speeches · May 25, 1993
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EMBARGOED UNTIL 5:30 p.m. CDT
Wednesday, May 26, 1993
MONETARY POLICY—THEORY AND PRACTICE
Remarks by
Thomas C. Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
before the
St. Louis Gateway Chapter
National Association of Business Economists
St. Louis, Missouri
May 26, 1993
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As a policymaker, I am often asked if policy is too tight
or too easy. Recently, M2 has been falling, and is now well
below the lower bound of the Federal Open Market
Committeefs—or FOMC's—2 to 6 percent annual target range.
Moreover, M2 grew at only a 2 percent rate during 1992, below
our target range of 2.5 to 6.5 percent. Does this indicate
that policy is tight?
Maybe not. Although no longer an official target, Ml
grew at a 6.6 percent annual rate in the first quarter of,
1993, about in line with its five-year trend growth. During
the preceding two years, it grew at a double-digit annual
rate. Does Ml growth indicate that monetary policy is easy?
The unusual disparity in the behavior of these monetary
aggregates is one of the challenges I face in moving from
theory to practice. This evening I would like to describe to
you the factors I consider when approaching the monetary
policymaking process. Then I will comment on the M2 versus Ml
debate and conclude with some thoughts on the effectiveness of
the FOMC process.
The first factor I consider is the goals of economic
policy, which are to maintain high employment and sustainable
economic growth and to ensure the stability in the purchasing
power of the dollar. Although it was once thought that there
was a tradeoff between policies pursuing growth and those
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aimed at price stability, we now know that maximum sustainable
growth is achieved when price level uncertainty ceases to be
a factor in economic decision making. In other words,
inflation doesnft stimulate growth.
The United States' experience over the last 25 years
supports this position. The acceleration of monetary growth,
nominal spending growth and inflation in the 1970s didn't buy
added real growth. It fell. Nor did the deceleration of
monetary growth, nominal spending growth and inflation slow
real growth in the 1980s. It rose relative to the 1970s.
We also see evidence of this internationally. Among
developed countries, Germany and Japan have been world leaders
in both real growth and price stability over much of the
postwar period. Among developing nations, the newly
industrializing Asian economies have led the world in growth
rates. They too have had low inflation rates.
As these examples illustrate, there is no tradeoff
between growth and price stability. Rather, the potential of
any economy to grow is determined by real factors such as
growth of its labor force, capital investment and increases in
productivity. Price level stability is a prerequisite to
realizing an economy's potential. It allows decisions to be
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based on real price signals and not on inflation-distorted
illusions.
The second factor I try to keep in mind when
contemplating monetary policy decisions is that in the long
run, monetary policy principally affects the general level of
prices. Accordingly, policy's most important contribution to
maintaining high employment and sustainable economic growth
lies in providing a stable price backdrop. Despite evidence
to the contrary, there are still some individuals who see
easier monetary policy and the risk of higher inflation as an
avenue to higher real growth.
Does this suggest, then, that countercyclical monetary
policy is inappropriate? Not necessarily. The third factor
I consider is that monetary policy actions occur in a dynamic
economic environment with many non-policy-related factors
influencing economic performance. When recessions occur,
monetary policy actions should lay the foundation for recovery
by boosting sagging monetary growth. In expansions, the
opposite applies. In either case, monetary policy can act as
a counterweight to potential swings in monetary growth.
However, these actions should not be pursued to excess.
Monetary policy effects are felt only after a considerable
lag. What appears to be the appropriate policy today can
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prove to be destabilizing in the future. Short-term effects
on real growth might not be felt for a year or longer, and the
effects may vary depending on the economy's inflationary
expectations. Monetary policy effects on inflation are even
more drawn out—not being realized on average for about two
years, perhaps even longer.
Regardless of monetary policyfs potential for stabilizing
output growth in the short run, there is considerable risk of
overreacting to current economic measures. Preliminary data
are often subject to major revisions, and even the best
forecasts are uncertain. Thus, short-term fine tuning,
whether based on current data or forecasts, in retrospect, can
turn out to be destabilizing.
A fourth and final factor I try to keep in mind when
determining policy is the need for an indicator that gauges
the thrust of monetary policy actions and can determine
whether monetary excesses are building up. This indicator
must be tied to monetary policy actions—open market
operations, changes in reserve requirements and the terms for
extending discount window credit. Bank reserves and the
adjusted monetary base are empirically closely linked with Ml,
the narrow monetary aggregate that corresponds most closely
with spending. Although no longer an official target of the
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FOMC, the trend growth in Ml still provides useful information
to monetary policymakers.
Throughout the 1950s, '60s and '70s, Ml growth was a
reliable indicator of the thrust of monetary policy actions.
The tendency for nominal spending to grow more rapidly than Ml
resulted from the upward ratcheting of inflation, inflationary
expectations and nominal interest rates during those decades.
