speeches · May 19, 1994
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EMBARGOED UNTIL 11 a.m. CDT
Friday Hay 20, 1994
CENTRAL BANKING AND BANK SUPERVISION: SHOULD THEY BE SEPARATE?
Remarks by
Thomas C. Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
The Arkansas Bankers Association Convention
Hot Springs, Arkansas
May 20, 1994
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As most of you are probably aware, the Treasury
Department and the Federal Reserve in recent months have been
actively negotiating to find a proposal to consolidate bank
supervision that both parties can support. A compromise
proposal, by many accounts, seems close at hand.
Last fall, the role of the Federal Reserve in supervising
banks became a target for elimination when the Treasury
proposed to consolidate supervision in a new agency, the
Federal Banking Commission. The Fed responded to this
proposal with one of its own, which would split responsibility
for federal bank supervision between two agencies: the
Federal Reserve and the proposed new commission.
In the ensuing public debate, a number of issues have
cropped up. But from a long-term public policy perspective,
perhaps the most fundamental issue of all is whether central
banking and bank supervision should be separate. It is that
question which I would like to address in my remarks today.
There appear to be two arguments in favor of separating
central banking from supervision. One is that supervision
distracts a central bank from its primary purpose of
conducting monetary policy. As proponents of this argument
maintain, the central bank could conduct monetary policy more
effectively if it were free of supervisory responsibilities.
A second argument is that, in certain circumstances, the
objectives of monetary policy and the objectives of
supervision are in conflict. Consider the following
situations. First, suppose inflation is rising and threatens
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to accelerate further• If the central bank were unconcerned
about its supervisory responsibilities, its objectives would
be clear: pursue a restrictive monetary policy to reduce
inflation. Such a policy, however, could cause large losses
to banks—some might even fail. If the central bank were
responsible for supervision, on the other hand, it might
pursue a less restrictive monetary policy, tolerating a higher
rate of inflation than if another agency had responsibility
for supervision.
Now let us suppose the economy is in a recession and
losses have weakened the financial condition of banks. A
supervisor with no responsibility for monetary policy might
put banks under relatively tight supervision, restricting the
risk they assume until they can raise more capital. The
central bank, on the other hand, might be concerned that such
supervisory pressure on banks would delay economic recovery.
Accordingly, a central bank responsible for supervision might
encourage banks in weak financial condition to continue
lending.
Both arguments imply that to separate central banking
from supervision would improve the performance of the central
bank in conducting monetary policy. The second argument
implies that it would improve bank supervision as well. I do
not buy either of these arguments. Both completely overlook
some of the main purposes and functions of a central bank and
the link between these activities and banks.
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The power and significance of any central bank—in any
country in the world—rests on one activity: creating bank
reserves. A central bank creates reserves by conducting open
market operations and by lending to banks through the discount
window. The central bank creates reserves for two purposes.
One is to achieve macroeconomic goals, such as price stability
and sustainable economic growth. Reserve creation affects
interest rates, monetary aggregates and bank credit, which in
turn help us achieve our macroeconomic goals.
A second objective is to stand ready to act when
disruptions in the financial system threaten serious damage to
the economy. Because of its role in the nation's payment
system, the central bank is the only institution that is
capable of limiting the impact of such disruptions.
We tend to take for granted the smooth operation of the
payment system. Prior to the formation of the Federal Reserve
System, however, occasional disruptions in the payment system
damaged the economy.
As bankers, all of you here today are very familiar with
the Fed's role in the payment system. While individuals and
nonbank financial firms settle their transactions with
currency or payment orders drawn on demand accounts at banks,
banks settle payments among themselves by transferring
ownership of reserve balances at the central bank. The
central bank, therefore, lies at the heart of the payment
system. Faced with any disturbance in the financial system,
the central bank's highest priority is to avoid a system
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breakdown. The central bank attempts to avoid such breakdowns
by expanding total reserves and by allocating reserves to
individual banks through discount window lending.
