speeches · November 28, 1994
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
THE FED'S COMMUNITY AFFAIRS ROLE
Remarks by
Thomas C. Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St, Louis
Neighborhood Housing Services of St, Louis, Inc,
Annual Recognition Reception
November 29, 1994
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
I am pleased to participate in this year's Neighborhood
Housing Services of St. Louis Annual Recognition Reception,
The Federal Reserve, as a general matter, is keenly interested
in programs throughout the country that forge productive
partnerships between bank lenders and their communities—
partnerships that result in affordable housing and economic
development. The Fed takes a particular interest in NHS
programs, inasmuch as one of its Governors is, by statute, a
director of Neighborhood Reinvestment Corporation, the
"parent" of 182 NHS operations working in 152 U.S. cities,
including St. Louis. Currently, Fed Governor Larry Lindsey is
Chairman of NRC. And here locally, the St. Louis Fed's Vice
President and Community Affairs Officer, Randy Sumner, is an
officer and director of NHS of St. Louis.
In the few minutes I have this evening, I would like to
explain why the Fed is interested in housing and community
development issues, how our regionalized structure facilitates
effective involvement in this area and what bearing monetary
policy actions have on these activities.
First of all, why are we interested? Aside from the fact
that affordable housing and community development can
represent important underpinnings for achieving maximum
sustainable economic growth, a key objective of Fed policy,
the Fed is one of several federal banking regulators. Under
the Community Reinvestment Act, banks are encouraged to help
meet the credit needs of their communities, including low and
moderate income neighborhoods, while maintaining safe and
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sound operations. As examiner of state-chartered banks which
are Fed members, we are required to assess the performance of
these banks under the Act, In addition, in considering
certain applications for bank mergers and bank holding company
formations, mergers and acquisitions, the Board of Governors
is required to take such performance, along with other
factors, into account. So the simple answer is, as a bank
regulator and supervisor, we are required to be interested
because banks have certain obligations with respect to
community reinvestment which we must oversee and take into
account in considering their applications for expansion.
But this is an oversimplification, because it does not
reflect how the Fed has chosen to complement its regulatory
role with a Community Affairs Office at each Reserve Bank.
Several years after passage of the Community Reinvestment Act,
the Fed saw that it might facilitate accomplishment of the
Act's objectives by i) providing training and technical
assistance to bankers in various types of community
development lending, ii) helping to mediate protested
applications through encouraging dialog between community
groups and bankers, and iii) encouraging public/private
partnerships focused on community development, including
affordable housing programs such as those offered by NHS.
This community affairs role, which was the subject of our 1993
annual report, is quite separate and apart from our regulatory
role and is based on the theory that, if CRA is to succeed,
both bankers and community groups must benefit from their
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alliances, and in turn, such alliances must be based on mutual
interest. For those of you who have not done so, I would
recommend reading our 1993 annual report, copies of which are
available at the registration desk.
What about the Fed/s structure? How does it facilitate
the community affairs approach I just described? The Fed is
a decentralized, independent government agency. At its center
is the Board of Governors in Washington, D.C. which focuses
primarily on policy issues. The seven Governors are appointed
by the President and confirmed by the Senate, and serve 14-
year, staggered terms. The 12 regional Reserve Banks, on the
other hand, while subject to the general supervision of the
Board of Governors, are quasi-public institutions patterned
after private sector corporations.
They carry out many of the System's day-to-day
activities, as well as participate in certain policymaking
functions, and are directly overseen by a board of directors
drawn from the region. As a result, Reserve Banks and their
branches—we have three in this District in Little Rock,
Louisville and Memphis—are seen as integral parts of their
communities, not as passive outposts of some Washington agency
out of touch with what goes on "outside the Beltway." I don't
need to belabor the point—our structure at the Fed and the
cooperation between the Board in Washington and the Reserve
Banks has indeed helped us take a community role which goes
well beyond that of a pure regulator.
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Finally, what bearing do our monetary policy actions have
on our desire to facilitate affordable housing and community
development? Some might argue, for example, that actions
taken by the FOMC this year which have resulted in inceases in
short-term interest rates of approximately 250 basis are
anything but conducive to these activities. And I can
certainly appreciate that point of view, particularly if
viewed in a short-term context. Most of us, I suspect, would
like interest rates that are relatively low and stable, at
least from the perspective of planning and financing long-term
capital projects. The question is, how are interest rates
determined and what is the Fed's role in that process?
