speeches · February 21, 1994
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EMBARGOED UNTIL Noon CST
Tuesday, February 22, 1994
HOW THE FED PROMOTES ECONOMIC GROWTH
Remarks by
Thomas C. Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St, Louis
Rotary Club of Springfield
Springfield, Missouri
February 22, 1994
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I am pleased to be in Springfield today and to have this
opportunity to speak with you about the Federal Reserve's role
in promoting steady, non-inflationary economic growth.
For an organization that has traditionally received
little notice, the Fed has been in the news quite a lot
lately. Over the past year, a few members of Congress have
charged that Fed policymakers are not accountable, and have
therefore proposed major changes in the structure of the
Federal Reserve System. More recently, others have warned the
Fed not to raise interest rates, claiming that we have been
too pre-occupied with controlling inflation at the expense of
promoting economic growth. I would like to take a few minutes
this afternoon to discuss how limiting inflation and promoting
economic growth are not incompatible objectives, and why, in
my view, the proposed restructuring of the Fed would reduce
our ability to foster economic growth.
To understand how the Fed can best promote growth, one
must understand the behavior of interest rates, particularly
long-term interest rates. As we have all observed, long-term
interest rates have fallen substantially over the past few
years, which has helped stimulate the economy. Because of
falling rates, firms can raise funds less expensively to
finance new investment. Falling mortgage rates have
encouraged new housing demand and construction. Lower
consumer rates have enabled households to finance the purchase
of a new car. The lower cost of borrowing has even helped to
reduce government outlays and hence the deficit.
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What accounts for the decline in interest rates? Like
anything that is bought and sold in a free market, the price
of securities is determined by market forces — supply and
demand. In recent years, investors have been more and more
willing to buy securities that offer lower and lower yields.
Why is it that investors are now willing to accept a 6-1/2
percent yield on a Treasury bond that in 1990 yielded 9
percent, and that 10 years ago returned as much as 13-1/2
percent? I believe a large part of the answer has to do with
inflation and the confidence the public now has in the Federal
Reserve's ability and desire to keep it under control.
If you examine a chart of long-term interest rates and
the rate of inflation over time, you will see a close,
positive relationship between the two. In the early 1960s,
inflation was low, averaging less than 2 percent per year.
Interest rates were also low: the yield on 10-year government
securities was 4 percent, the prime rate was 4-1/2 percent and
home mortgage rates were about 5 percent. Beginning in the
late '60s, and continuing through the 1970s, inflation rose,
and long-term interest rates rose with it. The rate of
inflation peaked at 13 percent in 1980, and within a year, the
10-year bond yield was over 15 percent, while the prime rate
reached an astounding 2 0 percent.
The upward spiral of inflation was finally broken in the
early '80s and the stage was set for a long period of
sustained growth. But long-term rates remained exceptionally
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high. In 1983, for example, the rate of consumer price
inflation had fallen to less than 4 percent. Long-term
interest rates did not fall nearly as much or as fast,
however. In 1983, the 30-year bond yield was still over 10
percent, and in 1984, when there was a whiff of renewed
inflation, bond yields jumped back up to over 13 percent.
Why did long-term interest rates not fall with the
decline in inflation? One answer, I believe, is that the
public was not convinced that the Fed was serious about
holding inflation in check. After 15 years of rising rates of
inflation, investors had tired of seeing their interest income
buy fewer and fewer goods and services and of having their
bond holdings decline in value. Inflation had robbed
investors of their savings too many times during the '60s and
'70s, and the public was understandably wary about the Fed's
willingness to keep inflation down, let alone to reduce it
further. Consequently, in the early '80s, investors were
unwilling to accept lower returns on their long-term savings,
despite low prevailing rates of inflation. It was not until
1986, when the rate of inflation was less than 2 percent, that
long-term interest rates fell substantially below 10 percent,
and only in the past year that they have fallen below 7
percent. Rates are now at levels not seen since the early
1970s.
My point is that, when investors expect inflation, they
demand an extra return on their long-term investments to
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compensate for the anticipated decline in their purchasing
power over time. The effect of this "inflation premium11 on
interest rates will be smaller when the public believes that
the dollar is likely to remain stable over time, that is, when
little or no inflation is expected. Keep inflation down, and
long-term interest rates will be low. Of course, interest
rates may rise or fall, even if there is no inflation, but
rates will be lower in the absence of inflation than they
would be if prices are rising.
Another problem with high inflation is that it is often
highly variable. When the rate of inflation varies widely
from year-to-year, business people and consumers have
difficulty planning their investments and expenditures. When
inflation is unpredictable, the inflation premium will be
higher. Savers will not willingly invest their money without
some extra compensation for a possible return of high
inflation.
Finally, high and unstable inflation also encourages
people to divert resources away from productive investment
into inflation hedges and speculative ventures. Overbuilding
in commercial real estate, and the speculative frenzy that
characterized many metals and commodity markets in the late
'70s and early '80s, reflected expectations of continued price
increases, not fundamental values. By misallocating
productive resources, inflation can thus inhibit real economic
growth.
