. But the rate
of increase -- forecast at around 2 percent -- will not reduce the
unemployment rate, which in fact could again move upward, possibly
to the 7.5 percent zone. In a word, I expect that the United
States will experience a "growth recession" through 1986.
From a policy standpoint, the question now is whether the Federal
Reserve should endeavor to reinvigorate a cyclical expansion which
has already dissipated much of its energy. Those who argue in
favor of a more stimulative monetary policy by the Federal Reserve
point to the dangers that a slowing U.S. growth rate would pose
for the world economy. To a considerable degree, growth of world
trade and the continuing health of the international financial
system are heavily dependent upon sustained expansion in the major
industrial economies, which in turn depends critically upon
continued growth in the United States. Without such growth, there
is little doubt that the international debt problem would quickly
return to a "crisis status" with no assurance that widespread
defaults with potentially severe economic consequences could again
be averted.
That said, I believe there is also a considerable risk that the
adoption of a more aggressive monetary policy, designed to keep
the economy going, could well prove counterproductive since it
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could lead to renewed inflation and thereby set the stage for a
full-fledged recession. At first sight, of course, the risks of a
more expansionist policy seem fairly small in today's environment
of relatively low inflation, as evidenced by falling commodity
prices, low-moderate wage increases and a sizable margin of idle
resources. Indeed, my forecast calls for the annualized rate of
consumer price increases to hold in the 4 percent range over the
next year or so. Nonetheless, I see no grounds for complacency
regarding developments on the price front.
Of particular significance, the dollar is now declining and, while
this may ultimately help exporters and import-competing
industries, the shorter-run effects may well be higher domestic
prices. Most studies on this subject suggest that a 10 percent
decline in the dollar will raise the inflation rate by roughly 1.5
percent over a subsequent three-year period. If, for the sake of
argument, we assume that the dollar falls some 20 percent during
1985 -- a 15 percent drop has already taken place -- the result
could well be an inflation rate of close to 7 percent in 1987-88.
And since the inflationary process tends to feed on itself, no one
can say just how high the inflation rate might ultimately rise.
Equally important is the likelihood that a weakening dollar will
be accompanied by a diminished inflow of foreign capital which has
helped finance the budget deficit and over the past year or so
.held interest rates well below the level that would otherwise have
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been reached. Absent a significant reduction of the budget
deficit, therefore, a softening foreign demand for dollar assets
would tend to push U.S. interest rates upward since our supply of
savings would be inadequate to finance both the deficit and
private investment at the prevailing level of interest rates.
Needless to say, a crowding out of private investment as a result
of rising borrowing costs would raise the risks of a recession.
Simply put, a further significant easing of monetary policy might
well accelerate the dollar1s decline and thereby put upward
pressure on prices and interest rates.
To compound matters, the inflow of foreign capital is not without
its problems. We are already a debtor nation and the rise in
interest payments to foreigners will make it increasingly
difficult to shrink the external deficit which is likely to
persist well into the future. Of growing concern is the fact that
without a substantial decline in the dollar -- which, as I have
just noted, is by no means an unmixed blessing -- the United
States will be hard pressed to generate the volume of exports now
needed to service foreign debt. What has happened is that our
growing foreign debt position has reduced our income from overseas
investment, which in the past has helped offset the merchandise
trade deficit. Over the longer term, the United States may be
forced to become a net supplier of goods to foreigners. One final
point. We are not borrowing for productive purposes, which was
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the case before World War I, but rather to finance current
consumption as represented by the enormous budget deficit.
We should also ask whether an easier monetary policy is justified
at a time when the narrowly defined money supply is already well
above its target range. Since the turnover rate of money
(velocity) has been falling sharply, it can be argued that the
recent torrid pace of Ml growth does not, in fact, raise the
specter of renewed inflation. Then, too, much can also be said
for the argument that, since we do not know enough about the
behavior of the money supply in a deregulated financial world, we
should be cautious about using the various measures of the money
supply as rigid policy guides. Indeed, the thrust of Fed policy
thus far in 1985 has aroused considerable speculation that the Fed
may have shifted its policy focus from the monetary aggregates to
nonmonetary objectives, notably GNP growth and the exchange value
of the dollar. The decision of the Fed to establish a new and
higher base for Ml, which in effect allows the policymakers to
ignore or forgive much of the rapid growth that has already taken
place seems to support the view that, for the moment at least, the
monetary aggregates have been deemphasized.
By the same token, however, we ignore at our peril the fact that
time after time periods of rapid monetary growth have been
followed by a reigniting of the inflationary fires. In the
current situation, I see some danger that the Federal Reserve,
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seeking to spur the lagging rate of economic growth, will push too
hard on the monetary accelerator and thereby arouse new
inflationary impulses. While acknowledging the occasional need to
rebase Ml, I am concerned that the abandonment or frequent
modification of targets, when their attainment involves the pain
of restrictive actions, could raise serious doubts about the Fed's
commitment to combat inflation. Briefly stated, there is little
point in setting objectives if there is no firm intention of
achieving them.
All things considered, the Federal Reserve is facing a virtually
impossible task. Even though there is no policy or set of
policies which can assure a steady 3-4 percent real growth rate
year after year, we seem to expect that the central bank,
possessing inadequate policymaking tools and confronted on all
sides with conflicting pressures and constraints, can
single-handedly achieve this ambitious and elusive goal. Until
quite recently, the Federal Reserve was primarily concerned with
the need to sustain economic growth, reduce unemployment and avoid
a new outbreak of inflationary fever. Those very formidable
tasks, however, have become even more difficult as a result of
additional elements which have now entered the decision-making
process. The Fed now has to carefully consider the unique
problems of manufacturing and agriculture, the plight of the
developing countries and the fragility of the financial system,
both at home and abroad. Not only that, the unpredictable dollar
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has become the wild card in the economic outlook and represents
something of a nightmare for the Federal Reserve as it struggles
to sustain the expansion without reigniting inflation. Clearly,
the middle ground between a too strong and a too weak dollar is
extremely difficult to find and hold, especially since markets are
liable to overshoot the mark.
To conclude. The Federal Reserve is carrying far too heavy a
burden and the strain is beginning to show. To ease that burden
requires that we reduce the budget deficit -- and soon. Such
action would have the beneficial effects of reducing the intense
pressure currently felt by the trade-related sectors of the
economy, while at the same time allowing interest rates to stay
down and possibly to decline further. As part of this process,
the Federal Reserve could continue to pursue accommodative
policies, fostering lower interest rates and sustained expansion,
without running the risk of contributing to a new inflationary
spiral later in the decade. On the other hand, the persistence of
enormous budget deficits would have very ominous implications for
private investment, productivity and economic growth. The cold
fact is that continuously large internal and external deficits are
totally incompatible with vigorous noninflationary economic
expansion. And we should not expect that the Federal Reserve can
somehow overcome these insurmountable barriers and allow us to
escape the harsh economic consequences of an undisciplined and
irresponsible fiscal policy.
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Mr. BARNARD. Thank you, Mr. Robertson.
After listening to the testimony this morning, and I think all of
it has been excellent, the only analogy I can make is trying to ana-
lyze our country as a drunk driver trying to straddle a white line
in the middle of a highway. It's just about impossible to do it, be-
cause we seem to be going from side to side to side.
All of you have prompted some very interesting topics that we
need to talk about. All of you have emphasized the fact that we
have just got to reduce the deficits, and I think some of you have
emphasized the fact that we've got to do it through reducing Feder-
al spending. But let's say this, let's say we've come to an impasse,
and Congress will not reduce Federal spending much more than we
are now, what effect would it have on the economy to have some
tax increases?
You know, there's quite a bit of division in the Congress on the
Senate side as well as the House side. Now there's unanimity that
we've got to reduce the deficits, but what to do with taxes seems to
be the big question. Of course, the President has said he would veto
any tax bill.
But we do need to reduce the deficit, so the question is what
effect would a tax increase have on the economy, and what kind of
tax increase would be the worst on the economy?
Mr. Sinai.
Mr. SINAI. A tax increase in any form or fashion, if unaccompa-
nied by a compensatory easing by the monetary authority, would
be restrictive and would slow growth in the economy, some more,
some less. But I think one vehicle for raising tax revenues could be
the current framework of the currently proposed tax reform, al-
though politically very difficult since the President has said in no
way will there be a tax increase. But rather the current bill, which
looks increasingly to most people as a revenue loser rather than
revenue neutral, could be turned into a revenue raiser simply by
adjusting the marginal rates upward by 1 or 2 percentage points. It
would still be a marginal tax reduction from where we are. It
would still involve base broadening. The principles of the tax
reform proposal would be protected, but it could be designed to
raise the revenue to close part of the remaining deficit gap that is
left, depending on where Congress gets in spending. You would
then leave to the Federal Reserve with that budget tightening by
raising taxes, the choice on when and how to ease. By lowering in-
terest rates and stimulating growth, the rest of the missing deficit
could be picked up.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Chimerine.
Mr. CHIMERINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would take a slight-
ly different stance on that than Allan Sinai. I think a modest tax
increase, phased in over time, coupled with spending reductions,
would actually be very stimulative for the economy, although there
may be some restrictive effects in the very near term. In my judg-
ment, the benefits that it would produce through lower real inter-
est rates and ultimately a lower U.S. dollar on foreign exchange
markets on a sustainable basis, will outweigh the direct loss of
fiscal stimulus resulting from some modest tax increases. Further-
more, I am not sure how appropriate the phrase "tax increase" is,
because I think if we are realistic and honest, we have to admit
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that the tax cuts of 1981 were too large. In view of the military
buildup under way and this country's commitment to the entitle-
ment programs and to a safety net, we cannot afford all of those
tax cuts.
