speeches · April 29, 1996
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EMBARGOED UNTIL 12:30 p.m. CDT
Tuesday, April 30, 1996
Three Percent Inflation Is Not "Price Stability"
Remarks by
Thomas C. Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Jonesboro Rotary Club
Jonesboro, Arkansas
April 30, 1996
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I would like to thank the Jonesboro Rotary Club for giving me the
opportunity to speak with you this afternoon. I'm happy to be here for two
reasons. First, it allows me to tell people about the Federal Reserve and its role
as the central bank of the United States. Second, it gives me a chance to express
my views about the appropriate objective of Federal Reserve monetary policy,
namely the pursuit of price stability.
In Arkansas, the economic news is very good: Arkansas' unemployment
rate has been consistently below the U.S. average for the past four years, and, as
detailed in a recent issue of the St. Louis Fed publication, The Regional
Economist, income has been growing more rapidly than the national average.
Nationwide, employment growth has been solid, unemployment is low, and the
expansion has been sustained for 60 months, well above the historical average.
Although this news on the real economy is heartening, monetary
policymakers sometimes pay too much attention to monthly gyrations in the real
economy rather than on providing the kind of stable price environment within
which the real economy can function best. Our focus should be on keeping
inflation low in the long run, not stimulating short-run real growth. Real growth
cannot be increased in any lasting sense by monetary policy. The Federal
Reserve's influence over economic activity in the short run is both extremely
limited and highly unpredictable, but monetary policy has long-run and lasting
effects on inflation.
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I think it is fair to say that the Fed has performed reasonably well with
respect to inflation during the recent expansion. Last year's inflation performance
was the best in nearly a decade, and 1995 marked the fourth consecutive year that
inflation has been below 3 percent. The recent period of low, stable inflation has
been strongly conducive to the business restructuring and investment that is driving
the current expansion. It is also the primary reason why long-term interest
rates—those crucial to farmers, homeowners, and businessmen and women—are
much lower today than they were in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Then,
inflation was at double digit rates and widely expected to stay high.
Today's economic landscape is in sharp contrast to that period, when the
rising inflation trend contributed to a corrosive environment of uncertainty and
speculative behavior. While we have made progress and solidified much of our
gains, the inflation train has not yet been derailed. Look at the forecasts of the
Blue Chip survey of economists, the Congressional Budget Office, and the Office
of Management and Budget—all continue to project inflation of about 3 percent for
this year. Surveys of consumers reveal an even more pessimistic outlook.
Disturbingly, there appears to be little optimism that inflation will recede over the
next several years. In the recent budget negotiations between the administration
and Congress, one economic assumption not in dispute was the prediction that
inflation will average above 3 percent over the next seven years.
Despite such a consensus, we should not be satisfied with an inflation rate
that remains entrenched at 3 percent. At that rate, the purchasing power of the
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dollar declines to 75 cents after only 10 years and by half in a generation. Three
percent inflation is indeed not price stability. In the brief time I have today, I'd
like to organize my remarks around the following issues: What monetary policy
can and cannot achieve; what the benefits of price stability are; and how we can
lock in those benefits.
Monetary policy is not an elixir that cures all ills, but it does play a
significant role in providing an environment within which a market economy can
function efficiently. Specifically, monetary policy actions determine the monetary
base, which is the amount of currency held by the public and the amount of
reserves held by banks. The monetary base is given that name because it is the
ultimate standard for settling obligations between individuals, businesses and
financial institutions. Monetary policy decisions, by influencing the reserve
holdings of financial institutions, also affect the amount of deposits that the public
uses to make payments.
When there is an excess supply of money, demand for output grows relative
to capacity to produce, and prices rise. That simple explanation says it all:
Excess money can't add to the number of workers, it can't add to technological
know-how, and it can't increase the stock of capital goods used in production.
Therefore, it can't increase output in the long run. But it can increase aggregate
demand, or total spending, and thereby increase the price level.
