speeches · March 17, 1987
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
"U.S. MONETARY POLICY: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS"
Lecture by
Thomas C. Melzer
President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
The City University Business School
Centre for Banking and International Finance
London, England
March 18, 1987
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I am delighted to have this opportunity to talk to you today about
the problems that confront monetary policymakers and the prospects for
the conduct of monetary policy in the midst of these problems. Charting
an appropriate course for monetary policy depends critically on having a
reliable intermediate target—a barometer or compass for measuring the
pressure or direction of monetary policy. Unfortunately, the reliable
policy targets of the 1960s and 1970s have become the will-of-the-wisps
of the 1980s in the United States and many other industrial countries.
As a result, monetary policy prescriptions are now much more difficult to
make and to monitor.
At the same time that policymakers have become less certain about
the impact of policy actions, a second problem has arisen. Considerably
more and diverse short-run demands are being placed on monetary policy.
Because U.S. fiscal policy is being directed primarily at reducing the
Federal governments budget deficit, the .responsibility for achieving
short-run policy objectives is being increasingly thrust on monetary
policymakers. Frankly, these increased demands could not have come at a
worse time.
Prior to the 1980s, there was a fairly close and reasonably reliable
relationship between money growth and the growth of spending and prices.
For example, for nearly 35 years before the early 1980s, real output
growth in the United States and the growth of Ml velocity—the relation
ship between the money stock Ml and nominal GNP—were essentially equal,
growing at about 3 percent per year. Thus, during this period, spending
grew about 3 percent faster than Ml while the domestic inflation rate was
roughly equal to the rate of Ml growth. The predictability of these
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relationships meant that Ml growth could be used in setting an appropriate
course for monetary policy.
Since the early 1980s, however, the relationships between money
(measured by Ml, M2 or M3) and both spending and inflation have become
much more erratic and much less predictable. For example, while Ml grew
almost 11 percent per year from 1982 to 1986, nominal GNP grew at only
about a 7 1/2 percent annual rate. For a variety of reasons not yet
clearly documented or understood, Ml velocity has decreased at almost a
3 1/2 percent annual rate since 1982, and at almost an 8 1/2 percent rate
over the past two years.
Why are individuals in the U.S. now willing to hold larger Ml
balances relative to income than they were previously? While numerous
factors have contributed to this change in behavior, the dramatic decline
in the costs of holding money balances since 1982 has surely played a
major role. Financial innovations and deregulation since 1981 have
lowered the cost of holding money directly by permitting interest to be
paid on checking accounts and indirectly by increasing competition in the
banking industry.
Moreover, nominal interest rates have fallen considerably in the
past few years. For example, after reaching a high of over 16 percent in
mid-1981, the three-month Treasury bill rate has fallen over 1,000 basis
points. This decline in interest rates reflects lower actual and expected
future rates of inflation, produced by a combination of monetary policy
actions in the early 1980s, falling oil prices and, until early 1985, a
rising dollar in foreign exchange markets.
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These factors, however, do not fully explain the behavior of Ml
velocity in recent years. Consequently, we still do not know if or when
new, stable relationships between money and income or between money and
prices will emerge or what these will be. All we can say for certain is
that the breakdown in the historical relationship between Ml and economic
activity has made it virtually impossible to link any specific rate of
money growth with any specific rate of inflation or nominal spending
growth. For the time being, at least, Ml has been rendered an unreliable
intermediate target of U.S. monetary policy.
If not Ml, what can be used as a reliable intermediate target of
policy? One alternative might be to use the broader measures of the
money stock: M2, M3, or a measure of total liquid assets such as the
Federal Reserve's L. Unfortunately, although the relationship between
these aggregates and nominal GNP has not deteriorated as badly as has the
Ml-income relationship, their relationships were much weaker to begin
with. In fact, the current troubled relationship between Ml and economic
activity still remains superior to those of the broader aggregates.
Moreover, the bulk of the components of these broader aggregates are not
reservable; consequently, the Federal Reserve exerts little influence
over them. It is unlikely, therefore, that the larger aggregates can
tell us much about the thrust of policy actions.
