speeches · April 8, 1994
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EMBARGOED UNTIL 9 a.m. EDT
Saturday, April 9, 1994
HOW THE FED PROMOTES ECONOMIC GROWTH
Remarks by
Thomas C. Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
International Association of Financial Planners Annual Meeting
Kentucky and Southern Indiana Chapter
Louisville, Kentucky
April 9, 1994
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I am pleased to be in Louisville today and to have this
opportunity to speak with you about the Federal Reserve's role
in promoting steady, non-inflationary economic growth.
For an organization that has traditionally received
little notice, the Fed has been in the news quite a lot
lately. Over the past year, members of Congress have charged
that Fed policymakers are not accountable and have followed up
this criticism with some major proposed changes in the
structure of the Federal Reserve System. More recently,
others have warned the Fed not to raise interest rates,
claiming that we have been preoccupied with controlling
inflation at the expense of promoting economic growth. I
would like to take a few minutes this morning to discuss how
limiting inflation and promoting economic growth are not
incompatible objectives, and why, in my view, the proposed
restructuring of the Fed would reduce our ability to foster
sustainable economic growth.
To understand how the Fed can best promote growth, one
must understand the relationship between interest rates,
particularly long-term interest rates, and inflation.
Interest rates have risen in recent weeks, after a long period
of steady decline. Rising rates are a normal part of the
business cycle: as the economy grows, credit demand increases
and interest rates are bid up. Interest rates are also very
sensitive to news about inflation or, for that matter, any
other threat to economic stability. One should not read too
much into day-to-day volatility of interest rates, but
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interest rate trends do tell us a lot about how savers and
investors view the economy's prospects.
Stepping back from events of recent weeks, we see that
the trend over the past few years has been for interest rates
to fall. This decline has helped to stimulate the economy.
Because of falling rates, firms have been able to raise funds
less expensively to finance new investment. Falling mortgage
rates have encouraged new housing demand and construction.
Lower consumer rates have enabled households to finance the
purchase of a new car. The lower cost of borrowing has even
helped to reduce government outlays and, hence, the deficit.
What accounts for the declining trend in interest rates
in the late '80s and early '90s? Supply and demand. Like
anything that is bought and sold in a free market, securities
are sold at a price that is determined by market forces. In
recent years, investors have been more and more willing to buy
securities that offer lower and lower yields. Why is it that
investors are now willing to accept a 7-1/4 percent yield on
a Treasury bond that in 1990 yielded 9 percent and that 10
years ago returned as much as 13-1/2 percent? I believe a
large part of the answer has to do with inflation and the
confidence the public has in the Federal Reserve's desire and
ability to keep it under control.
If you examine a chart of long-term interest rates and
the rate of inflation over time, you will see a close,
positive relationship between the two. In the early 1960s,
inflation was low, averaging less than 2 percent per year.
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Interest rates were also low: the yield on 10-year government
securities was 4 percent, the prime rate was 4-1/2 percent and
home mortgage rates were about 5 percent. Beginning in the
late '60s and continuing through the '70s, inflation rose, and
long-term interest rates rose with it. The rate of inflation
peaked at 13 percent in 1980, and within a year, the 10-year
bond yield was over 15 percent, while the prime rate reached
an astounding 20 percent.
The upward spiral of inflation was finally broken in the
early '80s and the stage was set for a long period of
sustained growth. But long-term rates remained exceptionally
high. In 1983, for example, the rate of consumer price
inflation had fallen to less than 4 percent. Long-term
interest rates, however, did not fall nearly as much or as
fast. In 1983, the 30-year bond yield was still over 10
percent, and in 1984, when there was a whiff of renewed
inflation, bond yields jumped back up to over 13 percent.
Why did long-term interest rates not fall with the
decline in inflation? One answer, I believe, is that the
public was not convinced that the Fed was serious about
holding inflation in check. After 15 years of rising
inflation, savers had tired of seeing their interest income
buy fewer and fewer goods and services and of having their
holdings decline in value. Anyone with a savings account or
other investments knows how inflation eats away at their
savings. To illustrate, consider an investor who had
purchased corporate shares for $10,000 in 1970. Inflation
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caused the U.S. price level to more than double during the
'70s. Consequently, if this investor had sold his shares for
$21 000 in 1980, he would have just broken even with
f
inflation, despite having a nominal profit of $11,000. If we
account for the fact that income tax is paid on capital gains,
then this investor would actually have experienced a negative
real return over the life of his investment.
