speeches · January 4, 1989
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
EXTERNAL ADJUSTMENT: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE ECONOMIC
OUTLOOK AND MONETARY POLICY IN 1989
Address by
Thomas C. Melzer
President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before the
Downtown Rotary Club of Louisville
Louisville, Kentucky
January 5, 1989
THE
FEDERAL
' RESERVE
HANK of
ST. IJOITS
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We begin the new year in enviable shape in many respects. The
economy continues in the midst of the longest peacetime expansion on
record; the unemployment rate has fallen to a fourteen year low; and,
there has been significant improvement in the U.S. international trade
deficit. The outlook for continued moderate expansion in output and
employment in 1989 is encouraging. And, just as last year, our
trade-related industries should continue to lead the way.
In fact, so pervasive is the influence of the U.S. external
adjustment process—which is working to narrow our merchandise trade
deficit—that any discussion of the outlook for this year is misleading
or seriously incomplete unless it covers this process in some detail.
Therefore, before turning to the outlook, I would like first to describe
how our external imbalance arose and what adjustment generally implies,
including the extent to which last year's developments fit this pattern.
Then I will comment on what is likely to occur this year as the external
adjustment continues. Finally, I want to say a little bit about the
challenges that this process presents for monetary policy.
Since the early 1980s, we have been running large international
trade deficits. The causes of these trade deficits have been the subject
of much debate, but surprisingly little agreement. There have been
assertions that, due to some unspecified reasons, our relative efficiency
in producing goods has declined drastically; that is, we have somehow
lost our "competitiveness" in the world marketplace. Other analysts have
argued that our seemingly insatiable appetite for consumer goods,
especially for those produced abroad, had suddenly run amok, causing a
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huge increase in imports. These arguments have led to numerous sermons
about what we need to do to get this nation back on track; unfortunately,
these alleged causes do not fit the actual events that have occurred.
Suppose that either our loss of competitiveness (which reduced our
exports) or our explosive desire for consumer goods (which increased our
imports) was truly responsible. In this case, the lower foreign demand
for dollars to purchase U.S. goods and the larger supply of our dollars
to purchase foreign goods would have caused the international value of
the dollar to fall substantially. However, from 1980 to 1985, this did
not occur; rather than falling, the value of the dollar exploded upward
during this period. Accordingly, I believe that these explanations are
spurious. Instead, there is another explanation—one that better
describes the events that actually occurred up to 1985 and is consistent
also with the adjustment process that has been taking place since then.
The rise in the value of the dollar from 1980 to 1985 indicates
that over this period there was a substantial and sustained increase in
the demand for U.S. dollars by foreigners. This increase in demand,
however, did not occur because foreign citizens wanted to buy our goods
and services; instead, it happened because they wanted to invest in the
U.S.—to buy U.S. assets, such as stocks, bonds, CDs, and real property.
Now, why did investment in the U.S. become substantially more attractive
than alternative investments that foreigners might have made virtually
anywhere else in the world? First of all, as I am sure you will
remember, many third world countries began to have problems servicing
their international debt in 1982. Equally important, the perceived
higher real return on investment in the U.S. was enhanced by the U.S. tax
reductions of the early eighties.
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Also, a relatively low rate of saving in the U.S. played a key role
in this process. For reasons that are still not clear, the rate at which
we save has been low, relative both to foreign rates of saving and to our
own uses of savings. Our national savings are used to finance our
investment projects and our federal government deficit. Since U.S.
investment plans were strong following the 1982 recession and the
government deficit rose substantially in the 1980s, real returns on
savings rose. These higher rates did not, unfortunately, generate higher
domestic savings; they did, however, attract foreign savings to the U.S.
There is, of course, another side to this inflow of foreign savings
to the U.S. Foreigners must obtain dollars in order to buy assets in the
U.S.; the only way that they can do so is to increase their sales of
goods and services to us relative to those they buy from us. In addition,
the rising value of the dollar made their goods cheaper to U.S. buyers;
we naturally bought more foreign goods. This is the reason that our
merchandise trade deficit ballooned during the early 1980s.
