speeches · September 24, 1990
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
HAS THE FED LOST ITS INFLUENCE?
Remarks by Thomas C. Melzer
Western Kentucky University
Bowling Green, Kentucky
September 25, 1990
There has been increasing public concern in recent
months about the Federal Reserve's role in this nation's
economy. Some of this represents the usual "cheerleading"
that the Fed hears occasionally from financial and political
circles—often around periods of slow economic growth or
elections. Generally, these cheers are intended to have the
Fed deliver a specific economic outcome quickly.
However, there also seems to be a growing concern, in
financial circles and elsewhere, that the Federal Reserve is
losing its ability to influence interest rates and the
economy. In January, for example, an Investor's Daily
article asked, "Is the Fed's Grip On The Economy Slipping?"
In March, a front-page article in The Wall Street Journal
was captioned: "[The] Fed Has Lost Much Of Its Power to
Sway U.S. Interest Rates." In April, the lead article in
the Institutional Investor was headlined: "Frustrating the
Fed: How America is losing control over interest rates."
And, just last month, a reasonably well-known U.S. economic
forecaster suggested that not only U.S. monetary
policymakers, but U.S. fiscal policymakers as well, were no
longer able to influence the domestic economy significantly.
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If these articles accurately reflect the cutting edge
of public opinion, a dramatic—perhaps even
historic—turnabout is taking place in the public's view of
the Fed's role in the economy. While I don't really believe
that the broad sway of public opinion has changed quite this
much, at least not yet, it is interesting to consider why
this perception might exist. In my judgment, fears of the
Fed's waning influence reflect a flawed, but unfortunately
widespread, view of how monetary policy actually works.
Oddly enough, this same flawed view is the one that, until
recently, led many people to attribute far greater influence
to the Fed than it really has. This is the general subject
that I would like to discuss with you this afternoon.
Basically, there are two ways to view how the Federal
Reserve influences the economy; for convenience, we can
label them as the "credit" view and the "money" view. The
credit view is the more popular one, at least in terms of
its broad acceptance. According to this view, the Fed
influences the economy by controlling interest rates
directly and completely.
Thus, when it wants tighter economic conditions,
perhaps to choke off inflationary pressures, the Fed simply
drives up interest rates. The higher interest rates reduce
demand for housing, autos and other things, thereby slowing
the economy down. Alternatively, when it wants easier
economic conditions, perhaps to head off the threat of
recession, the Fed simply drives interest rates down. I am
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certain that you are familiar with this particular view of
how the Fed influences the economy. It is proclaimed daily
in the financial press and, as a result, many people believe
it to be correct.
Those who believe the credit view are also the ones who
are concerned that the Fed's grip on interest rates and,
hence, on the economy is slipping. While the specifics of
this story may differ slightly from one version to the next,
there are essentially two main reasons given for the Fed's
prospective loss of control. The first reason centers on a
decline in the effectiveness of the "nuts and bolts" of
Federal Reserve actions—its open market operations. The
second reason has to do with the globalization of credit
markets and the magnitude and importance of foreign
investments in the United States. Let's consider each of
these reasons in turn.
As I am sure you know, the day-in and day-out method by
which the Fed conducts its monetary policy is called "open
market operations"; these operations simply represent
purchases or sales of government securities in sufficient
amounts to achieve the desired changes in bank reserves and
the federal funds rate. The presumption underlying the
effectiveness of open market operations is that banks
respond to them by commensurate changes in their lending
activities. These changes in bank loans then spill over,
via changes in the supply of bank credit, into general
changes in credit conditions and interest rates.
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Unfortunately, at least in the opinion of those who
believe the credit view, something has happened that
threatens to weaken, perhaps even break entirely, the link
between open market operations and the economy at large.
The problem is that banks have become less and less
important as sources of credit in the economy. To consider
just one example, in 1983 U.S. banks provided about 32
percent of the funds raised in credit markets by U.S.
nonfinancial corporations; by 1989, however, this figure had
fallen to 14 percent and may continue to decline. What has
happened? Simply that a host of financial innovations,
ranging from the rise of the commercial paper market to
securitized loans, has enabled growing numbers of primary
borrowers to bypass U.S. banks entirely. Consequently, so
the story goes, as credit markets become less and less
dependent on the intermediary activities of U.S. banks, the
Federal Reserve must inevitably become less and less
influential in controlling interest rates.
The second reason given for the declining influence of
the Fed is essentially a corollary of the first one.
Instead of blaming financial innovations, however, it
focuses primarily on the growth of international credit
markets and the importance of foreign sources of credit in
the U.S. According to this argument, worldwide credit
market conditions, not U.S. conditions alone, are the
primary source of influence on U.S. interest rates.
