speeches · December 3, 1992
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EMBARGOED UNTIL 1:30 p.m. CST
Friday, December 4, 1992
THE ROLE OF THE REGIONAL FEDERAL RESERVE BANKS
Remarks by
Thomas C. Melzer
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
University of Arkansas
College of Business Administration
Fayettevi1le, Arkansas
December 4, 1992
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I appreciate this opportunity to talk to you about the
role of the regional Federal Reserve Banks and their
contributions to the Federal Reserve System. In my judgment,
the job of the Federal Reserve or, for that matter, the
central bank in any large, diverse economy is not very well
understood, either by the public or even some of those close
to the policymaking process. It follows that the role of the
regional Federal Reserve Banks, which are just a part of our
central bank, is probably less well understood. For that
reason, my talk will focus on the nature of the regional
Federal Reserve Banks and how they contribute to the
maintenance of a smoothly operating financial system and to
the development of a well-informed, carefully thought-out
monetary policy.
The Federal Reserve System, the central bank of the
United States, is at its core a public agency, headed by the
Board of Governors in Washington and its current chairman,
Alan Greenspan. The Board is surrounded by 12 quasi-public
Reserve Banks, which represent the country's 12 Federal
Reserve districts. The Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
serves the Eighth Federal Reserve District and has branches in
Little Rock, Louisville and Memphis. Generally, the Board of
Governors focuses on policy matters, while the regional banks
concentrate on implementing those policies. One exception to
this characterization is monetary policymaking, in which the
regional banks participate both in recommending discount rate
changes and directing open market operations.
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Because this structure is admittedly complicated, a brief
historical overview and a discussion of the overall role of
the central bank are essential to understand the contributions
of the regional banks to the Federal Reserve System. So let
me turn now to the question of how the structure of the
Federal Reserve evolved.
For most of the 19th century, central banking was a
crucial issue in American politics, and considerable political
wrangling foreshadowed the founding of the Federal Reserve.
At the turn of the century, commercial banking was a political
hot potato, in part because interest rates were higher in the
West than in the East. Some groups, especially farmers, were
thought not to have representation in matters of financial
policy. Big city banks, on the other hand, were thought to
have too much power and an arrogance in not serving the needs
of commerce in rural areas or the Western states. For these
essentially populist reasons, regional representation was an
important issue in the Congressional debate surrounding the
Federal Reserve Act/s passage in 1913.
At its founding, then, the Federal Reserve represented a
compromise of competing interests with its structure of 12
relatively autonomous regional banks serving the needs of
their districts, and a Board in Washington, D.C., performing
a supervisory role. The Secretary of the Treasury and the
Comptroller of the Currency sat on the Board as ex-officio
members. The regional banks were located in major centers of
economic activity across the country and thus could gather
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important information about the state of the markets and the
economy generally. This regionally oriented information
played an important role in the early policymaking process, a
role it continues to play today.
Faced with the Great Depression, Congress recognized that
open market operations—the purchase and sale of federal
government securities by Reserve Banks—had important
implications for the economy. Accordingly, it altered the
Federal Reserved structure with the Banking Act of 1935. The
Federal Reserve System was given greater autonomy from the
executive branch, as the Treasury Secretary and the
Comptroller of the Currency were removed from the Board of
Governors. In addition, the Board was generally given greater
authority over appointments at the regional banks, including
those of the presidents and first vice presidents. The
responsibility for open market operations, which had resided
primarily with the New York Fed, was given to the Federal Open
Market Committee, or FOMC. The FOMC consisted of all seven
Board members and the 12 regional bank presidents, with only
five of the presidents voting on policy at any one time. This
arrangement gave the Board of Governors a permanent majority
on the FOMC.
In a 1986 case, a U.S. District Court called this
compromise "an exquisitely balanced approach to an extremely
difficult problem." The autonomy of the Reserve Banks was
retained in providing regional services and offering diverse
input to the discussion of monetary policy. Control over
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national policy was centralized in Washington, yet at the same
time was made more independent of changing political winds by
the removal of executive branch officials from the Board.
This realignment successfully preserved the best elements of
the previous system and created a remarkably durable
structure—so much so that the same structure is in place
today, more than 50 years later.
As this brief history illustrates, the structure of the
Federal Reserve is based on a careful consideration of the
nation's central banking needs. It represents a delicate
balance of regional representation, political insulation and
centralized control. This balance allows the System to
execute its functions properly. With this in mind, I would
like to move on to what I see is the role of the Federal
Reserve System today.
Certainly the best known of the Federal Reserve's
functions is that of monetary policymaking. Control over open
market operations, the Fed's key policymaking tool, rests with
the FOMC. The meetings of this Committee, of which I am
currently a voting member, are covered extensively by the
financial press and watched closely by politicians and the
public. Many today consider monetary policymaking to be the
central bank's most important function. But it is not the
only function.