A common misconception is that the Fed sets interest
rates. In fact, it directly influences only one market
interest rate, the federal funds rate, which is the price at
which banks lend reserves, a form of money, to one another.
The reason the Fed can directly influence the fed funds rate
is that it controls the supply of reserves through its open
market operations, the principal tool of monetary policy. All
other interest rates, and even the fed funds rate to some
extent, are determined by market forces—the interaction of
supply and demand for credit in various markets.
Usually when the Fed takes action to raise the federal
funds rate, it is simply adjusting that rate to developments
which have already taken place in financial markets. This was
the case most recently when the federal funds rate was raised
by 75 basis points; other short-term markets rates had already
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increased by roughly that amount and changed little after the
action itself, and long-term rates actually fell. Had we,
however, not taken action, the demand for reserves would
likely have increased because of their relatively low cost,
and the Fed would have had to supply more reserves to hold the
funds rate at an artificially low level. Over time this
process would lead to excessive money growth, which in turn
would lead to higher inflation and higher interest rates.
In fact, over the long run, the only permanent impact of
monetary policy actions on the economy is on the rate of
inflation. The Fed cannot make the economy grow any faster
than its real resources will support, but we can impede
economic growth if we permit inflation to rise. Though some
will argue that inflation is good for economic growth, that
simply is inconsistent with the evidence. Studies of
developed economies in the post-World War II period have shown
that those countries which have pursued high inflation
policies have grown no faster on a real basis than those
pursuing low inflation policies, including the U.S. In fact,
if anything, such countries have grown more slowly. The
reason is that inflation impedes efficient allocation of
resources in a market economy.
Of course, there is another very tangible effect of
inflation and inflation expectations which is very important
to anyone involved in community development. That is their
effect on nominal, long-term interest rates, the rates we
observe day-to-day in financial markets. For an investor who
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holds a Treasury bond to maturity, such rates can be divided
into two components: a real rate of return, plus an expected
inflation component. For other long-term rates, such as
mortgage rates, one would also have to add a premium for the
risk of default, which is why such instruments trade at yields
higher than Treasury bonds.
The real rate of return component is the rate investors
receive as compensation for parting with their capital for a
period of time. On average, U.S. Treasury bonds have yielded
real returns—that is, inflation-adjusted returns—of 2 to 3
percent since World War II.
Investors generally will not allow their real returns to
be eroded by inflation. In an inflationary environment, a
dollar in the future will have less purchasing power than a
dollar today, and investors will demand an interest rate that
compensates them for the expected decline in purchasing power.
Investors must also allow for uncertainty about their
estimates of future inflation, a risk premium that can vary
over time. Even in a non-inflationary setting, interest rates
may incorporate a premium for uncertainty about the future.
Thus, the expected inflation component of a nominal interest
rate embodies both estimates of future inflation and a risk
premium for uncertainty associated with that estimate.
We are left, then, with the notion of interest rates on
U.S. government securities being composed of a real return of
about 2 to 3 percent, plus an expected inflation component.
With 30-year Treasuries currently around 8.0 percent, the
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arithmetic implies an expected inflation component of about 5-
6 percent, assuming a real return component in line with the
historical average. This 5-6 percent expected inflation
component compares to actual current inflation of about 3.0
percent, with the difference representing a significant
disparity.
While my framework is admittedly simple, it highlights
the fact that expectations of future inflation play an
important role in determining long-term interest rates. And
this is supported by the evidence: an analysis of the data
from different countries with different average inflation
rates indicates that countries with high average inflation
tend to have high nominal interest rates. Again, this is
because investors must demand compensation for any likely
reduction in the purchasing power of the funds they are
lending.
Thus, it is clear that if the Fed can keep inflation low
and inflation uncertainty to a minimum, long-term interest
rates will be lower than they would otherwise be. The
economy, in turn, is more likely to achieve its maximum
sustainable rate of growth, unimpeded by the distortions
created by inflation, including high nominal interest rates.
The Fed's monetary policy goals, then, are not at all
inconsistent with community development. Indeed, they are
aimed at creating an environment in terms of economic growth
and interest rates which will help spur it over time.
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I congratulate you all on the fine job you are doing and
encourage you to keep up the good work. We at the Fed will
try to do our part as well.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1994, November 28). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19941129_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19941129_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1994},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19941129_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}