Although few relationships in economics are ironclad, the evidence is
overwhelming that longer-term trends in the growth rate of the money supply and
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inflation are closely linked, not just for the United States but for every other
country, too. In retrospect, losing sight of monetary policy's long-run impact on
inflation was a crucial error in the 1970s. The Federal Reserve did not
intentionally allow inflation to reach double-digit levels during this time. Rather,
it was the consequence of a good-intentioned attempt to buffer the economy from
the effects of temporary shocks, like the quadrupling of oil prices and rising
unemployment rates. Too much money was created, and its value was severely
depreciated. In spite of the inflationary monetary policy, real output grew far
slower in the 1970s than in the 1960s, when inflation was much lower.
That excessive monetary growth causes inflation is clear, but so what? Is
inflation really such a bad thing? Let me list some of the costs of inflation before
discussing the benefits of price stability. Inflation fosters an environment of
uncertainty about the nature of contracts—particularly those extending over a long
period. High inflation rates are always associated with high variability in
individual prices, which means that markets get fooled about how much to
produce, how much to pay for inputs, and how much to charge for products. Such
misallocations can be extremely costly with regard to capital investments that have
long pay-out periods and credit markets that finance capital formation. As Irving
Fisher, one of the great economists of the 20th century, said: "We have
standardized every other unit in commerce except the most important and universal
unit of all, the unit of purchasing power." Inflation—even at 3 percent—is a
shifting standard.
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Another cost is that inflation in this country not only disturbs our markets,
but markets around the world as well. The United States is by far the largest
international trading nation, and the dollar remains the international standard for
making payments. Our pre-eminence as an international financial center is
jeopardized by inflation.
Diversion of resources from production to protect against inflation is
another cost. In hyperinflation, declines in the purchasing power of money reach
double or triple digit rates per month. Every such case, consistent with what I
said earlier, is linked to comparable increases in the money supply, including those
in parts of the former Soviet Union today. These episodes provide unambiguous
examples of the destructive power of inflation: In such environments, individuals
and businesses devote vast resources to protecting their asset positions from the
ravages of inflation. Because scarce resources are drawn from more productive
uses, economic growth and living standards are depressed, as well. Yet, it is not
only hyperinflation that causes harm. Even moderate inflation is detrimental—as
the 1970s and early 1980s proved in the United States. Fast monetary growth did
not create more economic growth, only more inflation.
Finally, inflation distorts taxes. In fact, the big net beneficiary of inflation
is government, which profits from the depreciation of its outstanding debts and
increases in taxes on purely inflationary income returns, including capital gains.
Such inflation-induced distortions are costly to the private sector.
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Price stability, by avoiding the costs of inflation, can enhance the
economy's performance. The price mechanism is the fundamental way in which
a market economy distributes resources. Your salary, which is the price of your
labor, goes a long way in determining how you employ your skills and abilities.
Likewise, the supply of corn gets allocated based on its value as an input to the
production of various goods. When the price of corn rises, as it has been recently
because of dwindling supplies, those buyers who value corn the most bid up its
price. This is how the price mechanism should work: rationing the supply of corn
or your time to its most valued use.
Inflation, much like sand in a gearbox, wears away and distorts this
mechanism. For example, production managers who observe an increase in the
market price of their company's product might be inclined to plan for higher
output if the price increase is interpreted as reflecting strong demand for the
product. But if the price rise simply reflects a surge in inflation, then uncertainty
about the source of observed price changes increases the probability of an error.
The idea that an environment of price stability would allow the economy to reach
its full potential isn't some abstract concept. Rather, once a commitment to price
stability has been made, and its credibility fully established, business
decisionmakers will be better able to engage in efficient long-term planning.
A credible monetary policy with an objective of long-run price stability
would also translate into lower interest rates. The way for the Federal Reserve to
facilitate low interest rates is not to turn on the monetary spigots, but rather to
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achieve stable prices. There is a good reason why interest rates are two to three
percentage points higher today than they were in the 1950s. Inflation was two to
three percentage points lower at that time. Thus, even 3 percent inflation is
reflected in market interest rates. All of us who have experienced the inflation
cycle of the last 20 years know that interest rates include an "inflation" premium
to compensate lenders for the expected corrosion of their purchasing power over
time. Interest rates also include a premium to compensate for the risk associated
with uncertainty over future price level changes. If price stability were achieved
and inflation uncertainty eliminated, interest rates could be permanently lowered,
further enhancing investment and growth.