Now all I am talking about essentially is taking back some of
those tax cuts. Tax rates will still be considerably lower, even with
a modest tax increase enacted now, than they were back in 1980 or
1981, before the 1981 tax cut.
In the context of a total package to reduce budget deficits, a
modest tax increase would be highly stimulative for the economy
on a long-term basis and the kind of tax cuts I would recommend—
tax changes I would recommend—are those that would not raise
marginal tax rates. That would include base broadening such as
some of the measures included in the tax reform proposal, such as
those designed to eliminate some of the shelter activity, and reduce
some of the exemptions and tax exclusions and deductions. Perhaps
some excise tax increases, other consumption type tax increases
should also be considered
Mr. BARNARD. What about consumption taxes?
Mr. CHIMERINE. My reference would be within the income tax
structure, because I am concerned we may be making the tax
structure too regressive. Consumption taxes could make it worse,
but I would not be adverse to some consumption tax increases. Cer-
tain excise tax increases or perhaps an energy tax increase deserve
some consideration.
Mr. BARNARD. Mrs. Teeters.
Mrs. TEETERS. I am basically in agreement with both of them. I
think the tax cut in 1981 was much too large. But if you look back
at 1981, it was phased in very slowly. I think the first year it start-
ed in the fourth quarter.
Mr. BARNARD. Five, ten, and five.
Mrs. TEETERS. Yes; if we do need to raise revenue, I have a pref-
erence for the income tax and to use it to recoup the revenues that
we lost.
I am also concerned about the corporate tax. I was appalled to
learn that something like 225 to 230 of the Fortune 1000 had not
paid taxes in one of the last 3 years, and there is one that has not
paid any taxes in any of the last 3 years. Some loophole tightening,
it seems to me, needs to go into any reform package. You do get
services for your taxes, and people ought to bear their fair share of
it.
I do not like the consumption tax, particularly, mainly because it
is a sales tax or if you want to call it a value added tax it comes
out to the same thing. The sales tax has been traditionally reserved
for the States. If you put a consumption tax on top of some of the
very high State sales taxes, like in New York, for example—it is
7% percent already—you end up with a very, very high sales tax,
which could become very regressive, if you are not carefully with
it.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Sumichrast.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. Of course, my first preference is not to raise
taxes. A cut in expenditures seems to be impossible to achieve. I
think one of the problems I have with the Treasury 1 and Treasury
2 is that they are revenue-neutral. I think they should have raised
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some revenues in response to the budget deficit. I prefer a mini-
mum tax, which would certainly be helpful in broadening the base.
I think, as far as value tax is concerned, I do not particularly like
the value-added tax. It is widespread in Europe, but I do not think
it would be very helpful to us.
Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Robertson.
Mr. ROBERTSON. Well, Mr. Chairman, I suppose if we can't spend
less, we have to pay more. The only point is that taxes should not
be raised in a way that might retard or impede investment. I think
we need to sustain the forward thrust of investment in this coun-
try, and anything that would jeopardize this process should be
avoided.
There is a risk, of course, that if you raise taxes at this late stage
of the business cycle, that simply reinforces some of the weakness-
es that we see at work in the economy. I think that the tax hike
would be offset, however, by the drop in interest rates that would
probably accompany some firm action on the fiscal front. If taxes
must be raised, I think the primary burden should be placed on
consumption with energy a possible target.
Mr. BARNARD. Thank you very much. My time has expired on
this first round, so I recognize the distinguished ranking minority
member of the committee, Mr. McCollum. Welcome to the hearing.
Mr. McCoLLUM. I thank the gentleman from Georgia,
Mr. BARNARD. We've missed you.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Well, actually, I've been in and out of this hear-
ing-
Mr. BARNARD. Oh, you have?
Mr. McCoLLUM. Yes, You've just not been watching me carefully.
Mr. BARNARD. I've been listening to the testimony. [Laughter.]
Mr. McCoLLUM. Well, I fortunately have heard most of it. I
didn't get to hear Mrs. Teeters, but I did get to hear everybody
else, and I appreciate that fact.
But I wanted to follow up on this tax question just a little bit,
make one observation. It has always occurred to me that the tax
reductions that you gentlemen were talking about in discussing
Mr. Barnard's question that we had, were more than offset by tax
increases, if you include the Social Security increase that we've
had since then. That, in fact, we've had at best a net wash on the
overall tax burden.
It has also occurred to me that any significant increase in taxes,
you're going to do what Mr. Sinai suggested, and that only an ac-
commodationist policy by the Fed is going to result in anything,
and that that, in turn, too much accommodation with too much tax
increase, would surely lead to an increase in inflation, which is
where we were back when. But you know, that's just a comment. A
question I really have on the tax area, and I'll ask it to Mr, Chi-
merine, just how much tax increase in any given year for the next
few years can we have, in your opinion, without forcing, in this cli-
mate where we presently exist, a recession?
You say we don't have, and you're hopeful that the—though you
called it a growth recession, we don't have a true recession in the
total sense. You're hopeful that inventory situation will keep us
from going into one this fall. And you say it's very healthy to have
a tax increase for the long run. And maybe it is, so maybe in the
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end, that may absolutely have to happen. But how much can the
economy sustain before we result in going in there. Just how far
can we go?
Mr. CHIMERINE. Congressman, can I make two very quick com-
ments before I answer your direct question?
Mr. McCoLLUM. Sure.
Mr. CHIMERINE. First, even if you take into account the 1982 and
1984 tax and Social Security tax increases, the total tax burden on
the U.S. economy is lower today than it was back in 1980, before
the 1981 tax cuts. Not massively lower, but it is somewhat lower.
Mr. McCoLLUM. That's good to know.
Mr. CHIMERINE. You also have to look at taxes in terms of what
we are spending. The argument that taxes should be what they
were 50 years ago is not relevant, if we are spending two or three
times as much, relative to GNP, as we were 50 years ago. And, we
have built in a permanent 4- to 5-percent structural deficit with
current tax levels and current expenditure levels. We all agree
that it is essential that we eliminate that.
Second, we all agree that it is best to do it on the spending side.
But spending cuts can also be potentially restrictive at any given
point in the economy. However, I do not think the Fed will have to
be more accommodative. In my judgment, large deficit reduction
would reduce interest rates significantly, below what they current-
ly are, and keep them there, even if the Fed maintains the same
reserve posture it now is following. In fact, it makes it easier for
the Fed to pursue a noninflationary policy, because it is a much
better way to keep interest rates lower on a sustained basis than
excessive money growth. The latter can work for a year or two, but
that is not going to work on a long-term basis.
Now your point about how large of a tax increase is needed. I
think whatever is left between the spending cuts you can get and
the target that I described a few moments ago for the total deficit
is the nature of the tax increase you are going to need, and I think
it is perfectly plausible. For 1986, we are probably talking about
something in the range of $10 to $15 billion of tax increases on top
of the budget cuts, and that number will have to get somewhat
bigger as we go further out in tune, but it still represents a rela-
tively small share of GNP and a relatively small portion of the tax
cuts of 1981.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Let me ask one other question of you gentlemen.
We had Mr. Volcker testify to us yesterday that we are now sus-
taining our current existing deficits by foreign capital, and that if
we, in fact, enact trade protectionist legislation, such as some of my
colleagues have proposed, basically disasterville will really strike.
It will compound the problem immediately of the problems that we
already have in the economy.
Does any member of the panel care to jump in and respond to
that, or—do all of you agree with that? Is there a problem with
trade protectionist legislation at this time? Mrs. Teeters.
Mrs. TEETERS. Mr. Congressman, let me reveal to you something
that we did to evaluate this. We actually went back and took a look
at what happened in 1930, 1931, and 1932. The protectionist bill—
the Smoot-Hawley legislation—was part of the 1928 campaign, and
it called for protectionism of agriculture. Hoover called a special
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session of Congress and passed it in June 1930. The retaliation in
the next 3 years against American products was astonishing. In
Spain, for example, by 1933, the volume of U.S. automobiles im-
ported into Spain was 5 percent of what it was in 1930.
Once you start playing this game, you are inviting retaliation of
every form around the world. With the subsequent events, the
market crash, of course, in November 1929 and the international
financial system collapse in 1932, you eventually brought almost
all world trade to a halt and caused the Great Depression.
In my opinion, that combination of events, starting out in 1928
and carrying to 1932 is the major cause of World War II.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Is there any member of the panel who disagrees
with the premise Mrs. Teeters made or that Mr. Volcker did? I
don't want to ask everybody a question, and my time is expiring.
But is there anybody here who thinks that there is no problem or
that the problems of trade protectionist legislation wouldn't be that
severe?
Mr. SINAI. I think what Mrs. Teeters has decribed is qualitatively
what the problem would be in a wave of protectionism, which is
going to be inevitable in this country, unless we fix the budget defi-
cit. But the 1930's was a particularly severe instance. We probably
would agree it would not be that severe, but it would be disruptive
enough to threaten worldwide recession.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. BARNARD. I think it is a policy of the Chairman to recognize
members as they have appeared on the rostrum, so I'll now recog-
nize Mr. Hiler.