Another alternative might be to use one or more short-term interest
rates. The rationale for this choice is that investment spending—the
most volatile component of aggregate spending—is sensitive to changes in
interest rates. Consequently, policymakers might be able to stabilize
spending by smoothing or stabilizing interest rates. Unfortunately,
there is no long-run relationship between spending and the level of
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interest rates which can be used to gauge even the long-run effects of
policy. The vague notion that lower rates may stimulate the economy and
higher rates may retard it adds no precision whatsoever to the conduct of
monetary policy. With interest rates as targets, we cannot reasonably
tell, until it is too late, how much monetary expansion is too much or
how little is too little.
A third alternative that may deserve more recognition than it has
received to date is an asset over which the Federal Reserve exerts direct
control—bank reserves or the monetary base. Here, the Federal Reserve
might benefit from the experience of the Bank of England in targeting
their monetary base, MO. Targeting a very narrow aggregate, however,
is not a panacea. Breaks in the historical relationships between
aggregate spending and both bank reserves and the monetary base have also
occurred. Hence, it is more difficult to translate desired growth in
economic activity into the appropriate path for reserve or base growth.
But the same can be said for any of the alternatives. Furthermore,
regardless of which intermediate target is used, the appropriate growth
path for the target must be translated into a growth path for reserves
or base in order to implement monetary policy. Thus, a reserve aggregate
or base is perhaps our best measure of the amount of liquidity in the
economy; indeed, such a narrow aggregate may emerge, as it has in Britain,
as a reasonable choice for a policy guide.
Other suggested alternatives for targets have included the general
price level and the prices of various commodities. Some have even
suggested targeting GNP itself. These alternatives, however, present
even more problems than the other targets already considered.
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Monetary policymaking, however, has been victimized by more than
the lack of a reliable intermediate target; it is also faced with the
short-run demands generated by the current fiscal policy stance and the
persistent trade deficit in the United States. These demands exemplify
and intensify the conflict between short- and long-run policy objectives.
Monetary policymakers generally agree that the primary goal of
policy is to maintain price stability while encouraging full employment
of the nation's resources. As economic and social conditions change ove'r
time, policymakers also change their perceptions of what constitutes
"price stability" or "full employment." The double-digit inflation
experienced in the late 1970s has made policymakers more tolerant now of
inflation in the 3-4- percent per year range than they were in the late
1960s and early 1970s. In addition, the norm for "full employment" has
changed somewhat. Today, many U.S. policymakers would consider it a
success to reduce the rate of unemployment to 5 percent; twenty years
ago, however, a rate of unemployment as high as 5 percent would have been
a source of major concern.
At times, policymakers have abandoned temporarily (or at least
drastically compromised) one goal in their quest for the other. For
example, reducing inflation was the chief objective in the United States
in the early 1980s, even though achieving this goal brought with it a
period of increased unemployment. Now that inflation in the United States
is at relatively low levels, it is tempting for policymakers to focus
more attention toward increasing employment.
Any monetary policymaker walks a tightrope when attempting to
influence real economic activity. While changes in money growth can
affect real economic variables for a time, there is considerable evidence
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that this effect is strictly temporary. Changes in money growth have a
lasting impact only on the rate of inflation. Of course, there is nothing
wrong per se with trying to "do well" in the short run. The problem that
has generally arisen in the past, however, is that policy actions focused
on short-run objectives have often resulted in price instability. The
history of U.S. policy actions during the early and mid-1970s demonstrates
this all too clearly.
These short-run demands ebb and flow with the tide of economic and
societal priorities. Growing concern about the adverse macroeconomic
consequences of the rising U.S. trade deficit in late 1984 and early 1985
prompted calls for the Federal Reserve to ease monetary policy in order
to drive down U.S. interest rates and generate a lower foreign exchange
value of dollar. Later in 1985, concern over the trade deficit was
replaced with concern over the Federal government budget deficit. The
Gramm-Rudman legislation, designed to balance the government budget
eventually, brought a new demand on monetary policy: to provide addi
tional short-run stimulus to offset any contractionary impact of deficit
reduction.