The Federal Reserve is also responsible for bank
supervision and regulation. The Federal Reserve Act gave the
Fed regulatory and supervisory authority over state-chartered
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member banks, an authority that has been expanded considerably
over the years. Although bank regulation in the United States
involves three federal and 50 state agencies, the Fed
essentially retains primary responsibility for the regulation
and supervision of all bank holding companies and state-
chartered banks that are members of the Federal Reserve
System.
A third role the Federal Reserve plays is that of
financial services provider for financial institutions and the
U.S. Treasury. A key part of this function is operating an
interbank payments mechanism. The Fed's payment services
include collecting and settling checks among banks across the
country, and handling large value payments and recurring
payments through our nation-wide electronic communications
network. Our services to the Treasury include handling
electronic social security payments, government checks and the
like. District banks and Treasury agencies maintain accounts
with local Reserve Banks to clear these payments. To give you
some idea of the significance of Fed payment services, more
than $2 trillion flow through these accounts on a typical day.
Finally, and this list is not exhaustive, the Fed has an
umbrella responsibility to uphold the strength and stability
of the nation's financial system. When a financial crisis
looms, it is the Fed that provides liquidity and maintains the
integrity of the payments system, thus allowing the real
economy to continue to perform efficiently. One way that
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liquidity can be provided is through discount window lending
to banks by the regional Feds.
Perhaps these functions could be fulfilled by a
bureaucracy in Washington. But I believe there are good
reasons why the Congress retained an important role for the
regional banks as the Fed's structure evolved. Most of these
reasons have to do with the System's performance in attaining
its objectives. So let me now turn to the contributions that
the regional Reserve Banks make to the System.
The most visible regional bank contributions probably
occur in the monetary policy arena, with both district bank
presidents and research departments providing input. This
channel has a long history at the Federal Reserve Bank of
St. Louis. Thirty-five years ago, our Bank was producing
better monetary statistics than the Board of Governors in
Washington. In large measure this was because changes in the
money supply were viewed by most economists to be largely
irrelevant to discussions of monetary policy—interest rates
were the important thing.
Because of the diversity that is possible in a
decentralized system, the St. Louis Reserve Bank promoted an
alternative theory and supported it with empirical evidence.
The Bank's point of view went from being heretical in 1959 to
the hottest controversy in economics in 1969 to the actual
policy course that put us on the path to controlling runaway
inflation in 1979. This change in the way economists think
about money was a result of the publication of raw data
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combined with sophisticated statistical work that showed
important relationships between the quantity of money, nominal
GNP and inflation.
In fact, the ideas embodied in monetarism are so
pervasive today that it is the 1959 mainstream view that now
seems out of place. Monetary aggregates, for instance, play
an important role in FOMC policymaking and in the policymaking
of central banks worldwide, whereas 20 or 30 years ago they
played almost no role. Likewise, the idea that money growth
and inflation are closely related in the long run, once an
extreme view, now dominates discussions in both academic and
policymaking circles. Doubts about the efficacy of short-run
fine-tuning of the economy, long voiced by the St. Louis
research staff, have crept into the views of many economists
and policymakers. In short, once-radical ideas spawned by the
early monetarists now seem mundane.
The experience of the St. Louis Fed in influencing
monetary policy speaks volumes for the advantages of
decentralizing research activity. Examples of the influence
of other regional banks on this score can be cited, but I
think the point is clear: a decentralized system permits and
promotes a free competition of ideas.
But the advantages of the Fed's decentralized approach
are not limited to economic research. The regional banks also
bring a vital local perspective to deliberations at the FOMC.
Each bank tracks economic developments in its own region and
reports on them at every FOMC meeting. Without question, this
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type of regional input provides important information about
the economy that the national numbers miss. In particular,
the national statistics are released with a lag, followed by
numerous revisions. During the time it takes to compile
aggregate figures, information gleaned from direct contacts
with businesses, labor, consumers and others around the
country can be a valuable and far more timely aid to decision
making.
Putting the benefits of this information aside, there is
a lot to be said for regional input on issues of as much
national importance as monetary policy. In our lifetimes, we
have all seen the decision making of some Washington
bureaucracy go awry, having lost touch with the public. In my
view, this has been less of a problem at the Federal Reserve,
where the regional banks have regular contact with the people
and institutions that make up the American economy. The
regional Feds help the System keep a finger on the pulse of
national economic activity, and deliver a real world
perspective to monetary policy discussions.