Mr. HILER. The gentleman is very kind. Thank you.
I have two or three quick questions. I'll direct the first to Dr.
Sinai.
In the last half of last year, the Fed began to clamp down on Ml
growth. I think it was maybe like a 4 Vs-percent growth rate in the
third quarter and 3.2-percent growth rate in the fourth quarter.
Some at that time suggested that the Fed was targeting real
GNP growth. The fact that there had been very fast growth in the
first quarter and fairly fast growth in the second quarter led to the
Fed deciding to clamp down on the money supply.
In hindsight, and of course, everyone has 20/20 hindsight, but in
hindsight, do you think that the dramatic slow down in the growth
rate of Ml in the last half of last year, has contributed to any of
the problems that we face today?
Mr. SINAI. No; I really do not. I think the link between Ml
growth, the economy and inflation has been broken this time
around, because we have had such an unusual pattern in the for-
eign value of the dollar, foreign trade, and manufacturing. Chart 2
in the appendix shows the growth rate of Ml. It also shows the
growth rate of real GNP and inflation, and you just can not see the
standard links subscribed to monetarists.
Now I think the Federal Reserve, de facto, has for a good year
now really been targeting nominal GNP, because they have felt
that link was broken. They tightened in March 1984, on very rapid
growth in nominal GNP, even though the monetary aggregates
were not exceeding their targets.
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The slow growth in Ml in the second half of last year that you
referred to, I think, came more from a reduction in the demand for
money, because the economy was very weak and slowing down at
that time, then it did from the Federal Reserve clamping down.
The rising interest rates of the first half of the year helped bring
down monetary growth in the second half of the year, but you may
recall that in late summer and through the fourth quarter, the Fed
actually eased. In the face of that slower growth in the economy
and money, they cut the discount rate a couple of times between
September and the end of the year.
Mr. HILER. It sticks in my mind that the Ml growth was about
3.2 percent for the fourth quarter of 1984 and about 4Vfe percent—
ended up 5l/z percent on the year.
Mr. SINAI. Yes; it was very weak. And I think, in your sense, the
clamping down actually occurred in the first half of the year. They
really did clamp down. They pushed interest rates higher. They did
that in March 1984. But, there is a lagged effect on the money
growth.
Mr. HILER. And you think that was in hindsight a good thing.
The targeting of nominal GNP
Mr. SINAI. I have a biased opinion here. I think the right aggre-
gate to target is nominal GNP, and in point of fact, the Central
Bank is shooting to control the growth of nominal GNP—real
growth and inflation anyway—and so I argue, why go through the
monetary aggregates to do that? It will not matter if the M's are a
good proxy for nominal GNP, but when they stop there is a prob-
lem.
Mr. HILER. Mr. Robertson, some say that—Chairman Volker,
when he was before our committee yesterday, said that the Fed
drops the discount rate when market rates are going down, which
would indicate that the discount rate should fall. Some say that the
Fed should drop the discount rate and that will help lead market
rates lower; if they do not go lower, then the Fed could raise the
discount rate back up.
Would you think that in today's environment, it would make
sense to drop the discount rate, to try to lead rates down further?
Or, do you believe that if we drop the discount rate, it would be
down there by itself and market rates would continue at the rela-
tively stable level where they are today?
Mr. ROBERTSON. No; I think if you wanted to see significantly
lower short-term rates, a drop in the discount rate would probably
accomplish that objective. The Fed, I think, somewhat ingenuously,
always says that when they drop the discount rate, they are merely
following the market. And, whether that may be true, the fact re-
mains that a decline in the discount rate which sends a strong
signal to the markets, both at home and abroad, generally does
lead to a drop in market rates.
My own feeling is that, right now, it may be a little premature to
take another step toward ease. As I tried to emphasize, I think the
Fed is really walking a policy tightrope at the moment. Undoubted-
ly, there is a need to encourage rates to move lower as a means of
stimulating the economy. By the same token, however, an overly
rapid growth of money, designed to speed the economic growth
rate, might set the stage for renewed inflation down the road.
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Mr. HILER. Coming from the Midwest and having a fairly large
amount of both agriculture and manufacturing industries, I guess
the inflation's out there, but we don't see it.
Mrs. Teeters, I will just conclude my questioning now. The Feder-
al Reserve has claimed many times that it cannot—or I should say,
the Chairman of the Federal Reserve anyway has claimed many
times it cannot release the notes from the Open Market Committee
meetings until after the following meeting due to the disruptive
effect of an earlier release on financial markets.
And the Chairman went on to say yesterday in a direct question
that it wouldn't make sense to have immediate disclosure of the de-
cisions of the Open Market Committee because they are always,
the decisions are hinged on a lot of "if clauses. "If this happens,
then we do this." Or, "If that happens, then we do that."
Given the lack of reaction apparently in the market following
the release of the Fed's monetary policy report earlier this week,
which explained changes made by the FOMC in last week's meet-
ing, do you see any reason why the release of future meeting notes
should not be made directly following the meetings?
Mrs. TEETERS. Mr. Congressman, for many years, I have been a
strong advocate of immediate release of the minutes of the FOMC
meeting. The old arguments that it would disturb the markets,
that unsophisticated people would not know how to use it, and so
forth, strike me as not being very relevant any more. In the 1970's
when they were targeting Fed funds, the market usually found
where the Fed was by noon on Wednesday the next day—so it was
not that. They really were not keeping the information confiden-
tial.
However, the one thing that I can see that would be a problem is
the time that it takes to collate the minutes, check them, make
sure they are accurate. So it may not be an immediate release on,
say, Wednesday morning, or 5:30, Tuesday afternoon. But, it has
been my personal position for a long time that that delay is not
necessary.
Mr. HILER. Thank you. Just maybe a 10-second question. Are
there others on the Open Market Committee, or the Governors
Mrs. TEETERS. I cannot speak for other members of the FOMC.
Mr. HILER. I didn't think you would. Nice try anyway. [Laugh-
ter.]
Thank you.
Chairman FAUNTROY. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. Roemer.
Mr. ROEMER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I thank our witnesses
this morning, and I heard you loud and clear on unanimous belief
that to reduce the deficits would be the first and most important
step we could take. I have no hope that we will do that. Congress
has absolutely no guts. None. I notice that in the current budget
negotiations, we are talking about taking the highest defense fig-
ures and the highest entitlement figures, with no taxes.
So you can take your deficit dreams home with you, which leads
me to my question. It seems to me that our goal, in Humphrey-
Hawkins or in this Congress, is jobs for our children and for Amer-
ica to be competitive again.
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Now I'm sure deficit reduction would go a long way toward that
goal. Such things as taking an overvalued dollar down to you, Mr.
Robertson's, middle ground where it ought to be. Such things as
not relying on foreign capital. Such things as would a lower deficit
yield.
But I'm wondering if you could take it a step further with me.
You don't have to share my pessimism, I'll get over it. But, let's be
optimistic for a second and say that we will have leadership, we
will be courageous, we will treat each other as human beings, and
work together to make this country strong again.
Making that assumption, what might we do beyond the deficit
talk to do that?
Let me give you one example. Shouldn't tax reform be about
jobs? Shouldn't tax reform really be about competitiveness? Such
things as improving the savings rate in America?
The figures I see economically, whether they be from Lester Tho-
reau or from some of you, are that, in terms of productivity, we are
losing ground; even in the early stages of our economic recovery of
2 years ago, although our productivity figures went up, they still
were below our major economic allies and competitors in the mar-
ketplace.
What could we do beyond deficit reduction—leave that aside for
a second—that might restore our competitiveness?
Could tax reform play a legitimate part of that?
I know it's a new angle. The President would never mention it.
But, I think we ought to. What do you think? Anybody who thinks.
Yes?
Mr. ROBERTSON. The President really has mentioned it, Congress-
man, but in a rather unfortunate way. I didn't talk about tax
reform, since that really wasn't the subject for discussion this
morning. But, I'm particularly concerned that the President's tax
proposals would seriously damage capital formation in this coun-
try. I think they would impede investment spending in many in-
dustries.
And it's my own view that one way to raise productivity, to
become a lot more competitive, is to have better tools with which to
work. For many years the tax policy has generally favored con-
sumption and acted as a disincentive for investment.
And, of course, the President's tax proposals would withdraw
those, or certainly reduce them.
Mr. ROEMER. Right. And without much lowering of the marginal
rate through middle class America. I appreciate your comments,
and you don't have to agree with me, by the way, in your com-
ments.
Yes, Dr. Sumichrast.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. I would like to add to that. When you go over-
seas and you talk to bankers and fellow economists, and you look
at the data, particularly in Europe, you are struck by one interest-
ing development. That is, since the 1981 tax proposal which was de-
signed to stimulate investment—and we have done great—we are
the envy of the world really in that sense, particularly Europeans.
They look at their unemployment rates and they are higher than
before. Some countries' unemployment rates have not changed
from 17.5 percent. They have got a source of problems way beyond
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what we have. Essentially it is a result of the emphasis on invest-
ment, which we started with the 1981 tax reform. And now, the
same argument we're facing, he is planning to say that that is all
wrong, we should be emphasizing investment and we should do
something.
I think Mr. Robertson is absolutely right. If anything, we should
have more investment. When you look at the expenditures for fac-
tories, and you look at total expenditures for nonresidential, the
office, the white collar, the retail is growing like crazy in a sense.
