speeches · February 18, 1987
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
10:00 A,M , E.S.T.
#
February 19, 1987
Testimony by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
United States Senate
February 19, 1987
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I appreciate this opportunity to review once again
with this Committee the conduct of monetary policy against the
background of economic and financial developments here and
abroad. As usual, a more detailed review of last year of the
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prospective ranges for monetary and credit growth established
by the Federal Open Market Committee, and of the Committee's
projections for economic activity and inflation are set out in
the Board's formal Humphrey-Hawkins Report delivered to you
earlier. This morning, I want to concentrate on more general
considerations underlying the policy approaches of the Federal
Reserve. I will emphasize particularly how those approaches
must fit into a broader pattern of complementary action both in
the United States and in other countries if the common objective
of sustained economic expansion and price stability is to be
reached.
The Economic Setting
The current economic expansion — now extending into
its fifth year — is already among the longest in peacetime
history. It is unusual in other respects as well, including
the absence of certain signs of cyclical excesses that often
develop after years of expansion. For instance, inventories
have been held well within past relationships to sales, and
spending by manufacturers for plant and equipment has, if
anything, been restrained relative to prospective needs.
While the overall rate of economic growth has been
rather moderate since mid-1984, averaging about 2-1/2 percent
a year, that growth has been maintained despite strong pressures
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on sizable sectors of the economy. Oil exploration and develop-
ment activity and agricultural prices have both been heavily
affected by worldwide surpluses. Commercial construction in
many areas is suffering from earlier over-building. Regions
of the country in which those impacts have been particularly
large have thus remained relatively depressed. Difficult as
those regional conditions have been, however, many of the necessary
adjustments are well advanced and other areas of the economy
have been moving strongly ahead.
More importantly, both the inflation rate and interest
rates, after four years of expansion, are substantially lower
than when the recovery started. Homebuilding is being well
maintained, and both capital and labor appear available to
support further growth for some time without undue strain on
resources. Certainly, conditions in financial markets, with
stock prices exuberant and interest rates generally as low as
at any time since the mid-1970s, appear supportive of new
investment.
But if the traditional indicators of cyclical problems
are largely absent, it is also evident that the economy is
struggling with structural distortions and imbalances that,
for us, have little precedent. Economic activity over the past
two years has been supported very largely by consumption. That has
been at the expense of reduced personal saving rates that, by
world standards, were already chronically low. At the same time,
the huge federal deficit is absorbing a disproportionate amount
of our limited savings.
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For a time, we have largely escaped the adverse
consequences for financial markets of that insidious combination
of low saving rates and high federal deficits by drawing on
capital from abroad -- the flow of which in 1986 actually
exceeded all the savings by U.S. households. The other side of
that coin, however, is a massive trade and current account
deficit, restraining growth in manufacturing generally and
incentives for the industrial investment that we will need
in the years ahead.
The simple facts are that we are spending more than we
produce and that we are unable to finance at home both our investme
needs and the federal deficit. Those are not conditions that are
sustainable for long — not when, as at present, the influx of capi
from abroad cannot be traced to a surge in productive investment.
It's not sustainable from an economic perspective to
pile up foreign debts while failing to make the investment that
we need both to generate growth and to earn the money to service
the debts.
It is not supportable politically, as the pressures
on our industrial base are transmuted into demands for protection.
Ultimately it will not be supportable from an international
perspective either, as the confidence that underlies the flow of
foreign savings will be eroded.
Sooner or later, the process will stop. The only
question is how.
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The Broad Policy Approach
In concept, we could shut off the flow of imports by
aggressive, broadbrush protectionist measures. But the result
would be to drive up the rate of inflation and interest rates
here, to damage growth abroad, and to invite retaliation.
Instead of sustained and orderly growth, we would invite
world-wide recession.
We could try to drive the dollar much lower — or
complacently sit back while the market forces produce that
result. But that too would undermine the hard-won gains
against inflation, and would risk dissipating the flow of
foreign capital we, for the time being, need. The stability of
financial markets would be jeopardized, and export prospects
could be undercut by adverse effects on growth abroad.
Faced with similar circumstances, many smaller countries
might reasonably embark upon strong austerity programs — indeed
sooner or later would be forced to undertake such programs. Large
doses of fiscal and monetary restraint would be taken, risking
recession in the short run, but also anticipating that exports would
respond vigorously, imports would decline, and their economies
would soon resume growth on a much sounder footing. But, in the
context of a sluggish growth of the world economy, for the United
States to take that course would entail particularly high risks
and the results would be problematical at best.