With this description of a central bank's role in mind,
let me now return to the arguments for separating central
banking from supervision. The argument that supervision
distracts the central bank from its primary purpose of
conducting monetary policy is based on the idea that the
central bank needs little information about the condition of
banks or little authority over their operation. The central
bank, so the argument goes, should concentrate on generating
steady growth of the monetary aggregates or on hitting some
other monetary policy target. If there is any disruption in
the financial system, the market will limit the impact of the
disruption.
I maintain that a central bank needs a great deal of
information about the operation of the banking industry to be
effective in pursuing its macroeconomic goals. Inasmuch as a
central bank implements its monetary policy through its
interaction with banks, it needs to know what financial
condition banks are in and how its policy actions might affect
banks' activities. For instance, to control the monetary
aggregates requires accurate reports by banks of their deposit
liabilities in various categories. Through its regular
contacts with banks, the Fed checks the accuracy of deposit
reports. During the recent period of slow growth in bank
loans, our participation in supervision has also helped the
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Federal Reserve gauge the effects of supervision and
regulation on the lending practices of banks.
As proponents of a single regulator point out, however,
a central bank does not have to be directly involved in
supervision to get the information it needs to pursue its
macroeconomic goals. Instead, it could obtain such
information through frequent contacts with banks and from a
supervisory agency independent of the central bank.
The case for hands-on involvement in supervision thus
rests on the second purpose of a central bank: to limit the
damage to the economy from disruptions in the financial
system. I have reasons to doubt that market participants can
or will act to limit the impact of such disruptions on their
own. Banking history in the United States illustrates the
need for a central authority to deal with a financial crisis.
Prior to the establishment of the Federal Reserve, banks acted
cooperatively in ensuring that they would have liquidity
during a financial crisis.
Banks recognized a conflict between their interests as
individual banks and their interests as a group. In a
financial crisis, an individual bank would tend to hold onto
its reserves and increase its reserve ratio. If it loaned
reserves to an illiquid bank, it would risk becoming illiquid
itself. As a group, however, banks might worry about the
failure of one bank triggering runs on many others.
Banks in various communities attempted to deal with these
conflicting incentives by acting cooperatively to allocate
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reserves through a clearinghouse. Normally, their
clearinghouse limited its operations to the exchange of checks
among its members. On several occasions between 1860 and
1914, however, when the banks in a community faced massive
deposit withdrawals as a group, their clearinghouses issued
loan certificates to their members. During such periods, the
clearinghouses established committees that functioned much
like the Federal Reserve's discount window in its early days.
The committees examined the collateral pledged by member banks
and issued loan certificates to those who qualified. Banks
that received the certificates paid interest until the
clearinghouse was repaid. For most of this period, loan
certificates were redeemed at the clearinghouses within three
to four months of the dates they were issued, once the
financial crisis had passed.
While the clearinghouses limited the damage of financial
crises on the economy, they were not fully effective in
preventing them. In 1914, the Federal Reserve was established
to provide liquidity to banks in financial crises, as the
clearinghouses did, but more effectively.
A central bank must also be prepared to deal with a
disruption in the financial system that originates from
outside the banking system. To illustrate, I will discuss the
Fed's reaction to the sharp decline in stock prices in October
1987. That event created uncertainty among banks about the
solvency of both their depositors and other banks. Because of
this uncertainty, some banks could have refused to honor
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payment orders by their depositors, especially if honoring
such orders would create overdrafts in their deposit accounts.
Banks that needed additional reserves to honor their
customers' payment orders might have been locked out of the
federal funds market. What we could have seen was total
gridlock in the flow of payments to clearinghouses to settle
securities transactions, possibly forcing a suspension of
trading in securities markets.
The Fed responded to this event in classic central bank
fashion. First, it increased reserves rapidly through open
market operations. Second, it announced that the discount
window was open to banks that needed reserves to facilitate
the settlement of securities transactions. Thus, reserves
were available to solvent banks that might have had limited
access to the federal funds market. In addition, the Fed
encouraged banks to make whatever payments were necessary to
settle securities trades.