You have never seen anything like it. But, yet, when you look at
the factory expenditures, they are actually down on an annual
basis. We have not really put much—so we need more rather than
less investment. I think if we do anything in a tax proposal, it
should be centered once again on helping to provide jobs for the
children, which you mentioned. That could be not only through
some continuation of investment incentives.
Mr. ROEMER. Thank you. Mrs. Teeters.
Mrs. TEETERS. We have done a very careful analysis of the tax
proposal. In the long run, it does not increase taxes on investment,
it raises taxes in the corporate area, but in very specific places—on
banks and insurance companies.
If you take the drop in the rate and the removal of the invest-
ment tax credit, in the long run, the proposal is not a deterrent to
investment.
We may have some problems in a transition to the newer, lower
marginal rates. But the thing washes out pretty much over a
period of time. It is a matter of readjusting as you move along.
Mr. ROEMER. Would you be prepared—and I appreciate that com-
ment—would you be prepared to take it a step further? You've
made the point of its neutrality on investment, generally.
Would you take it a step further and put yourself in a policy po-
sition of what it ought to do for investment or savings, and/or pro-
ductivity? Have you got a thought on that?
Mrs. TEETERS. I think that the loss of competitiveness of the
United States in the past 4 years is more a function of exchange
rate than it is any tax incentives in the United States. I mean, that
the dollar exchange rate change has been very severe.
I would also point out to you the 1981 law was highly touted to
increase savings, and it did not do a thing, So that in trying to en-
courage increased savings in this country, I think it requires some-
thing greater than just tax incentives. It takes a different orienta-
tion toward the world.
If you look at Japan, they have this enormous savings rate. Until
recently, they did not have an adequate social security system.
Consequently, there was an enormous amount of savings for old
age in Japan. Now that their public social security system is begin-
ning to expand, you would expect their savings rate to come down.
But, apparently, they do not yet trust the social security system as
being an adequate substitute for private savings.
Mr. ROEMER. And their tax laws do encourage their first $50,000
tax free.
Mrs. TEETERS. That is correct. We also have
Mr. ROEMER. There might be some small relationship between
taxes and savings.
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Mrs. TEETERS. What I can see happening with Keogh and the
IRA plans is that, basically, you have shifted it from one form to
another. You did not actually increase the total volume of savings.
Mr. ROEMER. Fair enough.
Mrs. TEETERS. I would like to make one technical comment. I
think that, probably, we are not measuring our total real output
correctly. There will be large benchmark revisions at the end of
the year in the GNP account. It is quite possible that some of the
productivity problem has been an estimating problem.
Mr. ROEMER. So you don't think that we have a productivity
problem?
Mrs. TEETERS. I think we have a productivity problem, but I
think that it is not being measured adequately—they are not pick-
ing up all of the output.
But, remember, that in the past 15 years, our baby boom grew
up. And one of the outstanding features that we managed to ac-
complish—and we tend to forget about it—is the vast bulk of those
young people found jobs. A good deal of the problem in Europe is
the fact that their baby boom is 5 years behind ours, and they have
not been able to increase production enough in order to absorb
those young people.
Mr. ROEMER. My time's short, but I have two more, Mr. Chair-
man. No more questions but two more responses, if I could.
Mr. CHIMERINE. Congressman, can I make a quick response?
Mr. ROEMER. Certainly, Doctor.
Mr. CHIMERINE. I do not want to divert attention back to the def-
icit, but I think it is important to recognize there is nothing else
this Congress and this administration can do that will better im-
prove our long-term competitiveness and better improve the long-
term economic outlook than cutting the budget deficit. And, in fact,
if you exclude problems with the deficit for a moment and look at
other aspects of the economy such as the underlying fundamentals
that will determine long-term economic performance in the United
States, most of them have become quite favorable, at least relative
to the 1970's.
Productivity growth is not great but it is better on an underlying
basis than it was in the seventies. Some of the factors that held it
down during that period are gradually fading- out. And the demo-
graphics are favorable for long-term growth.
I think, the more conservative approach to government and the
better balance between union and management in most industries
are favorable. The energy situation is far more favorable than it
was in the seventies. If you can get deficits down and get the dollar
and interest rates down on a sustained basis, you will help make
the United States much more competitive in world markets, both
because of a lower dollar and lower interest rates. High interest
rates hurt our competitiveness in world markets. The Japanese
have a much lower cost of capital; that makes it much easier for
them to invest. And, second our problem is not inadequate savings.
It is that too much of it is being used up by the deficit. I think the
focus should be on the deficit.
The next best—and it is a distant second—is deregulation. The
more you continue to deregulate the U.S. economy, the better our
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competitive performance will be in the long-term. But there is
nothing you can do to substitute for inaction on the deficit.
By the way, I think you are being a little too hard on yourself,
Congressman. I think the Administration shares some b'ame for
the situation we have reached at this point. It is not just the Con-
gress.
Mr. ROEMER. I thank you. Dr. Sinai.
Mr. SINAI. I think that it is good that you sobered us up on defi-
cit reduction. But I would be remiss if I did not sober everyone up
on deficit reduction. It is a very serious problem. Much of what we
see today, the imbalances we have been talking about, really stem
from that problem. We would settle for a concurrent resolution.
And maybe you will tell me at least that we could have that.
Mr. ROEMEH. The check is in the mail, right.
Mr. SINAI. It is a significant dent if we get a concurrent resolu-
tion. Failing to get that, that is really very negative.
One minor point on productivity growth. It is better than it has
been since the 1960's but still not satisfactory. It is difficult in what
has become an increasingly services economy to properly measure
it. Services productivity is really very difficult to ascertain.
Finally, on tax reform and capital spending, we find in our study
that the removal of the business tax incentives, or all of the busi-
ness tax changes in the President's plan, considering those alone,
would cost some $50 billion in real terms in 5 years in equipment
and plant spending. That is a high number because you have to
plug in the extra consumer spending and sales and what that does
to business investment from the reduction in personal income taxes
that will come about. But, I think, intuitively, it is inconceivable to
me that one could take away targeted tax subsidies to business
equipment and plant spending and not get a reduction in capital
spending.
I do not have any trouble with that if you tell me there is no
national goal to promote capital formation and the increase in pro-
ductivity that would go with it. But, in 1981, it looked like it was a
national goal. There was an implicit contract between the business
community and the administration on that score. And 4 years
later, it simply is being withdrawn.
So I think, in the tax reform proposals the thing to do is not to
fully eliminate the investment tax credit. It could be phased out. It
could go to five rather than zero. And the ACRS could be modified
to be a little more generous.
The windfall recapture tax is just an increase in corporate profits
taxes, which would certainly hurt the corporate sector. It is very
hard to justify that.
The problem is, if you do anything that I have recommended, the
bill becomes a revenue loser and you are back with all the same
problems. Why not raise the level of the proposed tax reductions—
how about 17.5 percent, 27.5 percent and 37.5 percent and get back
some of the revenues that way? You would still have a net tax re-
duction.
Mr. ROEMER. Well, I thank you for your time.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman FAUNTROY. We thank you.
Mr. Neal.
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Mr, NEAL. Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
Just a comment. In listening to the responses to the last couple
of questions, it sounds like you re almost saying that the free enter-
prise system will only work if you subsidize it. Mrs. Teeters just
mentioned that a huge percent of the biggest companies don't pay
any taxes. And then there's the recommmendation that they pay
even less. I don't know quite what to do about it.
It would be most desirable, it seems to me, to create sort of a
level playing field and not discourage investment and see what
happens. Our most successful periods of our economy during the
1950's and 1960's, I guess, were more along those lines; weren't
they? Weren't depreciation schedules
Mr. SINAI. They actually were accelerated in the early 1960's
when the tax credits and the accelerated depreciation measures
were first used. There is a way to recapture revenue that is not
paid by the number of companies in the top 1,000 and it would be
to enact a minimum corporate tax and alternative minimum corpo-
rate tax in which the various subsidies that I mentioned would be
lumped together and a minimum tax paid on them. So you can get
revenue back. There are very large inequities in the tax system.
We have so many companies paying no tax and so many other com-
panies paving a lot of tax.
Mr. NEAL. Well, anyway, my real question has to do with the re-
lationship between money growth and inflation and in testimony
only Mr. Robertson, I believe, expressed any concern about that.
And maybe my concern is not well-founded, but I tried to under-
stand this over the years. The almost only lasting and predictable
relationship I can find throughout history is this one between
money growth and inflation; whether the money's gold or paper or
whatever it is. And I don't understand why that relationship ap-
pears to have broken down in the last 2 or 3 years.
I wrote Dr. Milton Freidman, thinking that the great guru of
this theory would have a good answer for me. He wrote back and
said he didn't quite understand it either, but was working on it;
and others say the same sort of thing. Certainly I don't understand
it but I'm still a little leery of ignoring the historical record on this
subject, which we appear to be doing now. Money growth has been
rather dramatically outside the target ranges—rather dramatically
higher than growth in the economy—for long periods of time over
the last several years, and we don't appear yet to have paid a price,
but I'm still wondering if we might not have to pay that price at
some point down the road, especially if the dollar continues its de-
cline relative to other currencies and we have those pressures on
prices that would result from that.
Don't you all share any of this kind of concern about a future
inflation as a result of excessive money growth?
Yes, sir.
Mr. SINAI. There has always been until very recently a very sub-
stantial correlation between money growth and nominal GNP
growth and high inflation rates. The lags the monetarists have
cited, which are 6 to 18 months, have generally worked out, how-
ever it happened.