A trade deficit, then, means that we are exchanging our assets,
including, of course, promissory notes, for foreign imports. But it is
clear that a country, like any other borrower, cannot continue increasing
its outstanding debt forever. The growing external imbalance that we
have built up since 1982 inevitably forces adjustments on us that lead
eventually to the disappearance of this imbalance. Short of our declaring
bankruptcy, these adjustments must take place. Hopefully, they can occur
gradually with only minor inconveniences to us and to our economy;
however, under certain circumstances they can produce serious, even
drastic, economic repercussions. It is this latter possibility that is
creating the fears and uncertainties that currently overhang and threaten
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to overwhelm our financial markets. But, what are these unavoidable
adjustments? How do they manifest themselves in our personal and
business lives? And what should we expect as we move back to a proper
balance in our external trade relative to the rest of the world?
As we have seen, when foreigners were eager, perhaps even
over-eager, to invest in the U.S., the result was an ever-rising value of
the dollar. As our foreign debt accumulated, however, foreigners
naturally became less eager to continue to invest more and ,thus, to
accumulate even bigger U.S. IOUs. Therefore, they demanded a higher
return, either through higher U.S. interest rates or through a lower
value of the dollar or both. Consequently, as part of the external
adjustment process to reduce our capital inflows, one would expect to
observe a decline in the value of the dollar and upward pressure on U.S.
interest rates.
The depreciation of the dollar should cause imports into the U.S.
to become more expensive and, accordingly, we should reduce the amount of
goods and services that we buy abroad. In addition, the decline in the
dollar's value should "spill over" into higher prices for U.S. goods and,
thus, produce some upward pressure on the U.S. inflation rate over the
next year or so. By the same token, the reduced value of the dollar
should make our exports to foreigners cheaper and more "competitive;"
thus, as part of the readjustment process, our exports should rise.
Eventually these forces will produce a balance in trade, perhaps even a
surplus when we begin to pay off some of our accumulated outstanding debt.
If our domestic investment levels and government deficit remain
unchanged, we should see an increase in real interest rates as the inflow
of foreign savings begins to decline. Additional upward pressure on
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interest rates will occur to the extent that the fall in the dollar's
value produces somewhat higher inflation in the U.S. The rise in the
real interest rate should result in increased domestic saving and reduced
U.S. investment. We should expect, then, higher real and nominal interest
rates, some decline in U.S. investment growth in general, and an increase
in the U.S. savings rate.
Another impact that we should observe as the external adjustment
takes place is a shift of resources from goods and services produced for
domestic consumption to those produced for export. Whether this shift
will have a sizable impact on U.S. income and employment depends on which
industries will enjoy the expanding share of the export market and which
ones are contracting.
Having discussed what we "should" expect to see, let us examine
whether these expected results of the external adjustment process
actually took place last year. This will help us to gauge what to expect
this year. One word of caution, however, is required. The U.S. economy
is not driven solely by these adjustments. Monetary and fiscal policy
actions, as well as a host of possible external "shocks," also could have
substantial impacts on what happens in 1989. All I want to suggest is
that the performance of the economy has been, and, therefore, will
continue to be broadly consistent with the expected consequences of the
external adjustment. Therefore, let's first look back before we look
ahead.
While the value of the dollar remained relatively stable during
1988, it has declined by almost 30 percent since 1985. As a result of
the usual lags in trade patterns, exports began to increase substantially,
rising 30 percent last year. In contrast, imports rose only 10 percent.
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Consequently, the U.S. trade deficit in 1988 will be about $120 billion,
20 percent lower than its level in 1987. While imports seem to be
somewhat slower to adjust to changes in the exchange rate than are
exports, the trade gap is clearly closing in the expected direction.