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Now, let me talk a bit about how the Federal Reserve fits
into the discussion. Although politicians often cajole the
Fed to keep interest rates low, the Federal Reserve does not
control rates. Monetary policy does play a role, however. By
establishing a strong commitment to fight inflation and to
maintain a stable price level, the Fed can minimize the
inflation premium in interest rates and provide a stable price
backdrop to promote sustainable real economic growth.
What does it take to achieve a credible commitment to the
goal of price level stability? This is where the structure of
the Fed — and Congressional proposals to change it — become
important. Researchers have found that countries that have
achieved the best records in controlling inflation are
typically those with independent central banks, such as
Germany, Switzerland and the United States. Where the central
bank is an arm of the Treasury or is otherwise political, as
in England, Italy or Brazil, inflation rates are usually
higher. In some countries, the central bank pumps out money
to fund government budget deficits. In others, it finances
the operations of state-owned enterprises. Russia is a prime
example. Many Western economists believe that Russia will not
emerge from its economic crisis until it brings inflation
under control.
In the United States, we have a central bank with the
independence necessary to control inflation. Fed policymakers
are able to look beyond the next six months or the next
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election. This independence derives from the Fed's structure,
which was carefully crafted by Congress to minimize the
influence of short-term political agendas, while preserving
the accountability that any policymaking institution must
have. Over the years, the Fed has been modified in many ways.
Yet the balance between political independence and public
accountability has wisely been maintained.
The organization of the Federal Reserve System is unique
among American institutions. The Board of Governors is a
public body fully accountable to Congress and the American
people. Board appointments are made by the President and
confirmed by the Senate. The seven board members have a two-
vote majority on the Federal Open Market Committee, or FOMC,
which is the Fed's chief monetary policymaking body. At the
same time, Board members are appointed for 14-year terms,
which gives them some insulation from political pressure.
The 12 Federal Reserve Banks, on the other hand, though
subject to the general supervision of the Board of Governors,
are similar in structure to private corporations. This
enables them to efficiently carry out the System's operations,
while maintaining public accountability through the Board.
Moreover, the participation of Reserve Bank presidents on the
FOMC, with five presidents voting on policy on a rotating
basis, provides a voice for policymakers outside of
Washington, D.C. The regional system puts these policymakers,
who are appointed by their boards of directors with approval
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from the Board of Governors, in direct contact with local
individuals and groups. As a result, there is a two-way
channel for information about monetary policy and economic
conditions at the local level.
The FOMC, as a committee, is also fully accountable to
Congress and the American people. Detailed minutes of each
FOMC meeting are provided promptly after approval by the
Committee, and twice each year the Chairman sets out in
Congressional testimony the Committee's future monetary policy
objectives. Each member of the Committee, regardless of how
appointed, is equally accountable for his or her individual
actions on the Committee.
Congress is now considering proposals that would
significantly alter the Fed's structure. One proposal would
dismantle the Federal Open Market Committee and eliminate the
regional Reserve Bank presidents' vote on monetary policy
decisions. The Board of Governors alone would determine
monetary policy. An alternative proposal would retain the
FOMC, but make Reserve Bank presidents appointees of the
President with Senate confirmation. A third proposal would
have the President appoint the Chairman of the Board of
Governors during his first year in office, so that the
President can have "his person" running the Fed.
If enacted, any of these proposals would subject monetary
policy decisions to greater political pressure, upsetting the
delicate balance between accountability and independence. Put
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bluntly, those who spend the public's money would have greater
control over those who determine the nation's money supply.
Each proposal would also lessen regional input in
policymaking, either by eliminating it altogether or by making
Reserve Bank presidents political appointees.
In my opinion, the Fed should be judged on the
performance of monetary policy, which over the last decade has
been reasonably good. In the early '80s, it was the Fed that
led the attack on inflation, reversing an escalating trend and
setting the stage for lower interest rates and economic
expansion later in the decade. Since then, monetary policy
has gradually reduced inflation over a long period of moderate
economic growth and established the credibility that helped
bring long-term interest rates down to their lowest levels in
20 years. Today, while Japan and most of Europe are mired in
recession, our economy is growing at a good clip and inflation
has thus far remained subdued.
Our experience over the past three decades, as well as
the experiences of many other countries, has shown that
sustainable economic growth cannot be purchased with higher
inflation. Indeed, the evidence shows just the reverse —
that over time, higher rates of inflation are associated with
higher interest rates and, often, slower economic growth. We
have also seen that central banks are best able to control
inflation when they are somewhat insulated from politics.
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It is because of its independent structure that the Fed
is able to control inflation and provide the stable price
backdrop necessary to promote economic growth. We should thus
be wary of proposals that, in the name of accountability,
increase the political pressures on the Fed. The result, by
hampering the Fed's ability to achieve the best monetary
policy for the nation's economy, could well be higher
inflation, higher interest rates and reduced economic growth.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1994, February 21). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940222_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19940222_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1994},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19940222_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}