I think I would just suggest you look at that chart, too, which
shows a very rapid average Ml growth over the last 4 or 5 years
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and a steadily declining rate of inflation in the Consumer Price
Index.
The relationship has broken down and I think what is going on—
and it is without precedent in the postwar period—is that Ameri-
cans are buying so much abroad, both American consumers and
businesses. They do have to pay for it initially with checking ac-
counts or funds that are in Ml, but the purchasing, the demands,
leaks abroad and whatever inflationary pressure that comes from
those demands impacts abroad which, at the current time is so
slack the pressure is not felt. American producers, are losing more
and more of the purchases that go on that are financed with Ml
and so we do not see at this time inflationary pressures here.
Now, can it get us in some unforseen way? I think the answer is
yes. The way inflation comes back to haunt us is that at some point
you are going to generate some capacity pressures abroad—Great
Britain's inflation rate is back up to 7 percent. Americans are
buying a lot of goods in Great Britain though the dollar is coming
down out of this process and there is a reinflation on that score.
But, at the moment, the Ml relationship has broken down and I
think for the Fed, the only prudent thing to do is to temporarily
cut down the weight it gives to Ml because if they do not, if Ml is
followed, the Fed would do what they did in 1982 and 1983, they
would tighten. What would happen if monetary policy were tight-
ened now? Interest rates would rise and the dollar would strength-
en, What would happen to manufacturing and trade? The problem
would get worse; the split-personality U.S. economy would intensi-
fy.
Now, that is an incredible problem for the Central Bank and I
think they are making the best of a bad situation. I agree with you,
they cannot abandon those aggregates forever because then ulti-
mately we would be back in some reacceleration of inflation world
wide.
Mr. CHIMERINE. Congressman, I think at the outset it is impor-
tant to recognize that the historical relationship between money
growth and inflation has been far from perfect, particularly over
short periods of time. There has been some correlation over longer
periods of time but in the short run, movements have not been cor-
related that closely. Second, even to the extent there was some cor-
relation, Ml today is differently defined than Ml was 5 or 10 years
ago; it is affected by some of the factors Allen Sinai just talked
about. In addition, it now probably includes funds which are really
savings, and as various kinds of interest-bearing checking accounts
which did not exist 5 or 10 years ago. So it does not have the same
meaning.
Mr. NEAL. Excuse me for interrupting but doesn't the Fed make
a real serious attempt at juggling those figures so that Ml does
closely approximate a historical meaning of that term?
Mr. CHIMERINE. You can do that and if you do that and make
adjustments for these factors, you probably come out with much
less Ml growth over the last 2 or 3 years .
Mr. NEAL. What I mean is I think that the Fed, as I understand
it, includes a certain percent of the NOW accounts, for example, in
the Ml figure.
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Mr. CHIMERINE. Yes, and you can take that out. What I am
saying is that if you do—because they have grown so rapidly—you
get much slower growth in Ml than we had over recent years, so
that concern would not be as strong as I think is being suggested
by the people who focus on Ml without making the adjustments. I
think the most important thing—and it is something you raised in
your question—is that there is no black box here. There is no magi-
cal relationship as to its impact on the economy. You must take
into account conditions that exist in the economy. Right now, we
have an underutilized world economy with a lot of excess capacity,
a lot of unemployment, probably at a record high on a worldwide
basis. We have an overvalued dollar which you talked about and
we have had massive deregulation. We have an economy in the
United States that is probably more competitive now than it has
been in the last 20 or 30 years. So under these conditions, rapid Ml
growth over short periods of time is not going to have the same in-
flationary consequences it might have if the economy was closer to
full capacity and if other conditions were different.
But having said that—this is why it is so important to get deficit
reduction—we cannot continue to permit most of the measures of
money and credit availability to grow at or near, double-digit rates
forever. Eventually, it will be inflationary. And I think that is the
box we have put the Fed in here. Because in order to keep interest
rates at reasonable levels with these big deficits, they have to
permit rapid credit growth. But that can work for a couple of years
without generating inflation. That is why, reinforcing the point we
have all made four times already today, it is so important to get
the deficits down.
I guess my answer is, I am not too worried about the inflationary
consequences of strong monetary growth right now but I would not
propose that the Fed keep doing this for the next 3 or 4 years.
Mrs. TEETERS. Mr. Congressman, I have a somewhat different
point of view, and that is that money can facilitate inflation, and
monetary policy can stop it. But money in and of itself is only the
vehicle because you can have inflation even with a zero growth in
money supply if velocity changes enough. That is essentially what
was happening in Germany in the 1920's.
Most inflations comes from other sources, either excess demand
or a major shortage of a commodity, like oil. The mechanism of a
financial systems will adjust to the inflation either by changing the
velocity or changing the rate of growth in money supply. If you
have had excess increase in the growth of money supply over a
long period of time, then the velocity does not have to go up so
much to accommodate inflation.
I certainly agree with Larry Chimerine, I did not think the rela-
tionship was ever that strong to begin with. It involved an enor-
mous number of lags over a very long period of time and if you put
in enough lags over a long enough period of time, it becomes a tau-
tology because you have to get the money someplace to finance the
current dollar GNP.
Money growth is obviously something that the Central Bank
should watch and should take into account in settling the amount
of reserves it supplys to the economy, but it is not the only thing
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going on out there. As a result other things do occur that have to
be considered.
I would like to comment on one thing that has been said repeat-
edly; "The Fed is focusing on nominal GNP." They always did to
some extent, even back as early as nearly 30 years ago when I had
my first association with them. The problem with saying "focus on
nominal GNP" as your sole guide, is that it does not tell the trad-
ing desk at the New York Federal Reserve Bank what to do on a
day-to-day basis. You cannot say to the trading desk in New York,
get 6-percent growth in nominal GNP, because it literally does not
tell them when to inject or take out reserves.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. I have prepared in my testimony a short table
which I think answers part of the question and that is that the
narrow definition of Ml has changed over time quite dramatically.
The category "other checkable deposits" was nonexistent just 5
or 6 years ago; it is now one of the biggest items in the Ml defini-
tion. And, by the best estimate of the Fed by the end of 1985, they
would probably be over 50 percent. So there is a change in the total
definition.
Obviously, if you start printing money the way they did it in
Europe in the 1920's and so forth—you obviously run a risk of total
financial collapse. And I tried to describe our industry not doing
well in terms of prices. On the contrary, as I have already said, we
have actually had deflation in prices of real estate and I think this
is pretty widespread, including commodity prices worldwide. I am
not really terribly worried about the inflation.
I am worried about what Henry Kauffman described as the ex-
plosion of credit or all credit which is partly due to government
and to private expansion. It is a very difficult and potential prob-
lem for us. But insofar as inflation is concerned—I am not really
terribly concerned about it.
Mr. ROBERTSON. I do not know that I have anything more to add,
really, other than what I noted in my testimony.
I find it a bit odd, though, that nobody seemed to be very worried
about inflation; that has always been the fatal error, it seems to
me, in the past.
It is also worth pointing out that even though we have underuti-
lization of resouces, falling oil prices, stagnation in Europe and all
the other problems which would seem to suggest that we need not
worry about inflation at all, we do have an inflation rate which is 3
or 4 percent.
And the inflation rate today is certainly very good when you
compare it with the 1970's but it is not at all good when you com-
pare it with the rest of the peacetime post-World War II period.
The average annual increase in, let's say, overall consumer
prices during much of the 1950's after the Korean war, and before
the war in Southeast Asia, was about 1 Vfe percent.
So we really are not doing all that well relative to other peace-
time years since World War II.
And that was my point that we should be just a little cautious
about what I call stepping on the accelerator.
Mr. NEAL. Well, it is higher as a matter of fact, than it was in
1972 when President Nixon felt it was so high that we had to
impose wage and price control.
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Mr. ROBERTSON. Very close to it, sir, yes.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Thank you, Mrs. Teeter and gentlemen.
The current recovery is often characterized as uneven because of
the decline in productivity and lack of increase in the manufactur-
ing sector have causes losses, by some estimates, of over 220,000
jobs. While there have been increases in the service sector part of
the economy, the jobs created there have not matched the losses in
other parts of the economy. In addition, the deficit—that is a lack
of any real progress to reduce it—continues to be a real concern to
me. To set the background for my questions, let me simply say that
I have been wedded to a three-word history of America, that is, the
following: farmer, worker, clerk. With the sharp drops in productiv-
ity and in manufacturing, I have the feeling that we are, in 1985—
with respect to the transition from worker to clerk, from manufac-
turing to service orientation—where we were at the turn of the
century with respect to the transition from agriculture to worker
to industrial society.
Over the past 5 years, I have been author of something called a
Congressional Black Caucus Alternative Budget which had been
consistently designed to reduce the deficits by two means: First, by
focusing cuts in spending on the military budget but, more impor-
tant, protecting programs that meet the needs of the people who
are hurt most in a transition, namely those 220,000 who lost their
jobs—many of them black—in labor-intensive manufacturing areas
that have moved to cheaper labor markets abroad, and second, to
provide in our package tax reform that penalizes nonproductive in-
vestment and rewards investment that would deal with our realis-
tic employment needs in this country given our world-competitive
status.
With that as background, I would like you to address yourselves
a number of questions. What industries ought we seek to save in
terms of meaningful job opportunities for the American citizens
and, how ought we to fashion tax reform to deal with two realities
that have come to my attention in recent months.
