speeches · June 16, 1994
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EMBARGOED UNTIL 9 p.m. CDT
Friday, June 17, 1994
WHY HAVE LONG-TERM INTEREST RATES RISEN?
Remarks by
Thomas C, Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St, Louis
Southeast Missouri University Foundation
Copper Dome Dinner
Cape Girardeau, Missouri
June 17, 1994
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I am pleased to be here tonight and honored to be
involved in recognizing your support of the Southeast Missouri
University Foundation. As I am sure you will all agree,
higher education is a critical element of our society. From
a central banking perspective, its impact on achieving higher
standards of living here and, indeed, throughout the world is
enormous. But higher education needs substantial private
support, even at public institutions. In this regard, I am
impressed with the Foundation's results in marshalling such
support, and I applaud you for your efforts.
Unfortunately, some of the benefits of such efforts can
be neutralized when rapid, unanticipated increases in long-
term interest rates occur, as they have over the past year.
The yield on a 30-year U.S. Treasury bond, the bellwether for
long-term interest rates in this country, for example, has
risen about 150 basis points from its low last fall. It has
gone from less than 6 percent in October to about 7.4 percent
recently, a very sizable jump in just a matter of months. In
the process, financial markets have been disrupted, and the
values of fixed income portfolios, the Foundation's included
I presume, have plummeted. In fact, 30-year bond prices have
fallen by almost 20 percent over this period, a startling
decline. In addition, the cost of long-term capital for
individuals and businesses has gone up, making it more
difficult, for example, to purchase homes or expand plant and
equipment.
Why have long-term interest rates risen? I think many
would respond that long rates went up because the Federal
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Reserve raised short-term rates. Further, some have said that
the Fed took these actions because of unwarranted fears of
inflation, disregarding the adverse effects of higher interest
rates on economic growth. This view, though widely held,
reflects a misunderstanding of how interest rates are
determined and the interaction between Fed actions, interest
rates and growth. In my remarks this evening, I would like to
address why I think long-term interest rates rose and how the
Fed's recent actions, rather than being anti-growth, are in
fact consistent with achieving maximum sustainable growth.
Let me begin by laying out a simple framework for
thinking about interest rates, a framework that we can later
relate to the question about rising interest rates. For an
investor who plans to hold a bond to maturity, nominal
interest rates—that is, those we observe day-to-day in
financial markets—can be divided into three components: a
real rate of return, plus an expected inflation component,
plus a default premium.
The real rate of return component is the rate investors
receive as compensation for parting with their capital for a
period of time. On average, U.S. Treasury bonds have yielded
real returns—that is, inflation-adjusted returns—of 2 to 3
percent since World War II.
Investors generally will not allow their real returns to
be eroded by inflation. In an inflationary environment, a
dollar in the future will have less purchasing power than a
dollar today, and investors will demand an interest rate.that
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compensates them for the expected decline in purchasing power.
Investors must also allow for uncertainty about their
estimates of future inflation, a risk premium that can vary
over time. Even in a non-inflationary setting, interest rates
may incorporate a premium for uncertainty about the future.
Thus, the expected inflation component of a nominal interest
rate embodies both estimates of future inflation and a risk
premium for uncertainty associated with that estimate.
Finally, there is a default risk component to many
interest rates, by which I mean compensation to the investor
for the risk of default. But I will focus on yields of long-
term U.S. Treasuries, so that the risk of default can be
ignored. We are left, then, with the notion of interest rates
on U.S. government securities being composed of a real return
of about 2 to 3 percent, plus an expected inflation component.
With 30-year Treasuries currently around 7.4 percent, the
arithmetic implies an expected inflation component of about
5 percent.
While my framework is admittedly simple, it highlights
the fact that expectations of future inflation play an
important role in determining long-term interest rates. And
this is supported by the evidence: an analysis of the data
from different countries with different average inflation
rates indicates that countries with high average inflation
tend to have high nominal interest rates. Again, this is
because investors must demand compensation for any likely
reduction in the purchasing power of the funds they are
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lending. Inflation expectations can be influenced in a great
many ways and are, at times, quite volatile.