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To cite just one recent example of this story, suppose
that profitable investment opportunities should open up in
Eastern Europe as these countries rush toward capitalism.
Because the flow of foreign savings into the U.S. will now
be diverted, at least in part, to investment projects in
Eastern Europe, the presumption is that U.S. interest rates
must inevitably rise. Moreover, they must continue to rise
until foreign savers can get the same rate of return on
their savings whether they invest in Eastern Europe or the
United States. Thus, this view concludes, the Federal
Reserve is powerless to prevent U.S. interest rates from
rising; the interest rate increase is being driven by
changes in flows of foreign savings that the Federal Reserve
can neither control nor offset.
Faced with such stories and statistics, it is not
surprising that allegations of the Federal Reserve's
diminished capacity to influence U.S. interest rates and,
thereby, the U.S. economy, have become hot topics for
discussion. And, if there were only one view of the Federal
Reserve's role in the economy, we would have to resign
ourselves to the conclusion that the Fed has, indeed, lost
it. However, there is an alternative view of the Fed's
influence, the money view, that yields a far less
pessimistic conclusion. In fact, it suggests that the
Federal Reserve's influence on the economy remains
essentially the same as it has always been.
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According to the money view, the basic thrust of the
Federal Reserve's influence comes from its effect on the
nation's money supply. When monetary growth accelerates,
total spending accelerates along with it. The immediate
effect of this greater spending is to encourage increased
output and employment growth. Unfortunately, the long-run
effect is reflected solely in higher inflation. The exact
opposite pattern occurs when monetary growth slows down.
Thus, changes in the Federal Reserve's monetary policy
stance have two separate effects on the economy. The
initial effect is the Fed's ephemeral influence on the real
side of the economy; the subsequent, but longer-lasting,
impact is on the rate of inflation alone.
In this view, banks play an important role only because
they produce the bulk of the nation's money supply. Changes
in the Fed's open market operations immediately change the
growth of bank reserves. Banks, in turn, respond with
commensurate changes in the growth in their loans. Through
a multiple-expansion process, explanations of which make
money and banking textbooks so interesting to read, the new
reserves are transformed into changes in the nation's money
supply. In this money view, these changes in the nation's
money supply are the source of the Fed's influence on the
economy.
It is important to emphasize the vast difference
between the two views in terms of how banks are treated as
purveyors of Federal Reserve policy actions and how interest
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rates are influenced by the Federal Reserve. According to
the credit view, banks are the key channels of Fed influence
only because they are important suppliers of credit. Since
changes in the supply of credit, relative to the demand for
credit, determine interest rates, the Fed's influence over
interest rates is closely related to the overall importance
of bank credit. As banks increasingly become supplanted by
other sources of credit in financial markets, the Fed's
influence obviously diminishes.
According to the money view, however, banks'
proportionate share of the total credit market, whether it
is 100 percent, 50 percent or even 10 percent, is completely
irrelevant. Banks are important only because, through their
credit operations, they happen to produce the largest part
of the nation's money stock. Because no other credit
intermediary, domestic or foreign, can add to the U.S. money
supply as a by-product of its credit operations, it cannot
possibly supplant banks as a money creator. Thus, the Fed's
influence on the economy remains intact and undiminished.
Obviously, these two views yield very different
conclusions about the Fed's continuing influence on the
economy. Just as obviously, both views cannot be correct.
However, what is not necessarily obvious is which view is
correct and precisely why. Part of the problem is that we
often confuse the concepts of money and credit; the other
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part of the problem is that we frequently fail to recognize
the crucial difference between nominal and real interest
rates.
To be honest, it is easy to be confused about the
difference between money and credit. After all, when we
borrow, we borrow money; and, when we lend, we lend money.
There is, however, a crucial difference that we must
recognize if we want to determine how the Fed actually
influences the economy.
The nation's money stock is represented by—in fact, is
defined as—the sum of currency and checkable deposits
available to be spent by you, me and others. In contrast,
credit markets are simply arrangements set up to determine
who gets to spend the existing money supply. Consider, for
example, what happens when you write a $1000 check to your
mutual fund. The banking system recycles the money from you
to the mutual fund. The mutual fund might then purchase a
$1000 certificate of deposit from a bank which, in turn,
might lend the $1000 to a finance company. The banking
system has now recycled the money from the mutual fund to
the finance company. The finance company, in turn, may lend
the $1000 to someone who buys lottery tickets with the
money. The number of financial intermediaries involved and
the cascading amount of credit generated by them is
certainly impressive. The "bottom line," however, is that
the $1000 simply changed hands from you to the guy who sold
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the lottery tickets; or, in other words, after all the
financial smoke clears, you loaned someone $1000 to buy
lottery tickets.