Second, the government deficit, as a percent of income, has declined
from 6 percent in 1983 to about 3 percent in 1988. However, investment
spending grew strongly last year. Total capital expenditures rose at
about a 10 percent rate in 1988; and, capital spending in manufacturing
jumped about 13 percent. Rising investment, coupled with a decline in
the inflow of foreign savings, should have put some upward pressure on
interest rates last year. And, indeed, short term interest rates rose
about 200 basis points and long term rates, about 100 basis points in
1988. The extent to which these increases were due to the international
adjustment process or to increased inflationary expectations is uncertain;
in all probability, however, it was due to some of both, as I suggested
earlier.
With rising interest rates, savings have risen to 4 percent of
income, up from the historic low of 3.2 percent in 1987. Of course this
implies that personal consumption grew slower than income last year. The
resources released from these sectors, however, were quickly employed by
the growing export manufacturing industries. Unemployment declined from
6.1 percent in 1987 to 5.5 percent in 1988; moreover, we hear less and
less about job expansion consisting primarily of low-skilled, "no future"
kinds of jobs.
In general, economic activity in 1988 shows that the external
adjustment is taking place, although at a somewhat slower pace than we
might have expected from a historical perspective. This is particularly
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true of imports, which have not yet actually declined, although their
growth has slowed significantly. It is possible that foreign exporters,
for a time at least, are willing to accept lower profit margins in order
to retain their market share. Such a situation, of course, cannot
continue indefinitely.
Well, what about 1989? I believe that the external adjustment will
continue to exert the same pressures as in 1988. These pressures will be
affected, of course, by past and present monetary policies. For example,
the extremely rapid monetary growth of 1985-86, along with the declining
dollar since 1985, has contributed to an acceleration of inflation in
1988; these factors will likely have a similar influence throughout this
year. The higher inflation should put some additional upward pressure on
interest rates throughout the year as well. On the other hand, the
extremely slow money growth that we have observed in 1987-88 has made
sure that inflation will not surge too strongly; indeed, it is likely
that inflation and interest rates will begin to decline somewhat in the
early 1990s.
However, the fast-slow money growth combination that we have faced
over the past four years means that we should expect economic growth to
slow somewhat in 1989. This does not mean that a recession is necessarily
staring us in the face; it does mean, however, that growth in real GNP
and employment will be slower this year than last year. The continuing
expansion in exports should benefit manufacturing and agricultural
sectors. Until the external adjustment is complete, however, we could
well continue to see downward pressures on the dollar's value in foreign
exchange markets.
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There is one clear danger to the soft-landing scenario that I have
just described. The external adjustment process inevitably exerts
important pressures on policymaking. For example, if interest rates
continue to creep up, however slowly, there will be a clamor to keep them
from rising. Indeed, we see such pressures now. If policymakers,
particularly the monetary authorities, respond to this clamor, money
growth would be increased; with a larger supply of dollars in world
markets, the result could be a precipitous decline in the dollar's value
abroad. This sharp drop might trigger further events that would disrupt
financial markets and spill over into the economy as a whole. On the
other hand, if there are widespread demands for "fighting" the rise in
inflation or a continuing decline in the dollar, growth in the money
supply could be sharply reduced; based on historical precedents, too
strong a reduction in money growth could easily produce a recession.
The moral for policymakers—and the public at large—hopefully,
is clear: changes in this nation's external circumstances are producing—
indeed, must produce—an adjustment period during which interest rates
and prices are likely to rise and real growth is likely to slow. In the
past, when external pressures did not exist, the Federal Reserve had
considerable leeway to substantially tighten or ease monetary policy when
similar economic conditions arose. Today, because of the external
adjustment process, we have much less discretion in what can be done.
If we ignore this reality in the conduct of policy, rather than
make things better, we are apt to make them much, much worse. A volatile
monetary policy aimed at short-run objectives will only exacerbate
already sensitive conditions in financial and currency markets. With the
exception of temporary deviations to assure liquidity in time of crisis,
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the thrust of policy needs to be consistent and oriented towards
long-term objectives. Translated, this means a steady policy that is
neither too easy nor too tight. Interfering with the externally-induced
adjustment process will only postpone the pain and probably make it worse.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1989, January 4). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19890105_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19890105_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1989},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19890105_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}