So why have long-term interest rates risen since October?
Logic would suggest exploring whether inflation expectations
have increased. But first, let's consider the possibility
that the stepped-up pace of economic activity last fall and
winter bid up the real component of long-term interest rates.
Certainly, real activity did increase at a rapid pace over
this period, capped by the 7 percent rate of growth in real
GDP in the fourth quarter of 1993. This may have led firms to
aggressively seek out capital to finance investment
opportunities.
My view, however, is that this effect was probably minor
since the market for capital is worldwide. While U.S. growth
was rapid, many other industrial economies were in recession,
so that the increased demand for capital in some locations was
countered by depressed demand in others. I think world
capital markets are now sufficiently integrated that funds can
flow across borders to absorb substantial changes in demand
caused by differences in the pace of economic activity. So
this is not a very likely explanation, at least for the bulk
of long Treasuries7 150 basis-point rise since last fall.
In my simple framework, then, if it is not a matter of
the real rate, long rates must have risen because expectations
of inflation increased sharply over this period. I think that
this is likely the case, and as many of you know, this is the
same explanation given by a number of market participants.
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Inflation expectations are a good place to focus our attention
because they are based on investor sentiment, and investor
sentiment is just the type of variable that can move rapidly
over a relatively short time horizon.
What might have caused market participants' expectations
of inflation to increase? There are a number of different
reasons, in my view. First, the Fed for some time had been in
a very accommodative policy stance. Short-term interest rates
had fallen dramatically since before the recession began in
mid-1990, and in fact the federal funds rate remained at about
3 percent throughout 1993. The Fed's consistently
accommodative stance for nearly three years following the end
of the relatively shallow 1990-91 recession led to legitimate
worries in the markets about the risks of higher inflation.
This easy stance was reflected in the narrow measures of
money, including the monetary base and Ml, which grew at rapid
rates for more than two years prior to last fall. Over long
periods of time, the rate of money growth is a major factor in
determining the economy's rate of inflation. So in the
absence of a move by the Fed to contain money growth, I think
accelerating inflation was a natural conjecture.
Second, real economic growth was gaining momentum, and
there is a widespread belief that prices are procyclical.
That is, many believe that rapid economic growth is invariably
followed by higher inflation, though in fact, peak inflation
rates often do not occur until after economic growth has
turned down. Whatever the merits of this view, I do think
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stronger economic growth had an important effect on inflation
expectations.
I might mention that the evidence on this matter is
mixed. A recent study published in the American Economic
Review found that in 10 industrialized countries since World
War II, prices were typically countercyclical, meaning that
they trended downward when the pace of economic growth was
trending up. Perhaps closer to home is the evidence of the
U.S. experience in the 1980s. Much of the last decade was
broadly characterized by rapid growth in real output, along
with steady or declining inflation. It seems to me that the
long-run inflation rate experienced in a country results
primarily from policy decisions made by the central bank, and
that trend inflation is largely independent of real activity.
Again, however, I cite procyclical prices as a common
viewpoint that has contributed to increases in the expected
rate of inflation and, through this channel, to higher
long-term interest rates.
A third reason why inflation expectations likely
increased is that there was some direct evidence over this
period that inflation was accelerating. The GDP deflator, a
broad measure of inflation, increased from a 1.3 percent rate
in the fourth quarter of 1993 to a 2.6 percent rate in the
first quarter of this year. Other broad measures of general
price movements seemed to be trending upward as well. Some
commodity price indexes also showed significant gains in the
fall and through most of the spring. These and other pieces
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of evidence suggested to many analysts that a more rapid rate
of price increases might be in the offing.
Fourth, as many of you may know, the dollar has been weak
recently against foreign currencies, including the Japanese
yen. A story that is sometimes told is that a weak dollar
might contribute to U.S. inflation because it forces foreign
firms selling in this country to raise their prices. This,
the story goes, might allow U.S. firms to increase their
prices. I have my doubts, however, as this view ignores the
fact that domestic firms compete with each other. Still, the
notion that a weak dollar implies upward pressure on U.S.
prices has probably contributed to rising inflation
expectations.