While this process of financial intermediation makes
our credit markets considerably more efficient, it shouldn/t
blind us to the underlying realities involved. In general,
neither these credit arrangements nor the number of
intermediaries in the credit chain have any effect on the
size of the money supply or the total level of spending.
Instead, they simply represent more convenient ways to
recycle existing money and, thereby, rechannel spending from
some individuals to others. However, an increase in the
money stock, whether generated through the usual banking
channels or, for that matter, dropped from airplanes, will
affect both the total level of spending and the amount of
credit extended. New money, as opposed to recycled money,
always produces new spending and new lending.
The exact same conclusions hold if, in the above
example, we substitute a foreign citizen who owns a U.S.
dollar demand deposit in a U.S. bank. The foreign citizen
faces the same choices that a U.S. citizen does in
determining what to do with his U.S. money balances. He can
spend them for goods and services, use them to purchase
other financial or real assets, or simply hold them. In any
event, regardless of how many links there are in the credit
chain, and regardless of whether foreign or domestic
citizens are involved, the same principles apply: the usual
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credit transactions recycle money from one person to
another, neither creating nor destroying money balances in
the process. Only credit transactions involving banks can
potentially change our money supply and only those specific
bank credit operations resulting from changes in bank
reserves actually do so.
But what about interest rates? Is their level not
important in determining economic activity? And should not
the Fed, as the credit view holds, be able to set interest
rates by influencing the supply of bank credit? The answer
to these questions is an unambiguous "yes and no." The
interest rates we observe in financial markets are nominal
interest rates. They are made up of two chief components:
the expected inflation rate and the expected real (or
inflation-adjusted) interest rate. Expected inflation
enters the nominal interest rate because it represents the
expected decline in the value of the dollars over the life
of the loan. The expected real interest rate is the return
we expect to pay or receive from the credit transaction
after inflation is accounted for.
Real rates of interest, not nominal rates, are what
influence real economic activity. They reflect the real
forces that underlie supply and demand conditions in credit
markets. These conditions include things like the public's
willingness to save, investment opportunities for domestic
and foreign firms, changes in tax legislation, and changes
in trade or capital restrictions across countries. Clearly,
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despite what people might like to believe, the Federal
Reserve has never had any significant short-run or long-run
influence on real interest rates. Yet, this is precisely
what adherents of the credit view implicitly hold when they
argue that interest rates are the primary channel of the
Fed's influence.
On the other hand, monetary policy—or, more precisely,
monetary growth—is the prime determinant of the inflation
rate. Consequently, the Federal Reserve plays a key role in
influencing both U.S. inflation expectations and the actual
course of inflation. Through its influence on inflation
expectations, the Fed directly influences U.S. nominal
interest rates.
This influence is not unique to the United States.
Each central bank has the same impact on its own country's
nominal interest rates. Countries with higher nominal
interest rates, like Brazil, are those whose central banks
have followed drastically looser monetary policies. In
contrast, countries with lower nominal interest rates, like
West Germany, typically have central banks that have pursued
tighter monetary policies. Finally, there are those
countries, like the United States and the United Kingdom,
whose central banks have wavered back and forth between
tighter and looser monetary policies; they have generally
found that changes in inflation and nominal interest rates
have wavered right along as well.
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Indeed, once we examine both the domestic and the
foreign evidence concerning the impact of monetary policy on
the economy, two things become rather obvious. First, the
money view, not the credit view, seems to best explain how
any central bank, including the Federal Reserve, can
influence its domestic interest rates and its economy. The
causal link runs primarily from money growth to spending
growth and credit growth, not from credit growth to money
growth or spending growth.
Second, despite a myriad of financial innovations and
the increasing globalization of financial markets, neither
the Federal Reserve nor other central banks have lost their
influence on the economy, on financial markets, on inflation
or on interest rates. Those who believe otherwise have
typically overestimated the Federal Reserve's influence in
the past. Now, they are making the opposite error: they
are giving the Federal Reserve far too little credit for its
influence on the economy.
While either error is potentially hazardous, especially
in puDlic discussions of what monetary policy can and should
accomplish, I believe that underestimating the Fed is by far
the more dangerous error. Whenever the public believes that
the Federal Reserve has significant influence on the
economy, extensive public attention is focused on the Fed's
actions. In part, such public pressure was responsible for
the Federal Reserve's successful move, back in the early
1980s, to reduce inflation by the end of the decade. If the
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pendulum now swings too far in the opposite direction, an
important source of public pressure or guidance, on both
current monetary policy actions and the future course of
U.S. inflation, will be lost. I, for one, would hate to see
that happen; in order to move closer to an economy with
truly stable prices, the Fed needs all the support and
encouragement that it can get.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1990, September 24). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19900925_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19900925_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1990},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19900925_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}