The first reality is perhaps illustrated by an executive over in
our major corporations who said, I have analyzed the Reagan pro-
posals and have concluded that I would gain from them $125,000 in
tax relief. He said, "I don't need that so I don't think that ought to
be implemented even though it would benefit me." That is one
kind of situation. Many corporations that pay no taxes have been
searching for ways to give away some money so that they will not
look so bad when it is reported that they paid no taxes. What kind
of tax reform can we shape that would eliminate that kind of prob-
lem for the corporation and for the individual executive, and at the
same time that would reward those who invest in areas of produc-
tivity that are important for the workers in this country.
The second reality is my concern that the present package is
geared toward the service areas. Those in the computer industry
are boasting about their tax breaks. When services are moving the
market forces anyhow, they do not need any incentives. Can you
suggest to me what I can say to the minority worker who has lost
his steel job or his textile job or his job in mining. What can I say
to him about where we are going as a country, from worker to
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clerk, in a fashion that he can be included as a worker or he can
get training to move into service areas.
I have given you a large question but I need to see if you can
come out where I come out in the Congressional Black Caucus Con-
structive Alternative Budget.
Mr. CHIMERINE. Can I take a crack at that, Mr. Chairman?
Chairman FAUNTROY. Certainly.
Mr. CHIMERINE. First, I would like to address the issue of this
split personality, the shift from manufacturing to services that you
talked about. Many of us have referred to it this morning. I think
there has been a myth spreading that it is alright if manufactur-
ing, agriculture, and energy, collapse because we will make up for
it in high-tech, services and construction. I do not believe there is
any way this can happen.
That is possible on a gradual basis over a long-term period, but it
is not possible if it has to happen rapidly in the very short-term.
For a number of reasons we are seeing evidence of this already.
First, many of the high-tech companies depend heavily on manu-
facturing for their orders. Second, the loss of high-paying manufac-
turing jobs, those people cannot buy services and they are not
going to buy new homes.
The manufacturers themselves are cutting back on purchases of
business services. So we are already beginning to see the effects of
the sharp weakness in those industries spread to the so-called
strong sectors of the economy. Inevitably, they are going to drag
those down with them. They will not do as badly as some of the
manufacturing and commodity producers, but they will be nega-
tively affected by it if we have to make that transition very quick-
ly. You cannot retrain the manufacturing workers you talked
about to become programmers overnight. On a long-term basis,
slower growth in manufacturing can permit faster growth in the
other sectors as the new members of the labor force move more
heavily in that direction. But you cannot shift that quickly.
Second, what industries should we try to save? I think it is up to
them. I think it is the job of the administration and Congress to
provide the proper environment, meaning interest rates that are
conducive to capital formation and risktaking in the United States,
and exchange rates that allow us to be reasonably competitive on
average in world markets. For those industries whose cost struc-
ture is lopsided, it is up to them to get it back in line or else they
are just going to disappear. But that is all I think you should be
focusing on, providing the proper kind of environment.
Third, with tax reform, I agree with your objectives 100 percent.
I was privileged, as you may or may not remember, to review your
budget in the last year or two at your request. I think some of your
recommendations are excellent. As a perfect example, I have never
personally been able to understand why we permit capital gains on
the sale of paintings or other such assets.
One thing to consider to perhaps raise more money and still pro-
mote productivity growth is to narrow the focus of some of the tax
incentives that we provide. Second, eliminating some of the gross
distortions in the tax system would be very desirable.
It seems to me illogical that we should be building apartment
buildings and office buildings in some areas when vacancy rates
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are already 20 percent. The reason more are being built is because
enough is earned on the tax benefits even if they do not rent the
building out.
Those things have to be changed. And they should be done in a
way that simultaneously brings in some revenue, in my judgment,
to address the other major issue, which is the budget deficit. But I
think a tax structure with the goals you laid out in your question
are absolutely the right objectives.
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. Chairman, I'd like to make one point about
this malaise in manufacturing. We have lumped all of manufactur-
ing together and said that we have problems in manufacturing.
The primary area of concern is basic manufacturing industry.
The production of basic industry in this country is roughly 2 per-
cent above what it was 11 years ago. In other words, output has
been stagnant over an extended period of time.
This malaise reflects not only the recent flood of imports but
some deep-seated structural problems as well. Irrespective of what
happens to the dollar, we should recognize that many of these basic
industries are facing an enormous challenge from the low cost
highly productive industries of Southeast Asia and elsewhere in
the world-
Many of our manufacturing industries are alive, well and pros-
perous. It is the basic industries of this country, many of which
have powered the expansion over the last 30 years, that are in
trouble.
I think, too, that we will shortly see whether the growth of serv-
ice-related activities require a thriving manufacturing sector. If
they do, we could face the prospect of a dramatic slowdown in the
growth of service employment.
I don't think that it would be advisable for the Government, or
indeed anyone else to identify those industries which should re-
ceive taxpayer support. I think it is the appropriate function of
Government to provide the right climate and the right environ-
ment in which business can invest and can grow.
So the other point is that we need to address with greater vigor
the issue of job training and retraining. It's all very well for people
to talk as I do sometimes about problems of industrial dislocation
and transitional costs, but this is economic jargon.
There are a lot of people who have been unemployed for a long
period of time, and are going through a period of very severe eco-
nomic distress.
So, maybe, if we could address the issue of improved training for
displaced workers, I think that would be helpful.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. Mr. Chairman, I think I agree with Larry and
Norman that we need to provide a climate. But, beyond that, I
think we have some responsibility as a society and the Congress
has some responsibility to at least part of the population. In par-
ticular, I am concerned for housing because the lumber industry
has not done well. That is a function of the dollar. We are import-
ing nearly half of our lumber usage now from Canada and with the
Canadian dollar being less—obviously it makes importing lumber
much more attractive.
Beyond that, I think, for housing, what we need mostly are lower
rates. But beyond that I think there is one segment of the housing
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industry we should require more rather than less involvement, and
that is in low-income housing. We have not done much of anything
to help or even to get to first base in really doing something funda-
mental. There are a lot of people who cannot afford to rent or buy
homes. And the Government programs have been dismantled over
the years. I have never really supported a major expansion of Gov-
ernment programs, but there is nothing you can do for a large
number of people in the United States other than to help them to
place a roof over their heads. And we are not doing that. So I think
it is a source of responsibility rather than anything else. And the
tax changes must reflect that kind of a shift.
Beyond that, I think what we need also is a very long-term
change in sewer and water expenditures, which are going to hit us
hard in the near future. When you really look at it over the last 20
years, we are doing less rather than more. One area where tax
money is doing quite well now, is for highway construction. You
can see some improvement as a result of the legislation which you
passed—the 5-percent tax.
But, in construction, in all cities—the sewers, the waters and all
these other things, our bridges—need a lot of work in the future.
And these are the kind of areas where you could do a lot of good in
the future.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Mrs. Teeters, do you have any reaction to
that?
Mrs. TEETERS. I will expand on what was said earlier. I liked
SETA. I think we have an opportunity now with the lower school-
age population to use some of the funds in education to change the
orientation to increase the job training that is going on.
The other thing I would like to point out to you is that New Eng-
land is doing very well, though I have not studied intently what
has happened in New England in its revitalization. The area has
switched from being a textile and shoe manufacturer to being basi-
cally high-tech. A variety of things went on up there. I think there
are lessons to be learned, because that area is our oldest industrial
area, and it is doing very well at the present time.
Chairman FAUNTROY. You say "lessons to be learned".
Mrs. TEETERS. Lesson one is basically the reorientation of the
labor force—the cooperation that developed between the local gov-
ernments, the State governments, the universities, the banks, and
the financial system—in trying to find a solution to what was the
most depressed area of the country. There was some outmigration.
At one time after World War II their average wages were about 25
percent above the national average. They are now at the national
average. But the wages never actually went below the average.
They used education to bring in and attract new industries.
Another area of the country that is doing extraordinarily is the
Southeast. It is a different type of high-tech. It is into medical biol-
ogy high-tech, the green revolution of the agriculture, the pharma-
ceutical and chemical revolution. It is like neighborhoods—I am
not sure of the proper name, but something like the Neighborhood,
Inc. That organization has redeveloped successfully lower middle-
class neighborhoods. They have taken what they have learned
starting with Baltimore, MD, and Berkeley, CA, and have literally
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lifted their technologies and used them in other places. We do have
some very good examples of this.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Any other reactions to that?
[No response.]
Chairman FAUNTROY. Let me then move to Congressman McCol-
lum.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I know we're rapidly
coming to a close to the hearing, but I would like to ask two follow-
up type areas that I don't think have been explored that much.
Early on, there was comment, I believe Mr. Chimerine and Mr.
Sinai made, with respect to the growth of the economy as far as
GNP goes in the second half of this year not being nearly so opti-
mistic.
I understand, well, first of all, let me lay the predicate of saying:
In the Federal Reserve's Economic Projections that were present-
ed to us yesterday for the second half of this year, in that report,
we saw that they expect, based on quarter to quarter for the entire
year, the calendar year 1985, that GNP would grow between 2%
and 3 percent.
There were some variations but that's the median of the opinion,
I guess, out of the open market committee or the President's, or
the Fed, or wherever—maybe out of some of you policymakers
down there in this line.