There is a reasonable alternative. It is more
complicated, but at the same time much more promising.
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We can draw upon a combination of policy instruments to
encourage the needed adjustments. Results may take time. But
those results will come with greater certainty — and they should
be consistent with maintaining growth here and abroad, with
progress toward underlying price stability, and with open
markets.
That is, in fact, the course on which we are embarked.
To be sure, its success will require an unusual combination
of discipline, patience, and international cooperation. However,
given the stakes not just for the United States but for others,
I don't think there is any real choice.
Important steps have already been taken in the needed
directions. Most obviously, the value of the dollar vis-a-vis
the currencies of other industrialized countries has declined
substantially, placing our industry in a much stronger competitive
position. The volume of exports is rising, despite relatively
slow growth abroad. The deterioration in the trade deficit
overall appears to have been stemmed, even if clear evidence
of a reversal is still lacking. Moreover, while the depreciation
of the dollar inevitably carries in its train rising import prices,
we have been fortunate that the initial impact on the overall price
level was more than offset by falling oil and other commodity
prices. The underlying inflation rate, measured by trends in
wages relative to productivity, has continued to fall.
We have also been fortunate that the flow of capital
from abroad, buoyed by the rising stock and bond markets here
and by some declines in interest rates abroad, has been well
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maintained as the dollar depreciated. Nevertheless, as we succeed
in reducing our current account deficit, the net capital inflow
will decline as well. That emphasizes the critical importance
of moving ahead with further reductions in the federal budget
deficit which absorbs so much of our own savings.
The progress being made in that direction this year
is heartening. But that can only be a start. The projected
reduction of $40 to $50 billion this year is from a record high
deficit of more than $220 billion in fiscal 1986 -- more than
5 percent of the GNP — and it is being assisted by some
temporary factors. Progress next year will be harder.
Success in my mind will not be measured so much by
whether we meet some pre-ordained arbitrary target but by
whether in fact a reasonably steady downward pace in the
deficit is maintained as the economy grows — and maintained
by measures that can be sustained, year after year. Failing
that, it's hard to see how a sustained decline in the trade
deficit, if possible at all in the face of huge budget deficits,
will bring net benefit to the economy. The clear implication
would be congested capital markets, higher interest rates,
strong inflationary dangers, and threats to growth.
International Consistency
Inevitably, because we loom so large in the world
economy, marked improvement in our trade balance will be
matched by noticeable deterioration elsewhere. Appropriately,
that should take place largely in the major countries with
exceptionally large surpluses — notably Japan and Germany,
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both of which are now experiencing some decline in real net
exports. That process cannot take place smoothly and effectively
unless those countries and others are able to maintain a strong
momentum of internal demand.
For years, those countries have been dependent for
growth mainly on high and rising export surpluses. In both
instances, some shift toward domestic demand was apparent in
1986, encouraged partly by some relaxation of monetary policies.
That points in the needed direction. But there are also signs
that their growth, overall, may be faltering, as exports have
declined. At the same time, relatively high levels of unemployment
and unused capacity, together with sharp appreciation of their
currencies, offer substantial protection against a resurgence
of inflationary pressures that they, understandably, want to
avoid.
Quite obviously, the needed reorientation of economic
policies — essentially the complement of our own -— is no
easier to achieve in those countries than here* Certainly,
the nature and design of the needed measures will be — indeed
is being — strongly debated within those countries. What is
critical from a world perspective is not the precise nature of
the measures or their exact timing, but that, at the end of the
day, they are successful in maintaining a strong momentum of growth
even as they absorb more imports from the rest of the world.
One danger is that, in the absence of stronger domestic
growth, pressures will intensify for more appreciation of their
currencies, undercutting further their own economic prospects.
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Given the size of the exchange rate adjustments already made,
greater instability in that area seems neither in their interest
nor ours*
Some newly industrialized countries also have clear
responsibilities for contributing to a better world balance.
Taiwan and Korea, in particular, have or are building external
surpluses that are large even by the standards of the traditional
industrial powers* Part of that reflects a strong competitive
position, but both also maintain a strong wall of protectionist
barriers. The very strength of their external positions points —
in the interests of their own citizens as consumers, as well as
of world equilibrium — to the need for more forceful action to
increase imports, whether by reducing tariffs, by lifting other
trade restrictions or by exchange rate changes.