The quasi-public nature of Reserve Banks is also a
strength of the Fed's structure. The members of the boards of
directors of the regional banks are drawn from the private
sector, with due regard for the public responsibilities of the
institution. Employees of the Fed are not part of the civil
service. Operational management at Reserve Banks which
emulates the private sector has paid handsome dividends. An
internal study comparing the spending patterns of the federal
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government as a whole with those of the Federal Reserve Banks
reached a stunning conclusion. When placed on a comparable
basis, the Reserve Banks proved far superior in containing
costs as they significantly expanded their activity. From
1983 to 1989, federal government spending increased at a rate
six times that of the Federal Reserve Banks. This sort of
cost control is something I think we would all appreciate
elsewhere in the public sector.
Though regional Reserve Bank boards of directors come
from the private sector and name bank presidents, such as
myself, these actions must be approved by the Board of
Governors. This arrangement puts the regional banks at arm's
length from the political process and offers a degree of
insulation from the daily goings-on in Washington. This is
what was intended in the original compromise creating the
Federal Reserve System, and it incorporates a high degree of
public accountability. The members of the Board of Governors
are appointed by the President of the United States and
confirmed by the Senate. The Board reviews all aspects of
regional bank performance. Presidents of Reserve Banks can be
removed from office by the Board of Governors. Furthermore,
presidents must obtain appropriate security clearance and
observe the same standards of conduct expected of public
officials. In my opinion, there is no doubt that the regional
banks are held directly accountable not only to their boards
of directors, but also to the Board of Governors, and
ultimately to Congress and the public.
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Finally, I want to turn to the integration of the various
functions of the Federal Reserve that is realized at the
regional banks and how important this integration is in a
financial crisis. While these functions—implementation of
monetary policy, bank supervision and financial services—may
initially seem separable, they are in fact closely related.
Banks are the principal channel of monetary policy actions.
The detailed knowledge of banking gained through our
supervision activities is critical in assessing the impact of
these actions. A recent example of this is the so-called
credit crunch and its effect on the behavior of broader
monetary aggregates used to guide policy.
Evaluating the condition of banks, in turn, is enhanced
by our participation in financial services and the first-hand
knowledge we have in understanding the risks that arise in
payments systems. On a broader scale, our focus on general
macroeconomic developments in monetary policymaking helps us
assess risks affecting banks as well. Finally, our detailed
knowledge of the financial condition of banks and other
depository institutions gained from bank supervision helps us
to minimize our own credit risk, and hence the risk to
taxpayers, in providing financial services.
This reinforcement of one of our functions by other
Federal Reserve activities is certainly desirable under
normal, day-to-day operating circumstances. But it becomes
critical in a financial crisis where the smooth and efficient
functioning of the payments system is threatened. Imagine a
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situation in which a major bank participant in the payments
system is hit by the sudden failure of a large customer and is
thus unable to meet its immediate obligations on a timely
basis. Imagine further that other banks are counting on
payment from the first bank to fully meet their obligations.
These circumstances describe very simply what is meant by
payment system risk—the potential for problems of one
institution to affect the liquidity of other institutions in
an interdependent payment mechanism. Not only can liquidity
problems spread, but there is a chance that the entire system
could seize up.
This is where the Federal Reserve, through a regional
Reserve Bank with monetary policy, bank supervision and
financial services expertise under one roof, comes into play.
A Reserve Bank's financial services area might extend the
operating hours of certain payments systems to permit the
first bank to raise liquidity and meet its obligations. The
bank supervision area might work with the credit discount
function to determine the first bank's solvency and whether
the Reserve Bank can prudently extend discount window credit
for liquidity. The open-market desk located in New York, in
consultation with the Fed chairman, might provide extra
liquidity to the banking system as a whole for some time
period. The point is, all the requisite skills are on hand in
each Reserve Bank to respond quickly, thoughtfully and at the
local level to a financial crisis. It is hard to imagine that
in the United States, with its large geographic area and
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fragmented banking arrangements, that a centralized system
could respond as effectively, particularly if it did not
embrace the full range of functions represented in Reserve
Banks today.
In closing, I want to reiterate my view that the
structure of the Fed is indeed an "exquisite balance" of
independence, regional representation and accountability. I
think that those who drew up the current system showed
remarkable foresight in designing a structure that has stood
the test of time. The regional banks provide the System with
a number of advantages, including independence of thought on
monetary policy, specialized regional information as an input
to the policymaking process and hands-on expertise that must
be tapped in times of crisis. This structure has served us
well for many decades, and the regional banks have made many
contributions to the Federal Reserve System as a whole.
Accordingly, I expect that it is a structure which will
continue to serve us well in the future.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1992, December 3). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19921204_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19921204_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1992},
month = {Dec},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19921204_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}