By the '80s, the public was understandably wary of the
Fed's willingness to keep inflation down, let alone to reduce
it further, because rising inflation had robbed investors of
their savings too many times during the '60s and '70s.
Consequently, in the early '80s, investors were unwilling to
accept lower returns on their long-term savings, despite low
prevailing rates of inflation. It was not until 1986, when
the rate of inflation was less than 2 percent, that long-term
interest rates finally fell substantially below 10 percent,
and only in 1993 that they fell below 7 percent.
In 1993 the rate of inflation was approximately
3 percent. Even at this seemingly low rate, an alarming
amount of the value of a long-term investment is eaten away
over time. If the annual inflation rate remains at 3 percent,
for example, 10 years from now you will need over $13,400 to
purchase what $10,000 does today. Clearly someone with a
fixed income, like many retirees, can be greatly harmed by
even a low rate of inflation. And unless your investments
return an annual after-tax yield of at least the inflation
rate, your savings will buy less in time than they do today,
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even if all of the income is reinvested• Little wonder that
long-term investors pay close attention to news about
inflation.
My point is that, when investors expect even a low rate
of inflation, they demand an extra return on their long-term
investments to compensate for the anticipated decline in their
purchasing power over time. The effect of this "inflation
premium" on interest rates will be smaller when the public
believes that the dollar will remain stable over time, that
is, when little or no inflation is expected.
Another problem with high inflation is that it is often
highly variable. When the rate of inflation varies widely
from year-to-year, business people and consumers have
difficulty planning their investments and expenditures. In
these circumstances, the inflation premium will be higher.
Savers will not willingly invest their money without some
extra compensation for a possible return of high inflation.
Keep inflation down, and long-term interest rates will be low.
Of course, interest rates may rise or fall even when there is
no inflation, but rates will be lower in the absence of
inflation than they would be if prices are rising.
High and unstable inflation also encourages people to
divert resources away from productive investment into
inflation hedges and speculative ventures. Overbuilding in
commercial real estate, high land values, and the speculative
frenzy that characterized many metals and commodity markets in
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the late /70s and early '80s reflected expectations of
continued price increases, not fundamental values.
Inflation also promotes borrowing and consumption,
because a rising price level means that debts will be repaid
with dollars that buy less in the future than they do today.
For many years, consumer interest payments were deductible
from your taxable income, which made borrowing more attractive
when inflation was high. Interest payments remain deductible
today for businesses, as does mortgage interest for
homeowners. Inflation contributes to a bias toward debt
finance, and high leverage has left many U.S. firms and
households excessively vulnerable to bankruptcy. By
misallocating productive resources and encouraging excessive
debt, inflation can thus inhibit real economic growth.
Now, let me talk a bit about how the Federal Reserve fits
into the discussion. Politicians often cajole the Fed to keep
interest rates low or claim that the Fed is too worried about
inflation and not worried enough about growth and employment.
Such statements reflect two fundamental misunderstandings:
First, that the Fed controls interest rates; and second, that
the Fed can set its policy dials so as to buy faster growth
and higher employment at the expense of higher inflation.
Neither is accurate.
Federal Reserve actions do influence interest rates, but
the Fed cannot control interest rates for very long periods of
time. One might think that the Fed could push interest rates
down as low as it wanted simply by increasing the amount of
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money it supplies to the economy. However, the consequence of
such a policy would be to generate inflation—more and more
money chasing a fixed amount of goods and services, thereby
causing prices to rise. After a time, the effort to lower
interest rates would backfire and actually produce higher
interest rates. The public would recognize that the Fed was
pursuing an inflationary policy and demand higher nominal
interest rates to compensate for higher inflation. The role
monetary policy can best play is to establish a strong
commitment to fight inflation and to maintain a stable price
level, because in doing so the Fed can minimize the inflation
premium in interest rates.
This leads me to my second point—that attempts to
exploit a tradeoff between economic growth or employment and
inflation will inevitably be futile. The gains in production
or employment that may come from adopting a highly stimulative
monetary policy tend to be short-lived, while the increased
inflation it generates lasts much longer and ultimately
requires painful measures to restrain it. Eventually,
excessive monetary stimulus generates only inflation, not
gains in employment or production, even in the short run.
Thus, from a policymaker's point of view, the perceived
inflation-employment tradeoff is a mirage. Only when monetary
policy is oriented toward controlling inflation will it
provide a stable price backdrop and promote sustainable real
economic growth.
