speeches · June 6, 1990
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
HAS THE FED LOST ITS INFLUENCE?
Remarks by Thomas C. Melzer
Housing Roundtable's Quarterly Board Meeting
St. Louis, Missouri
June 7, 1990
There seems to be a growing concern, in financial
circles and elsewhere, that the Federal Reserve is losing
its ability to influence interest rates and the economy. In
January, for example, an Investor's Daily article asked "Is
the Fed's Grip On The Economy Slipping?" In March, a
front-page article in The Wall Street Journal was captioned:
"[The] Fed Has Lost Much Of Its Power to Sway U.S. Interest
Rates." And more recently, the lead article in the April
issue of the Institutional Investor was headlined:
"Frustrating the Fed: How America is losing control over
interest rates."
If these articles accurately reflect public opinion,
there has been a dramatic—perhaps even historic—turnabout
in the public's view of the Federal Reserve's role in the
economy. Why, it might even be safe for a Fed official to
address a group like this one and feel no pressure at all
from the audience for lower interest rates. Now, of course,
I do not really believe that public opinion, at least your
opinion, has changed quite that much yet. Nor do I believe
that public pressure on monetary policymakers is necessarily
undesirable, even if it has led, at times, to policy
mistakes in the past. I do believe, however, that the
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present concern reflects a flawed, but unfortunately
widespread, view of how monetary policy actually works• It
is this general subject that I would like to discuss with
you this afternoon.
Basically, there are two ways to view how the Federal
Reserve influences the economy; for convenience, we can
label them as the "credit" view and the "money" view. The
"credit" view is the more popular one, at least in terms of
its broad acceptance by financial market participants, the
financial press and the general public. According to this
view, the Fed influences the economy by controlling interest
rates directly.
Thus, when it wants tighter economic conditions,
perhaps to choke off inflationary pressures, the Fed simply
drives interest rates up. The higher interest rates reduce
demand for housing, autos and other things, thereby slowing
down the economy. When it wants easier economic conditions,
perhaps to head off the threat of recession, the Fed simply
drives interest rates down. This credit view of the Federal
Reserve's influence on the economy is promulgated daily in
the financial press and, as a result, many people believe
that it must be correct.
Those who believe this credit view also believe that
the Fed's grip on interest rates, and hence on the economy,
is slipping. While the specifics of this story may differ
slightly from one version to the next, there are two main
reasons given for the Fed's loss of control. The first
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centers on a decline in the effectiveness of the "nuts and
bolts" of Federal Reserve actions — its open market
operations. The second reason has to do with the
globalization of credit markets and the magnitude and
importance of foreign investments in the United States.
Let's consider each of these reasons in turn.
As I am sure you know, the day-in and day-out method by
which the Fed conducts its monetary policy is through "open
market operations"; these operations simply represent
purchases or sales of government securities in sufficient
amounts to achieve the desired changes in bank reserves and
the federal funds rate. The presumption underlying the
effectiveness of open market operations is that banks
respond to them by commensurate changes in their lending
activities. The changes in bank loans then spill over, via
changes in the supply of bank credit, into general changes
in credit conditions and interest rates.
The problem that has arisen, at least in the opinion of
those who hold this credit view, is that banks have become
less and less important as sources of credit in the economy.
For example, in 1974, banks provided about 70 percent of the
funds raised by non-financial corporations in U.S. credit
markets; by 1989, this figure had fallen to around 50
percent, and it continues to spiral downward. A host of
financial innovations, ranging from the rise of the
commercial paper market to securitized loans, has enabled
growing numbers of primary borrowers to bypass U.S. banks
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entirely. Consequently, so the story goes, because credit
markets have become less and less dependent on the
intermediary activities of U.S. banks, the Federal Reserve
has become less and less influential in controlling interest
rates.
The second reason given for the declining influence of
the Fed is essentially a corollary of the first one.
Instead of blaming financial innovations, however, it
focuses primarily on the growth of international credit
markets and the importance of foreign sources of credit in
the U.S. According to this argument, worldwide credit
market conditions, not U.S. domestic conditions, are the
primary source of influence on U.S. interest rates.
