speeches · July 14, 1994
Speech
Alan Greenspan · Chair
For release on delivery
l pm EDT
July 15, 1994
Testimony by
Alan Greenspan
Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Bipartisan Commission on Entitlement and Tax Reform
Washington, D C
July 15, 1994
The U S economy has recently been experiencing the ideal
combination of rising activity, falling unemployment, and slowing
inflation But we cannot let this good behavior lull us into
neglecting the underlying problems of our economy that may
prevent it from reaching its fullest potential over the longer run
One of the most important of these problems is the prospect for
federal budget deficits to begin rising once again as we move into
the next century The effects of these deficits may not be obvious
to every observer, but they are there, they are serious, and they
will get worse the longer we take to address them
Since we veered away in the early 1960s from the allegedly
simplistic notion that budget balance should be the hallmark of
sound fiscal policy, we have been struggling with deficits that
have no precedent in our peacetime history The large structural
federal budget deficits that have emerged in recent decades seem to
persist despite considerable efforts to reduce them
Some of these recent efforts by the executive and
legislative branches, especially the imposition of spending caps,
in fact have been helpful and have lowered the trajectory of
deficit growth But much remains to be done. The deep reduction
in defense spending will come to an end later in this decade At
that point the underlying trend of civilian spending, mainly
entitlements, will emerge as the dominant budget force On the
basis of current law and policy, entitlements are programmed to
grow at a rate that will surely exceed growth of the tax base,
threatening a destabilizing escalation of deficits as a percent of
nominal GDP
Increasing the tax base or tax rates cannot solve this
problem, for it would take enormous increases to fund the rising
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outlays, and even such increases would only postpone the
inevitable, because tax revenue growth cannot indefinitely exceed
the growth in income Moreover, the disincentive effects of rising
tax rates would eventually choke off economic growth and reduce the
tax base Therefore, there is no alternative to scaling back
growth in federal spending if we are to avoid growing deficits as
we move into the next century Those deficits would cause
financial stress and instability that would create great hardship
Deficits are damaging because they pull resources away
from private investment, reducing the rate of growth of the
nation's capital stock This in turn means less capital per worker
than would otherwise be the case and engenders, over the long run,
a slower growth in labor productivity and, with it, a slower growth
in our standard of living
To some degree, the effects of federal budget deficits
over the past decade or so have been muted by two circumstances
that are unlikely to persist in the future First, to the extent
that these budget deficits could not be financed from our meager
level of savings, we imported savings from abroad But, it has
become increasingly clear that reliance on foreign sources of
savings is not desirable--or perhaps even possible--over extended
periods As these sources are reduced, other sources must be
found, or demands on domestic savings must be curtailed
Second, we may be undergoing a once-in-a-generation
improvement in the way we use our scarce domestic savings As I
have outlined elsewhere, the extraordinary advances in computer
software and hardware appear to be enabling us to employ our
resources, both capital and labor, more efficiently This
development may be imparting a decided uptilt to the growth of
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labor productivity, obscuring, at least, for a while, the effect of
the shortfall in capital investment on the growth of our standard
of living
Of course, government should pursue opportunities to
encourage the private sector to sustain this faster pace of
productivity improvement It can remove impediments to prudent
risk taking, reverse inappropriate regulation that undermines
investment incentives, seek to lower international trade barriers
to foster growth in global income, and improve the functioning of
our labor markets. These initiatives will mean higher standards of
living at any given level of the structural budget deficit
But these measures will not substitute for a direct
approach to resolving the underlying deficit problem This problem
has become too severe to grow our way out of it. As our population
continues to age over the coming decades, entitlements will become
an increasing share of our budget outlays and of our national
income Taken separately, these programs have wide support among
the American people But, in total, they are far more costly than
people recognize If we continue to borrow to pay for them, the
resultant high real interest rates will curtail the growth in
living standards
The process by which government deficits divert resources
from private investment is only one of the many ways that the
activities of the federal government inevitably preempt or redirect
the usage of private sector resources Apart from deficit
spending, on- or off-budget, the most important ways the government
can reallocate resources are tax-financed spending, regulation
mandating private activities, such as pollution control or safety
equipment installation, that are financed by industry through the
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lssuance of debt instruments, and government guarantees of private
borrowing.
When the government finances its activities with taxes,
the capacity of individuals and businesses to spend is directly
reduced, thereby diverting resources from private purchases The
other financing methods divert resources in a more indirect manner,
and operate mainly through their effects on interest rates When
the federal government finances its budget deficit, for example, it
increases the demands for scarce savings, thereby pushing up
interest rates Similarly, the demand for credit increases and
interest rates rise when a business needs to borrow in order to
finance a government-mandated activity, or when the government
reduces the costs of borrowing to certain investors by guaranteeing
their loans Government and government-mandated spending is
insensitive to these higher interest rates
Purely private activities, on the other hand, are, to a
greater or lesser extent, responsive to interest rates The demand
for housing, for example, falls off as mortgage interest rates
rise Inventory demand is a function of short-term interest rates,
and the level of interest rates, as they are reflected in the cost
of capital, is a key element in the decision on whether to expand
or modernize productive capacity Thus, to the extent that there
are more resources demanded in an economy than are available to be
financed, interest rates will rise until sufficient excess demand
is finally crowded out The crowded out demand will not, of
course, be that of the federal government, directly or indirectly,
because government demand does not respond to rising interest
rates Rather, real interest rates will rise to the point that
purely private borrowing is reduced sufficiently to allow the
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entire requirements of the federal on- and off-budget deficit, and
all its collateral guarantees and mandated activities, to be met
How much rates must rise to bring the demand and supply
for savings into balance depends on how responsive the demand of
private borrowers is to those rates Whatever the responsiveness
of private demand, rates must rise enough to crowd out a sufficient
amount of private sector investment There is no alternative to a
diversion of real resources from the private to the public sector
In the short run, interest rates can be held down if the Federal
Reserve accommodates the excess demand for funds through a more
expansionary monetary policy But this will only foster greater
inflation and economic instability; ultimately, it will have little
if any effect on the allocation of real resources between the
private and public sectors.
Let me conclude by emphasizing that time is no longer on
our side Any presumption that the deficit is benign is clearly
false This is especially the case with so low a private saving
rate Under current law, the deficit will begin to climb again by
the end of the decade Moreover, demographic trends imply an
inexorable upward path for government expenditures as the next
century unfolds Allowing this to happen courts a marked sapping
of our economy's vitality The longer we wait, the more draconian
the remedies will have to be We must particularly eschew moving
our programs off-budget This is mere bookkeeping There is no
way around the need to deal with the allocation of real resources,
and we must address that fact head-on
I recognize that it is difficult to deal with a problem
whose symptoms are hard to detect and whose full-blown
effects seem to be years or decades away But financial markets
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have a way of bringing future problems into the present Long-term
interest rates are higher now because markets are anticipating
rising deficits in the next century Those higher long-term rates
reflect both a greater inflation premium and an expectation of
higher real short-term rates in the future as government spending
increasingly crowds out private spending As I noted earlier,
higher interest rates hinder capital formation and leave future
generations poorer
We are already paying for our failure to come fully to
grips with our long-term budget problem Further delay will only
raise the total size of the bill that will eventually come due
Cite this document
APA
Alan Greenspan (1994, July 14). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940715_greenspan
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19940715_greenspan,
author = {Alan Greenspan},
title = {Speech},
year = {1994},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940715_greenspan},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}