Finally, I think market participants could be worried
about the future of the Fed. Last year, proposals were
introduced in Congress that could limit the Fed's insulation
from short-term political influence. Let me say that the
issues brought up in these proposals certainly deserve
thorough public debate. But whatever legitimacy may exist in
discussing alternatives to the current system of monetary
policymaking, the net effect of putting these proposals on the
table has been to lead the market to wonder about the Fed's
ability to hold the line on inflation.
It is my view, then, that inflation expectations have
been the major contributor to rising long-term interest rates
since last October. Though it is perhaps unfortunate that
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volatile inflation expectations play such a large role in
interest rate determination, it is a reality nonetheless.
In fact, expectations sometimes react to even the most
unlikely of stories. Earlier this year, for example, there
was a view that the Fed had some kind of "special information"
on inflation, data not yet available to the general public.
While there are a number of economists in the Federal Reserve
who look at the economy from virtually every perspective, they
in fact analyze the same data that are available to the
general public. There are no secret data, but this view
nonetheless fostered higher inflation expectations for a time
this spring.
So what about the accusation that the Fed's actions in
raising short-term rates caused long-term rates to rise? And
were these actions anti-growth? The fact is that long-term
rates began to rise well before any action had been taken by
the Fed. From their lows in October to when the Fed first
allowed short rates to rise modestly in February, long rates
had already risen substantially. Why? Because inflation
expectations were already rising.
When the Fed increased short rates by 125 basis points,
in four successive steps, long-term rates admittedly continued
to rise. But as market participants became convinced that
these actions would contain inflationary pressures, long rates
increased less than short rates, and, in the case of the most
recent 50 basis-point increase in short rates, actually
declined. Thus, by demonstrating its resolve to fight
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inflation, the Fed dampened inflation expectations and helped
to lower long-term interest rates relative to what they would
have been in the absence of a policy change.
I want to finish with a theme I mentioned at the
beginning of my talk, namely that I think a low inflation
policy is ultimately a plus for economic growth, not a
negative as it is usually portrayed. Low inflation is not an
end in itself. The Fed seeks a stable, low inflation
environment for a very pragmatic reason: relatively steady
prices contribute to better economic decision-making and more
rapid economic growth.
There are, for instance, many developed countries that
have run higher inflation policies in the post-World War II
era than the United States. They do this essentially through
monetary policies aimed at keeping short-term interest rates
low, which foster relatively high monetary growth rates over
time. These economies, on average, have grown no faster than
those of countries pursuing low inflation policies, including
the U.S. If anything, they have grown more slowly.
A similar conclusion holds for developing countries.
Recent work at MIT considers the effects of inflation policy
on economic growth in Latin America, Asia and Africa. Looking
across countries from these regions, this study found that
countries with relatively high average inflation rates tended
to grow more slowly than countries closer to price stability,
even after taking account of other factors that can influence
long-run growth rates.
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Fostering inflation in the hope of more rapid economic
growth is akin to someone lost in the desert chasing a mirage.
Just as this person will crawl a long distance, under harsh
conditions, and end up without water, a number of countries
have endured higher inflation rates and ended up without any
additional economic growth. In the meantime, consumers and
firms have had a harder time distinguishing between price
changes due to inflation and those due to variations in
underlying supply and demand conditions. This confusion
needlessly causes people to make mistakes in their decision
making and leads to inefficiency in the economy.
So the main contribution the Fed can make to the economy
in the long run is to keep inflation low and inflation
uncertainty to a minimum. This means maintaining a consistent
policy over a long period of time with a credible commitment
to low inflation. In this way, monetary policy can provide a
stable price backdrop that will contribute to achieving the
maximum sustainable rate of economic growth. That is a pro-
growth policy, and one that I think the Federal Reserve should
continue to pursue.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1994, June 16). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940617_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19940617_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1994},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940617_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}