Faced with these stories and statistics, it is not
surprising that the Federal Reserve's alleged diminished
capacity to influence interest rates has become a hot topic
for discussion. And, if there were only one view of the
Federal Reserve's role in the economy, we would have to
resign ourselves to the conclusion that the Fed has, indeed,
lost it. However, there is an alternative view of the Fed's
influence, the money view, that yields a far less
pessimistic conclusion. In fact, it suggests that the
Federal Reserve's influence on the economy remains
essentially the same as it has always been.
According to the money view, the basic thrust of the
Federal Reserve's influence on the economy comes from its
impact on the nation's money supply. When monetary growth
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accelerates, total spending accelerates along with it. The
immediate effect of this greater spending is to encourage
increased output and employment growth. Unfortunately, the
long-run effect of this spending is reflected solely in
higher inflation. The exact opposite pattern occurs when
monetary growth slows down.
In this view, banks play an important role in the
Federal Reserve's influence on the economy only because they
produce the bulk of the nation's money supply. Changes in
the Fed's open market operations immediately affect the
growth of bank reserves. Banks, in turn, respond with
commensurate changes in the growth of their loans. Through
a multiple-expansion process, the new reserves are
transformed into changes in the nation's money supply. In
the money view, these changes are the source of the Fed's
influence on the economy.
It is important to emphasize the vast difference
between the two views in terms of how banks are treated as
purveyors of Federal Reserve policy actions and how interest
rates are influenced by the Federal Reserve. According to
the credit view, banks are the key channels of Fed influence
only because they are important suppliers of credit in
financial markets. Since changes in the supply of credit,
relative to the demand for credit, arguably determine
interest rates, the Fed's influence over interest rates is
closely related to the overall importance of bank credit.
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As banks increasingly become supplanted by other sources of
credit in financial markets, the Fed's influence obviously
diminishes.
According to the money view, however, banks7
proportionate share of the total credit market, whether it
is 100 percent, 50 percent or even 10 percent, is totally
irrelevant. Banks are important only because, through their
credit operations, they happen to produce the largest part
of the nation's money stock. Since other credit
intermediaries, domestic or foreign, do not add to the U.S.
money supply as a by-product of their credit operations,
they cannot possibly supplant banks as money creators.
Thus, the Fed's influence on the economy remains intact and
undiminished.
Obviously, these two views yield very different
conclusions about the Fed's continuing influence on the
economy. And, just as obviously, both views cannot be
correct. What is not necessarily obvious, however, is which
view is correct and precisely why it is correct. Part of
the problem is that we often confuse the concepts of money
and credit; the other part is that we frequently do not
distinguish between nominal and real interest rates.
To be honest, it is easy to be confused about the
difference between money and credit. After all, when we
borrow, we borrow money; and, when we lend, we lend money.
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There is, however, a crucial difference that we need to
understand if we want to determine how the Fed actually
influences the economy.
The nation's money stock is represented by—in fact, is
defined as—the sum of currency and checkable deposits
available to be spent by you, me and others. In contrast,
credit markets are simply arrangements set up to determine
who gets to spend the existing money supply. Consider what
happens when you write a $1,000 check to your mutual fund.
The banking system recycles the money from you to the mutual
fund. The mutual fund might then purchase a $1,000
certificate of deposit from a bank, which, in turn, lends
the $1,000 to a finance company. The banking system has now
recycled the money from the mutual fund to the finance
company. The finance company, in turn, might lend the
$1,000 to someone who buys lottery tickets with the money.
The number of financial intermediaries involved and the
total amount of credit generated are certainly impressive.
The bottom line, however, is that, after the financial smoke
finally clears, the $1,000 simply changed hands from you to
the guy who sold the lottery tickets.
While this process of financial intermediation makes
our credit markets considerably more efficient, it should
not blind us to the underlying realities involved. In
general, neither the credit arrangements or the number of
intermediaries in the credit chain have any effect on the
size of the money supply or the total level of spending.
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Instead, they simply represent more convenient ways to
recycle existing money and, thereby, to rechannel spending
from some individuals to others. However, an increase in
the money stock, whether generated through the usual banking
channels or, for that matter, dropped from airplanes, will
affect both the total level of spending and the amount of
credit extended. New money, as opposed to recycled money,
always produces new spending and new lending.
But what about interest rates? Do they not reflect the
interaction of the supply and demand for credit? And is
their level not important in determining economic activity?