What information and what authority did the Fed need to
respond so quickly to the decline in stock prices? First, it
needed basic information about the financial condition of the
nation's major banks. In addition, it needed information
about the relationships between these banks and securities
firms to determine which banks were the most critical in
settling securities trades. The Fed also needed the authority
to lend reserves to individual banks so they could make
whatever payments were necessary to settle securities trades.
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Finally, the clout of the Federal Reserve as a supervisor may
have been essential in inducing banks to make these payments.
Suppose we buy the argument that the intervention of a
supervisory authority was critical in dealing with this
disruption in the financial system. Was it necessary that the
Federal Reserve be that supervisory authority? Possibly not,
as long as the Federal Reserve had been able to coordinate its
response with that of the supervisory authority. This
possibility raises a critical question: Would the central
bank and the independent supervisory agency have been able to
develop an effective response within a matter of hours? The
only way to know for sure would be to remove that authority
from the Fed and repeat the experience. Barring that, let us
discuss the likelihood that the two agencies could act
cooperatively.
What possible conflicts might the central bank and an
independent supervisory agency encounter in this situation of
a sharp decline in stock prices? An independent supervisory
agency would tend to focus on the condition of individual
banks. It might have counselled banks to hold up the payment
orders of securities firms and limit their lending of reserves
to other banks until they had more information about the
effects of the declines in stock prices. Such counsel could
have worsened the disruption in the financial system and had
broad economic implications.
On the flip side of the coin, the central bank's concern
about the condition of banks and about the operation of
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financial markets might conflict with good monetary policy•
The central bank might end up adding too many reserves through
open market operations and discount window lending, laying the
foundation for future inflation. As it happens, the Fed did
add reserves to stimulate rapid money growth just after the
stock market crash, but quickly withdrew those reserves. As
a result of Fed actions, seasonally-adjusted Ml rose rapidly
in October 1987, but declined in November and December. Thus,
the Fed dealt with this potential problem by adding reserves
rapidly in the short run without sacrificing price stability
in the long run.
In any case, it is inconsistent to argue that there are
serious conflicts between the goals of central banking and
supervision, yet argue that the central bank and an
independent supervisory agency could quickly coordinate a
response to a disruption in the financial system. Our
experience indicates that it can take separate bank
supervisory agencies months to develop common approaches to
supervisory issues. In light of that experience, why should
we assume that the central bank and an independent supervisory
agency would develop an effective crisis strategy within
hours?
If we agree, then, that the central bank should remain
involved in supervision, how do we deal with the sometimes
conflicting goals of monetary policy and supervision? I think
the answer is for the central bank to adhere to a long-run
strategy for monetary policy aimed at price stability. An
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unstable macroeconomic environment, with accelerating
inflation and large swings in market interest rates, is
detrimental to the performance of the banking industry. Such
performance problems are minimized in a stable macroeconomic
environment. Thus, responsibility for bank supervision
reinforces a central bank's incentive to pursue desirable
macroeconomic goals. Likewise, a strong banking industry
affords a central bank the flexibility to pursue appropriate
monetary policy at any point in time. Accordingly, a central
bank's monetary policy responsibilities reinforce its
incentive to pursue consistent bank supervisory policies over
time that keep the industry strong.
In conclusion, it is clear that central banking and bank
supervision, rather than candidates for separation, are in
fact integral activities. The central bank's role in
macroeconomic policy, though it may not require hands-on
involvement in bank supervision, is probably better off for
it. Its role in maintaining financial stability, however,
absolutely requires hands-on involvement. Furthermore, while
there are at times conflicting short-term goals between
central banking and bank supervision, such conflicts need to
be resolved promptly and with an appropriate long-term
perspective. A central bank that is largely free from
short-term political pressures can keep an appropriate,
longer-run focus on both macroeconomic and banking stability.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1994, May 19). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940520_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19940520_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1994},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940520_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}