Now, the interesting thing about that, as you know, is the fact
that we had a next to flat—what?—three-tenths of a percent
growth in the first quarter? And I understand this morning we've
downward pushed the projections of what has happened in the
second quarter to 1.7 percent.
By my calculations, that averages about 1 percent annualized for
the first half of this year.
In order to achieve a 23/4- to 3-percent growth rate, it seems to
me that the entire balance of the year would require a 5 percent or
better growth. That's my mathematics. I may be off. I was doing it
by hand up here, no calculators this morning.
Yesterday, Chairman Volcker said he wouldn't project that high
a growth for the second half, and I asked him that. He said he
would project a 4 percent plus growth though for the second half.
That's his opinion, I think.
What I want to know is two things. No. 1 is, in light of every-
thing we know and you know, do you conclude, as I begin to think
I am, that 2% to 3 percent is an unrealistic projection the Fed gave
us yesterday for the entire year?
Number 2, what is your opinion about what growth we can real-
istically expect in this second half? Is 4 percent plus in GNP, as
Chairman Volcker indicated he thought it would be, too rosy a sce-
nario? Or, can we achieve that or better?
And I'd just like to go down the panel, starting with Mr. Robert-
son, and see if we can get an opinion on this; because I think it's
important for us to understand, you know, what can we really
expect—not just in the long term, but in the immediate short term.
Mr. ROBERTSON. Congressman, as someone else said a long time
ago:
"There are lies and there are damned lies and there are statis-
tics." [Laughter.]
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Mr. McCoLLUM. That's a good comment,
Mr. ROBERTSON. I think, in terms of the growth rate, there is a
good chance that we could bounce back in the third quarter, partly
because I think we should see some pickup in the rate of inventory
building. We should have less of a deterioration in the trade bal-
ance.
So that, from a statistical standpoint, it's easy to get to a 4-per-
cent rate just on the basis of a less negative impact of the trade
balance plus some pickup in the rate of inventory building.
Consumer spending still looks fairly strong. As for housing, al-
though the figures that came out the other day were not quite as
positive as I thought they might be, homebuilding should be a sus-
taining force.
Possibly we could have 4 percent growth rate in the fourth quar-
ter, but looking ahead to 1986,1 doubt that lower interest rates will
spark a new burst of activity. And my own forecast shows a fourth
quarter 1985 to fourth quarter 1986 rate of real GNP growth which
is under 3 percent.
Mr. MCCOLLUM. For the entire year?
Mr. ROBERTSON. No; by the end of the year and going forward
into 1986. But I think the immediate quarter or two could be rea-
sonably strong. But if we assume that we are then out of the woods
so far as the economic outlook for 1986 is concerned, that would be
a mistake.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Dr. Sumichrast.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. No; I will give you numbers though I do not
have a great deal of trust in this: For the second quarter, 2 percent;
third quarter, 2.5 percent; the last quarter, 2 percent; the first
quarter 1986, 0.2 percent; second quarter, 1.1 percent; the third
quarter, minus 0.5 percent. And the last quarter of next year,
minus eight-tenths of 1 percent.
Mr. McCoLLUM. That is the projections you would have for where
we're going in GNP growth?
Mr. SUMICHRAST. Correct.
Mr. McCoLLUM. You say you don't have much confidence in
those figures. Do you think
Mr. SUMICHRAST. Well, they may be on the high side rather than
on the low side.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Mrs. Teeters.
Mrs. TEETERS. One of the phenomenons that strikes you in the
last four quarters of growth is that total domestic expenditures
have been growing nicely—in the 3- to 4- to 5-percent range—which
is taking total domestic production and adding back in imports—
net of the imports and exports. What is really depressing the econ-
omy is the rapidly growing volume of imports and the very slow or
declining volume of exports. The demand is there but it is being
increasingly satisfied by overseas production. What the GNP num-
bers actually come out to be depends upon what happens to the im-
ports.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Well, now, yesterday, Chairman Volcker said
that the drop in the value of the dollar is not, even though it's
been significant, not been enough in his judgment to really be re-
flected in any major change in what you're taking about.
Is that your opinion as well?
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Mrs. TEETERS. I think it has a long way to go. I wish the dollar
would decline a little slower—1 percent a day is upsetting.
But, to get back to purchasing power parity, at the present time,
where you have taken into account the exchange rates and the dif-
ferential prices and so forth, that would have us trading at about
$2.20 against the German mark instead of the $2.85 or $2.83 as of
yesterday. Thus there is still a long way to go to put us back into
an internationally competitive mode. But, at this point, however
we got there, and I agree with the analysis that our most pressing
short-term problem is the high level of the dollar on the foreign ex-
change market.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Dr. Chimerine.
Mr. CHIMERINE, Congressman, to answer your question directly, I
think the best we can do during the second half of the year would
be about a 3-percent rate of increase, which, using your arithmetic,
would mean for the year as a whole, fourth quarter to fourth quar-
ter, we would average 2 percent. This is about a percentage point
below the Fed's estimate. I do not think you can fault the Chair-
man too much because he was not aware of the downward revision
in the second quarter number when he gave you that forecast.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Well, let me say though, he did tell us yester-
day—my ears were open—he said:
Tomorrow, it's going to be a downward projection, and I'm going to make up for
that in my analysis, and I think the inventory drop is the reason to make up for it.
He says, "That would make up for the difference."
So he did not maybe know the exact figure, but he knew it was
going to be a big drop.
Mr. CHIMERINE. Then he is expecting a fairly significant accel-
eration in the second half.
I do not think it will happen to that extent because I think
import penetration will continue to rise, and consumer spending is
in the process of slowing in terms of growth, in my judgment. We
have talked about a number of other things—We have capital
goods orders that are not that strong. Thus I think the best we can
do is about 3 percent.
I might make one quick comment about it though. A lot of
people in this country became exuberant after the first IVz years of
this recovery, and kept talking about the speed of the recovery and
the fact that, at least at that point, it was the fastest we had expe-
rienced in the entire postwar period. That may have been true, but,
nonetheless, it was a significant overstatement of the health of the
U.S. economy because of how low or how poor conditions were
when the recovery process began.
I think people frequently confuse the rate of increase with the
level of economic activity. You know, we fell down a big hole
during the late 1970's and early 1980's, and we came part of the
way back up. But I think you have to put in perspective this slower
growth we now have in the context of an economy that is far from
healthy to begin with. We need much faster growth in order to get
this economy, particularly the industries which have not partici-
pated in the recovery yet, to get them back to reasonably healthy
conditions. It is a very troublesome to me that we are not growing
more rapidly.
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Mr. McCoLLUM. Dr. Sinai.
Mr. SINAI. No, we can not do it in our view. The main reason is
there is an underestimation of the weakness in trade and manufac-
turing. The data never really give you the full sweep of the story of
what is really going on out there. Trade and manufacturing are
still being punished immensely, and the dollar has to fall a lot
more. And, even then, there are lags before we could get an im-
provement.
Mr. McCoLLUM. So you don't see a 4-percent plus growth in the
second half of this year?
Mr. SINAI, No, our forecast has consistently been in the low 2-
percent range and we are still there, at 2.1 percent. That is far
below where they are. I think there is one way to get it. Chairman
Volker does have the trump card. If the Federal Reserve eases ag-
gressively on monetary policy and engineers sharply lower interest
rates between now and the end of the year, then we may get those
figures. There can be an inventory rebound in the third quarter,
but that would only be transitory.
Mr. McCoLLUM. I assume nobody here was surprised by the
downward adjustment of the GNP today?
Mr. SINAI. I think the consensus was around 2 to 2Vs percent—it
was low.
Mr. McCoLLUM. Mr. Chairman, I have a lot of other things I
could ask, but in the interests of my seat and everybody else's sit-
ting, I will yield back, and thank you.
Chairman FAUNTROY. Well, the seat can absorb what Mr. Bar-
nard and what Mr. Carper will ask. Mr. Barnard.
Mr. BARNARD. Let's get back to the deficit. In 1984, there were
about six budget proposals offered the House of Representatives.
Mr. Roemer's proposal was called a 2-percent reduction. At least
we thought it was a 2-percent reduction, but we finally called it a
2-percent budget, because he got about 2 percent of the vote.
[Laughter.] But anyway, I voted with him. And after I get through
this, you're going to find out that I'm not a Member of the majority
of the House of Representatives.
This past year, we had three or four proposals that were made.
Frankly, I voted with Mr. Leath's proposal. Did you vote for Mr.
Leath's proposal?
No, you voted with your proposal. [Laughter.]
Chairman FAUNTROY. I did not vote, and I won't go into the
reason why, but go right on. [Chairman Fauntroy has no vote on
the House floor.] [Laughter.]
Mr. BARNARD. Anyway, that particular proposal was—I think we
got about 59 votes on that too.
But I believe, Mr. Chimerine, if you had been a Member of Con-
gress, from what you said this morning, you'd have voted for our
budget. And the reason is, you designed little parameters about
what you do to reduce Federal spending. You would address mili-
tary spending.
But the thing that really caught my ear was, you said we ought
to have more means tested programs. That's true. What's happen-
ing is, we don't have the appetite, the political appetite to read-
dress the priorities of this country. We do have definite needs, but
we continue to want to satisfy every demand that's out there. And
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we've got a constituency for every one of these budget items. But
we have got to reassess what our capabilities are. We cannot, as a
government, as an economy, as a nation, do everything like we
wanted to do.