The answer to these questions is, "yes and no." The
interest rates we observe in financial markets are nominal
interest rates. They are comprised of two chief components:
the expected inflation rate and the expected real (or
inflation-adjusted) interest rate. The expected inflation
rate enters the nominal interest rate because it represents
the expected decline in the value of the dollars involved in
the credit transaction over the loan period. The expected
(or ex ante) real interest rate is the return we expect to
pay or expect to receive from the credit transaction after
inflation is accounted for.
Expected real rates of interest reflect the real forces
that underlie supply and demand conditions in credit
markets. These conditions include things like the public's
willingness to save, investment opportunities for domestic
as well as foreign firms, changes in tax legislation, and
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changes in trade and capital restrictions across countries.
Clearly, despite what people might like to believe, the
Federal Reserve has never had any significant short- or
long-run influence on expected real interest rates. Yet,
this is precisely what adherents of the credit view
implicitly hold when they argue that interest rates are the
primary channel of the Fed's influence.
On the other hand, monetary policy—or, more precisely,
monetary growth—is the prime determinant of the inflation
rate. Consequently, the Federal Reserve plays a key role in
influencing both U.S. inflation expectations and the actual
course of inflation. Through its influence on inflation
expectations, the Fed directly influences U.S. nominal
interest rates. And, through its influence on actual
inflation outcomes, the Fed also influences actual (or
ex post) real interest rates.
These influences are not unique to the United
States. Each central bank has the same impact on nominal
and ex post real interest rates in its own country.
Countries with high nominal interest rates, like Brazil, are
those whose central banks have traditionally followed looser
monetary policies. In contrast, countries with low nominal
interest rates, like Switzerland, typically have central
banks that consistently pursue tighter monetary policies.
Indeed, once we examine both the domestic and the
foreign evidence concerning the impact of monetary policy on
the economy, two things become rather obvious. First, the
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money view, not the credit view, seems to best explain how
any central bank, including the Federal Reserve, can
influence its domestic interest rates and its economy. The
causal link runs primarily from money growth to spending
growth and to credit growth, not from credit growth to money
growth or to spending growth.
Second, despite a myriad of financial innovations and
the increasing globalization of financial markets, neither
the Federal Reserve nor other central banks have lost their
influence. The short-run impact of monetary policy actions,
while temporary, is still on the real economy; and, the
longer-run, permanent effect still shows up in price
movements. For example, U.S. money growth slowed abruptly
from late 1988 through June of last year; anyone who held
the money view would have been concerned about the prospect
of slower U.S. economic growth by the end of 1989 or early
1990. And, as expected, real growth in the U.S. weakened,
almost right on schedule, and has remained weak.
Likewise, when money growth in Japan and West Germany
accelerated sharply in the last few years of the 1980s,
anyone who held the money view would have suggested that
higher inflation and higher interest rates would follow.
And they did! Back in March, 1989, for example, U.S.
long-term interest rates were 2 50 basis points higher than
German interest rates and 500 basis points higher than
Japanese interest rates. Now, however, German interest
rates are actually above ours and Japanese interest rates
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are only 150 basis points below ours. Moreover, while
German and Japanese rates were rising, our long-term rates
declined about 50 basis points below what they were in March
of last year.
In summary, despite recent claims to the contrary, the
Federal Reserve is not in danger of losing its influence on
the economy, on financial markets, on inflation or on
interest rates. Those who believe otherwise, that is, those
who subscribe to the credit view, have typically
overestimated the Fed's influence in the past. Now, they
are making the opposite error; they are giving the Federal
Reserve far too little credit for its influence on the
economy.
While either error is potentially hazardous, especially
in public discussion of what monetary policy can and should
accomplish, I believe that underestimating the Fed is by far
the more dangerous error. When the public believed that the
Federal Reserve had significant influence, extensive public
opinion was focused on the Fed's actions. In part, this
public pressure was responsible for the Fed's successful
move, beginning back in the early 1980s, to reduce inflation
by the end of the decade. If the pendulum now swings too
far in the opposite direction, an important source of public
pressure or guidance, on both current monetary policy
actions and the future course of U.S. inflation, will be
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lost. I, for one, would hate to see that happen; in order
to achieve price stability in this country, we will need all
the support and encouragement we can get.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1990, June 6). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19900607_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19900607_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1990},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19900607_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}