That steady upward trend in Ml velocity ended in the 1980s.
With lower expected inflation and nominal interest rates, Ml
velocity has actually been trending down in the 1980s and
early f90s. Thus, we no longer target Ml.
Today, the FOMC sets target ranges for M2, an aggregate
whose long-run growth rate about equals that of nominal
spending. Because real economic growth is largely independent
of nominal spending in the long run, accelerations or
decelerations in M2 growth have roughly matched accelerations
or decelerations in inflation over extended periods.
Historical evidence confirms this proposition.
Nonetheless, M2 has limitations as a monetary target.
Because only one-fourth of M2 consists of deposits that are
subject to reserve requirements, it is difficult for the Fed
to control. This problem has been demonstrated over the last
two years as M2 growth has slowed despite extraordinary
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efforts to stimulate it, including seven cuts in the discount
rate and aggressive Fed open market securities purchases that
pushed bank reserve and Ml growth to double-digit rates.
With M2 growth continuing to slow and nominal GDP growth
rates rising rapidly, one might have questions about the use
of M2 that go beyond whether it can be controlled. The
long-run stability of M2 velocity may have changed. M2
velocity is currently near its all-time high and has been
increasing rapidly for more than a year. Moreover, this rapid
rise in M2 velocity has been accompanied by significant
decreases in interest rates—a factor that often had increased
demand for M2 balances and slowed growth in M2 velocity.
Consequently, many economists are concerned that the
relationship between M2 and nominal spending growth may have
shifted, just as Ml velocity apparently did in the early
1980s.
There are a number of factors that might account for slow
M2 growth even as nominal spending growth continues. Some
should have only a temporary effect on M2 velocity. Sluggish
credit demand, for example, has caused depository institutions
not to bid as aggressively for funds. In addition, households
have shifted away from low-yielding M2-type deposits to higher
interest-paying capital market assets.
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Other factors may permanently reduce the demand for M2
balances and raise the level of M2 velocity. They include the
increased cost of funds for banks resulting from higher
deposit insurance fees and the increased regulatory burden.
In any event, it may be some time before we regain confidence
in what any particular rate of M2 growth implies for future
nominal spending.
So where does this leave us? M2 has lost its luster as
an indicator and is not readily controllable by the Federal'
Reserve. Therefore, there probably is no single indicator
that can gauge the thrust of monetary policy actions and their
ultimate effect on spending growth and inflation. You might
say, I remain the proverbial "doubting Thomas" with respect to
any single, simplistic measure of monetary policy. This
brings me back to Ml and why I continue to follow its
behavior. It indeed reflects monetary policy actions and,
when viewed over a long time period, provides some indication
of the impact of policy on the economy.
Experiences in the 1980s and early '90s provide a good
example. The sharp rise in real growth that began during the
second quarter of 1983 was preceded by a rapid increase in Ml
growth during the summer of 1982. The decline of inflation
that began in the early 1980s was reversed in 1987, following
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a rise in Ml growth two years earlier. The 1990-91 recession
followed on the heels of a year of negative Ml growth. The
current downward trend in inflation began in 1990 following
three years of substantial decreases in Ml growth. Finally,
data for the first four months of 1993 suggest that this
decline has been interrupted, at least temporarily, following
double-digit Ml growth over the last two years. Accordingly,
though I would not advocate targeting Ml, I certainly would
not ignore its behavior over time.
To conclude, I would like to explain how the monetary
policymaking process, itself, creates an environment conducive
to sound decision making despite uncertainties about the
behavior of monetary aggregates. The nation benefits greatly
from the Federal Reserve's collective policymaking process,
which allows differences in both geographic and policy
perspectives to be reflected.
As you know, the FOMC is comprised of the seven members
of the Board of Governors and five of the 12 regional Reserve
Bank presidents. Although not all 12 Reserve Bank presidents
vote on policy at one time, we attend and actively participate
in FOMC meetings. Because the Board and each Reserve Bank
have independent economic research staffs, a broad spectrum of
views is represented. The Reserve Bank presidents also bring
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to the meetings specific information on what is actually
happening in their districts. Accordingly, the decisions that
emerge from FOMC meetings are the result of thorough analysis
and thoughtful deliberations.
In the end, policy must be judged by the results it
produces. Monetary policy has been reasonably successful over
the last decade—a long period of moderate growth during which
inflation was significantly reduced. This achievement came
during a time of unusually large federal budget deficits and
complicated international and financial market developments.
Though set back by the recession and the unexpectedly slow
recovery, a foundation has been laid for a sustainable,
low-inflationary expansion in the 1990s. No one can know what
the future holds, but if we can hold the line on inflation,
the real economy will be on firm footing for genuine progress
in the years ahead.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1993, May 25). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19930526_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19930526_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1993},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19930526_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}