Why don't we readdress the Consumer Price Index? I mean, why
don't we do some things that would bring some of these programs
back into some perspective. I don't think we've adjusted the Con-
sumer Price Index in years, and yet we've got inflation down to,
what? 2 percent? 3 percent?
Mr. CHIMERINE. Three to four percent.
Mr. BARNARD. But see, that's what what we get hung up on. It's
just amazing to me that we don't be realistic about that. I guess
I'm not asking a question. I'm just telling
Mr. CHIMERINE [laughing]. It is amazing to me.
Mr. BARNARD. But don't you think that we have got to address
some of these good social programs which were absolutely wonder-
ful when we put them in in 1966 and 1968, but we can't afford
today?
Mr. CHIMERINE. I agree with you, Congressman. I think the Con-
gress has done an admirable job on the nonentitlement programs.
In fact, in some cases, my own view, is that they have probably cut
some of those too much. I am particularly talking about some of
the education programs and some of the welfare programs that are
directly targeted to the very poor and the very needy. What is left,
forgetting defense now, are the entitlements. My own personal
view is that programs, like Social Security benefits, to be honest,
and some of the Medicare and other health programs, should be
made means tested program, so that people with high incomes or
large assets do not receive the same benefits as others. That is one
way of cutting the growth in spending without limiting spending to
those people who really need it.
It is going to take a lot of courage. It is going to be very difficult
to do, but that is one thing that can be done. I would caution you,
though, that while the savings accumulate, so that they will be
very large 10 or 20 years down the road, by itself that is not the
solution to the deficit program during the next several years. You
will still have to do something on defense, and you will still need
some revenues. But on a long-term basis, I agree completely, and I
do not know how you are going to get there, but I think it is essen-
tial that it be done.
Mr. BARNARD. I give back the balance of my time.
Mrs. TEETERS. Just one other comment. You're being eaten alive
by the interest. With those huge deficits piling up you're going to
crowd out everything, if you don't stop the growth in the outstand-
ing public debt.
Chairman FAUNTROY. True, and that is why new revenue is im-
portant.
Mr. Carper.
Mr. CARPER. I'd like to thank the first baseman from the District
of Columbia for yielding to me. [Laughter.]
I also want to commend our chairman for the excellent panel
that he's presented to the subcommittee and thank all the wit-
nesses for their testimony.
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I just might observe that although my colleague from Georgia
has left it, there are three members sitting here—who were sitting
here, who actually voted for this so-called Leath amendment,
which attacked the deficits on all fronts, including entitlement
spending, defense spending, and revenues. And there were only,
unfortunately 53 others in the entire House who joined forces with
us to do that.
Let me just ask a couple of questions. I'd like to go, first of all to,
is it Dr. Sumichrast? I don't want to butcher it too badly.
Mr. CARPER. Dr. Sumichrast, you mentioned that there was enor-
mous growth of credit demanols on the part of the Federal Govern-
ment and on the part of American consumers. Who was continuing
to finance that demand for credit? I don't see any substantial
growth of savings in this country? I don't assume it's all coming
from abroad. So where is the money coming from to finance our
demand for credit?
Mr. SUMICHRAST. I think the Henry Kaufman papers would ex-
plain that in some detail. He has made a very strong presentation
on that subject and also in the Chairman's testimony. I think the
best guess, and maybe Allan knows better, about $120 billion comes
from overseas. The Federal Reserve Board publishes the data and
it gives you some definition of where the money is coming from.
Essentially, other than foreign money, we depend on personal sav-
ings. Businesses do not save money. They typically desave. So it is
a function of savings. And, our as savings rate remains low, 5 per-
cent, which, by the way, is a disgrace anyway you look at it. By
any international comparison, we are not doing well at all. But the
explosion I was referring to was somewhat similar to what the
Chairman mentioned, that productive and nonproductive use of
capital, all these mergers, and the leverage buyouts, and all these
things are absorbing an enormous amount of money. And Kaufman
made pretty much the same point. When you take a look at the
period between 1978 and 1982, you will see that we typically raised
less than half a trillion dollars every year, roughly. Roughly, given,
less than $500 million. Since that time, we have seen the need for
credit practically doubling. In the last quarter of last year, the
total credit raised was over $1 trillion. It was an enormous in-
crease, and a lot of it was, of course, in mortgages. I agree that $1
billion of that increase in the last couple of years was in the mort-
gage market, both residential and nonresidential.
Mr. CARPER. OK. Let me interrupt you, if I can.
Mr. SUMICHRAST. Yes.
Mr. CARPER. I understood you to say that roughly $120 billion of
our—is that combined Federal and
Mr. SUMICHRAST. No, I am not talking about debt; I am talking
about the funds raised in credit markets, which have been allocat-
ed to U.S. Government securities, State and local, mortgage
market, consumer credit, and so forth. What I am referring to is
that we have seen a very rapid increase in the total credit market,
and consequently, also, the movement from equity into the debt.
One of the greatest problems we are facing, and we do the same
thing in our industry—we have been told by a lot of people that we
should move from debt into equities. That was about 2 or 3 years
ago. It did not make sense to go after public money and raise
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money to build large complexes or stores or office buildings, but yet
exactly the opposite has happened. What we have seen is a very
large increase in debt. Everybody is borrowing money, because ob-
viously, the tax structure of the United States is supportive of that
direction.
The point I am making is that we have seen a major explosion in
total credit and an explosion in debt as well. And when you chart
these numbers, you can see that the GNP is here and the total debt
is going over in this direction. And the gap is widening. And there
is some serious implications, which I guess Allan would be able to
answer better than I can.
Mr. CARPER. Again, to any member of the panel, my question—
let me just try to make it clearer.
I understand that there is an explosive growth of credit demand
from within our country. I am trying to find out how it is being
financed. I think you suggested that $120 billion of it was being fi-
nanced from abroad. I think that's what you said.
Mrs. TEETERS. That is correct. If you look at the capital flows for
1984, the largest source of the financing was the reduction in
American banks lending abroad. It went from close to $100 billion
to well below $10 billion. That is money which previously had gone
primarily to Latin America. So you have cut credit, basically, to
the Latin American areas. In addition there was a substantial in-
crease in foreign holdings of U.S. Government Treasury securities.
There was a substantial increase in direct investment by foreigners
in the United States. Then there is a lovely animal called the sta-
tistical discrepancy, which out of the $120 billion, totaled $35 bil-
lion. When you scratch at that statistical discrepancy, which in-
creased substantially over the previous year, it looks to be very
short-term money, is probably coming in through the banks, and is
being invested in mutual funds. But you can not trace it, and it is
very difficult to find.
My own reaction to this statistical discrepancy is that it probably
is very short-term investment money. And, it is probably hot, in
the sense that if there are higher rates of return someplace else, it
will flow out equally quickly.
Mr. CARPER. One other question, and that is, as the dollar trends
down—I am going to assume for a moment, maybe wrongly, that
the dollar will continue to trend down, and if that does, indeed,
happen, how will that affect our ability to attract funds to continue
to finance the continued growth of our Federal debt and our con-
sumer credit demands?
Mr. SINAI. That is one of the very big risks that exist that Chair-
man Volcker and others have referred to. Once the process starts
to go, it fundamentally suggests dollar declines, slow growth, and
lower short-term interest rates. Then what takes over is a momen-
tum effect. As foreign currency holders begin to expect the dollar
to decline, they calculate their total expected returns that way and
then look elsewhere.
Mr. CARPER. Do we then have to raise interest rates?
Mr. SINAI. It is definitely a force that would push interest rates
higher at a time when that would be the last thing you would want
to have happen.
Mr. CARPER. OK. Thank you all.
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Mr. ROEMER. Well, on that point, we either raise interests or cut
the deficit.
Mr. CARPER. That's correct.
Mr. SINAI. Again, you are right back to the deficit. You take the
pressure off this whole process if you cut the deficit.
Mr. CARPER. That's correct.
Chairman FAUNTROY. I want to express our appreciation to the
entire panel. You have certainly contributed much to our under-
standing of what our problems are and where we need to go. I wish
that every Member of the Congress could have been here to benefit
from your wisdom and from your considerable experience in this
area. We appreciate the care with which you prepared your testi-
mony and the time that you have spent here to present us your
thoughts. I certainly speak for every member of this subcommittee
that we have benefited greatly as individuals.
With that, we bring our hearing to a close. Thank you so much.
[Whereupon, at 12:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
[The following chart, "Growth of the Monetary Aggregate," was
submitted by the subcommittee for inclusion in the record:]
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GROWTH OF THE MONETARY AGGREGATES
17 n r 17
SOLID LINE IS Ml GROWTH
DASHED LINE IS M2 GROWTH RATES OF GROWTH ARE PERCENTAGE
DASH-DOT LINE IS M3 GROWTH CHANGE OF ft 6-MOBTH MOVING AVERAGE
FROM THE SAME PERIOD 1 YEAR AGO.
/ \
7 \
14 -
11 - -11
UoJ UoJ
. Of. tc
UJ UJ en
CL Q. CO
8 - -8
5 - -5
70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85
6-MONTH COVING AVERAGE
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1985, July 17). Congressional Testimony. Testimony, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19850718_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_pursuant_to
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_testimony_19850718_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_pursuant_to,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Congressional Testimony},
year = {1985},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Testimony, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/testimony_19850718_chair_conduct_of_monetary_policy_pursuant_to},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}