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What does it take to achieve a credible commitment to the
goal of price level stability? This is where the structure of
the Fed—and Congressional proposals to change it—become
important. Researchers have found that countries that have
achieved the best records in controlling inflation are
typically those with independent central banks, such as
Germany, Switzerland and the United States. Where the central
bank is an arm of the Treasury or is otherwise political, as
in England, Italy or Brazil, inflation rates are usually
higher. In some countries, the central bank pumps out money
to fund government budget deficits. In others, it finances
the operations of state-owned enterprises. Russia is a prime
example. Many Western economists believe that Russia will not
succeed in restructuring itself until it brings inflation
under control.
In the United States, we currently have a central bank
with the independence necessary to control inflation. Fed
policymakers are able to look beyond the next six months or
the next election. This independence derives from the Fed's
structure, which was carefully crafted by Congress to minimize
the influence of short-term political agendas, while
preserving the accountability that any policymaking
institution must have. Over the years, the Fed has been
modified in many ways. Yet the balance between political
independence and public accountability has wisely been
maintained.
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The organization of the Federal Reserve System is unique
among American institutions. The Board of Governors is a
public body fully accountable to Congress and the American
people. Board appointments are made by the President and
confirmed by the Senate. The seven Board members have a two-
vote majority on the Federal Open Market Committee, or FOMC,
which is the Fed's chief monetary policymaking body. At the
same time, Board members are appointed for 14-year, staggered
terms, which gives them some insulation from political
pressure.
The 12 Federal Reserve Banks, on the other hand, though
subject to the general supervision of the Board of Governors,
are similar in structure to private sector enterprises. This
enables them to efficiently carry out the System's operations,
while maintaining public accountability through the Board.
Moreover, the participation of Reserve Bank presidents on the
FOMC, with five presidents voting on policy on a rotating
basis, provides a voice for policymakers outside of
Washington, D.C. The regional system puts these policymakers,
who are appointed by their boards of directors with approval
from the Board of Governors, in direct contact with local
individuals and groups. As a result, there is a two-way
conduit for information about monetary policy and economic
conditions at the local level.
The FOMC, as a committee, is also fully accountable to
Congress and the American people. Detailed minutes of each
FOMC meeting are provided promptly after approval by the
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Committee, In addition, twice each year the Chairman sets out
in Congressional testimony the Committee's future monetary
policy objectives, as well as information on the recent
conduct of policy. Each member of the FOMC, regardless of how
appointed, is equally accountable for his or her individual
actions on the Committee.
Congress is now considering proposals that would
significantly alter the Fed's structure. One proposal would
dismantle the Federal Open Market Committee and eliminate the
regional Reserve Bank presidents' vote on monetary policy
decisions. The Board of Governors alone would determine
monetary policy. An alternative proposal would retain the
FOMC, but make Reserve Bank presidents appointees of the
President, with Senate confirmation. A third proposal would
have the President appoint the Chairman of the Board of
Governors during his first year in office, so that he can have
"his person" running the Fed.
If enacted, any of these proposals would subject monetary
policy decisions to greater political pressure, upsetting the
delicate balance between accountability and independence. Put
bluntly, those who spend the public's money would have greater
control over those who determine the nation's money supply,
increasing the potential for higher inflation. Each proposal
would also lessen regional input in policymaking, either by
eliminating it altogether or by making Reserve Bank presidents
political appointees.
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In my opinion, the Fed should be judged on the
performance of monetary policy, which over the last decade has
been reasonably good. In the early '80s, it was the Fed that
led the attack on inflation, reversing an escalating trend and
setting the stage for lower interest rates and economic
expansion later in the decade. Since then, monetary policy
has gradually reduced inflation over a long period of moderate
economic growth and established the credibility that helped
bring long-term interest rates down to their lowest levels in
20 years. Today, while Japan and most of Europe are mired in
recession, our economy is growing at a good clip and inflation
has thus far remained subdued.
Our experience over the past three decades, as well as
the experiences of many other countries, has shown that
sustainable economic growth cannot be purchased with higher
inflation. Indeed, the evidence shows just the reverse—that
over time, higher rates of inflation are associated with
higher interest rates and, often, slower economic growth. We
have also seen that central banks are best able to control
inflation when they are somewhat insulated from politics.
It is because of its independent structure that the Fed
is able to control inflation and provide the stable price
backdrop necessary to promote economic growth. We should thus
be wary of proposals that, in the name of accountability,
increase short-term political pressures on the Fed. The
result, by hampering the Fed's ability to achieve the best
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monetary policy for the nation's economy, could well be higher
inflation, higher interest rates and reduced economic growth.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1994, April 8). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940409_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19940409_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1994},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940409_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}