While fiscal deficit reduction proved to be elusive last year, new
demands on monetary policy were not hard to find. The major item on the
1986 legislative agenda was tax reform. While most economists agreed
that, in the long run, the proposed tax reform would benefit the economy,
there was less agreement concerning its short-run impacts. Nonetheless,
monetary policy was asked to provide the flexibility needed to help the
economy adjust to the impacts, presumed to be contractionary, of the new
tax legislation.
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These short-run requests of monetary policy could hardly have
come at a less appropriate time. The fine-tuning operations that are
required to achieve these tasks call for a precise and predictable
relationship between the intermediate target of monetary policy and
economic activity. As I have noted earlier, the search for such ' an
intermediate target continues.
Furthermore, it is not clear that these objectives can be accom
plished with monetary policy or, more importantly, what the appropriate
policy stance should be. Monetary policy actions premised on the expec
tation that Congress will adhere to the Gramm-Rudman guidelines, for
example, could well be too expansionary if these guidelines are exceeded.
The appropriate policy actions to help the economy adjust to recent
changes in the U.S. tax code are equally, if not more, elusive. Some
believe that the lengthening of depreciation schedules and the repeal of
the investment tax credit will limit investment sufficiently to depress
the economy early in this year. Others contend that lower marginal tax
rates for some businesses and the increased disposable income for house
holds paint a more optimistic picture of the short-run outlook. The
appropriate policy actions are highly uncertain without some consensus
about the net impact of the tax changes on the economy.
In a similar vein, stimulative policy intended to weaken the dollar
further could have potentially deleterious effects on the U.S. economy.
A weaker dollar will raise U.S. import prices, intensifying domestic
inflationary pressure. More importantly, continuing dollar weakness may
reduce the attractiveness of holding dollar-denominated assets, thereby
diminishing the inflow of foreign capital that has played such an integral
role in financing the current economic expansion. Furthermore, monetary
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expansion stimulates aggregate demand—demand for both foreign and
domestically-produced goods and services. To the extent that the monetary
expansion weakens the dollar exchange rate, this effect on the U.S. trade
balance is offset, at least partially, by increased domestic demand for
imported goods.
Thus, even with an accurate intermediate target for monetary policy,
achieving these short-run objectives would be extremely difficult and
surrounded by enormous uncertainty. Without an effective target, achiev
ing these short-run objectives is nearly impossible. Moreover, there is
always the risk that, by directing monetary policy at these short-run
objectives, policymakers may lose sight of or, more devastatingly, lose
their grasp on the long-run objective of price stability. Erring on the
side of excessive monetary ease in response to short-run pressures will
rekindle inflation in the long run. We may be unsure of exactly how much
higher future inflation will be as a result of the 15 percent Ml growth
last year. We can be sure, however, that it will be higher than if Ml
had grown at, say, a 10 percent rate. With the U.S. economy awash with
liquidity at present, the risk of rekindled inflation appears to be
rising.
In conclusion, monetary policymaking in the United States is
confronted with substantial uncertainty at the present time. The
predictability of the impact of monetary policy actions has declined just
as the demands for short-run cures have risen. Moreover, the short-run
demands appear to be little more than disguised requests for faster money
growth. Within this tense and troubled environment, I can see that the
general acceptance of the notion that "money matters" may have been a
mixed blessing. It is undoubtedly true that changes in the money stock
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have significant impacts on aggregate demand and, hence, cannot be
ignored in the formation of macroeconomic stabilization policy. It is
also likely, however, that the demands on monetary policymakers to "do
something" have gotten out of hand.
The current call for activism asks monetary policymakers to attempt
tasks that they cannot hope to achieve even with reliable targets. More
over, given the current state of policy imprecision, the diverse set of
short-run demands now thrust upon policymakers can be fulfilled only
through incredible luck, not through conscious effort or design. Unless
policymakers can guarantee that their luck will continue to hold, the
wisest course would be to resist the pressures and temptations to "do
good" on a variety of fronts in the short run and focus, instead, on
preserving long-run price stability. This is the only goal that monetary
policy can accomplish consciously and by design.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1987, March 17). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19870318_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19870318_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1987},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19870318_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}