We can readily observe how inflation and interest rates are related by
comparing countries with different inflation records. For example, Germany
enjoys the benefits of having a long record of low and stable inflation, with low
borrowing costs. The reason for this, most economists agree, is that the German
Bundesbank, their version of our Federal Reserve, is strongly committed to
achieving such an outcome. Compare German inflation and interest rates with
those of Italy, Israel and Mexico—countries with much higher inflation historically
and much higher interest rates today.
I've gone through the arguments as to what sound monetary policy can
achieve and how price level stability would benefit the economy. But if the
benefits are so clear-cut, why doesn't the Federal Reserve "just do it?"
Unfortunately, the current mandate given to the Fed doesn't go far enough in
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allowing us to attain this goal. The reason is that, besides stable prices, the
Federal Reserve has other objectives, such as maximum growth and low
unemployment. Further complicating matters, these objectives are cast in
somewhat vague language, leaving the Fed with no clear ranking of priorities.
This state of affairs makes it far too likely that, in addressing short-run concerns,
we risk losing control of the long-run trend in inflation—an outcome we can do
something about.
Nevertheless, some still argue that the Fed should always strive to balance
the goals of low inflation and low unemployment. When all is said and done, we
are left with the reality that there is no reliable tradeoff between unemployment
and inflation. That is, inflationary policies won't create jobs and output, but only
inflation. The acceleration in monetary growth and inflation that occurred from
the mid 1960s thru the early 1980s was not associated with a decrease in the
unemployment rate, but an increase. Likewise, it was not associated with an
increase in real output growth, but a decrease.
Making price stability a lasting legacy begins by committing the Federal
Reserve to price stability as its primary objective. The full measure of benefits
from an environment of stable prices can only be reaped when the general public
is confident that inflation will not re-emerge to erode the value of their money or
their assets. But public confidence first requires credibility—and credibility is
much easier kept than recovered. Nonetheless, the recent experiences of several
countries, including Canada, New Zealand, Sweden and Britain, suggest that some
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credibility might be gained by making a public commitment to the single objective
of price stability. These comparatively new initiatives seem to be working out
well.
Similar legislation has been introduced in the U.S. Congress to make price
stability the sole objective of monetary policy. I support the principle of this
initiative because once the Fed has such a mandate, price stability is a realistic,
attainable goal. Within its current mandate, the Federal Open Market Committee
could explicitly recognize the overriding importance of price stability among its
various objectives. But this outcome is a second-best solution. The reason is that,
at various times in the past, the Fed has shown wide latitude in ranking its
objectives—often changing them to fit the prevailing climate of economic opinion.
It is not enough for today's policymakers to say that price stability is first,
sustainable long-term growth second, low unemployment third, and so forth. As
the damage of the 1970s showed, a future Fed is not hemmed in by a current
Fed's preferences.
In summary, over the past few years we have experienced a remarkable
confluence of positive economic conditions: Strong investment; moderate,
balanced growth; and low, steady inflation. I do not want to denigrate that record,
but neither do I want to be complacent about our potential to do even better. As
the nation's central bank, the Federal Reserve can contribute to that potential by
being committed to an objective of price stability. The current policy setting,
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characterized by multiple objectives and unpredictable outcomes, makes it all too
easy to lose sight of our single-most important role in economic policymaking.
There is no magic formula for making price stability a lasting legacy. The
Federal Reserve must have a clear objective, its performance must be monitored,
and it must be held accountable for attaining its goal. If this is not done in a
convincing fashion, we will never achieve full credibility, and the nation will fall
short of enjoying the full benefits of a stable price level environment.
As the markets constantly remind us, curbing inflation expectations is
always a work in progress. Three percent inflation is the best record in 30 years.
That's not bad, and the outlook is far from dismal. Nonetheless, I hope you agree
that 3 percent inflation is not price stability. We can do even better. And, to
allow our free market system to function at its maximum potential, we should.
Thank you.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1996, April 29). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19960430_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19960430_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1996},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19960430_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}