Success in these efforts, I must emphasize, will not
necessarily or primarily be measured by changes in our own
bilateral trade vis-a-vis particular countries. An open
competitive trading order is by its nature multilateral, and we
and others should judge equilibrium in a world-wide context.
In that connection, most of the developing world,
already carrying heavy debt burdens, is in no position to
revalue currencies or to absorb much higher imports (from the
United States or from others) without more or less parallel
increases in their exports. In recent years, however, it has
been the United States that has, in fact, absorbed the great
bulk of what increase in exports Latin America has had — their
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exports to Europe and Japan have apparently increased little if
at all.
For us to close our markets to them now would assuredly
thwart prospects for expansion, and with it the encouraging
progress that has been made toward both more open, competitive
economies and political democracy. What is needed instead is
greater access by those countries to growing markets in Europe
and Japan as well as here, The recent changes in exchange rates
in the industrial world certainly provide greater incentives
for exports of the developing countries to shift to Europe and
Japan* At the same time, imports by the developing world from
the United States have become much more price competitive than
a year or two ago.
The Debt Situation
I cannot neglect emphasizing one further continuing
threat to growth and financial stability involving the developing
countries. Management of the debt problems of Latin America and
some other developing countries is again at a critical stage. The
reason is not that progress is absent. To the contrary, most of
the heavily indebted countries have been growing — if for the most
part far below their potential —- debt burdens are tending to
move lower relative to exports or other measures of capacity to
pay, and new financing needs have been reduced* Perhaps most
encouraging, there has been definite, if sometimes hesitant,
progress toward liberalizing trade, opening markets, and reducing
internal economic distortions, with the World Bank playing a
particularly helpful role.
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At the same time, any failure of the industrialized countries
collectively to achieve a satisfactory rate of growth would clearly
impair prospects for the developing countries to find the markets
they need. More immediately, in recent months, the process of
reaching agreement on adequately supportive and timely financing
programs, whether by restructuring existing debts or by arranging
what new loans are necessary, has conspicuously slowed.
In their particulars, the reasons are as varied as the
complexity of the individual financing programs themselves,
most of which require the agreement of hundreds of banks around
the world. In some instances, policy set-backs in the borrowing
countries have complicated the task. But I also suspect the
very fact that progress has been made over the past five years —
most evidently in reducing the exposure of banks relative to
capital to something like half of what it was in 1982 — has had
the unfortunate effect of dulling a sense of urgency and cooperation
by some. I do not want to deny the progress. But to fail to carry
through on past efforts now would plainly jeopardize much of that
success and threaten new strains on the financial system.
Implications for U.S. Policy
Several key implications of all this for the United
States should be clear.
First, the process of restoring external balance requires
first of all that we tend to our inescapable responsibilities
to deal with our budget deficit. That is not just because we
are dangerously dependent on foreign savings but because progress
abroad is, as a practical matter, likely to be stymied without
constructive leadership from the largest and strongest nation.
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Should we instead resort to closing our markets, be indifferent
to depreciation of our own currency, and permit inflationary
forces to regain the upper hand, then there would be no basis
for confidence in the United States. Prospects for effective
complementary action abroad, or for growth for the world economy,
would be dim indeed.
Second, we have to recognize that the needed adjustments
will require a relative shift of financial and real resources
into internationally competitive industry and away from consumption
and federal deficits. Without a sharp rise in overall productivity
from the one percent or so rate characteristic of most of the
1970s and 1980s — and I see no reason to suggest that trend
will change abruptly — the recent rate of increase in consumption
is simply unsustainable for long. Instead, more of our growth
will need to be reflected in net exports and business investment,
and less savings will be available to finance government.
Fortunately, performance with respect to productivity
growth and restraint on costs in the key manufacturing sectors
has been relatively strong during the period of economic
expansion. That reinforces prospects for a stronger competitive
position internationally. The challenge will be to maintain
that performance in the face of a depreciated currency, higher
import prices, and more sizable needs for new investment to
meet domestic and export opportunities.
Finally, achieving these goals in the context of
sustained growth and reasonable price stability is beyond
the capacity of any single policy instrument. Quite obviously,
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monetary policy will have a critical role to play. In doing so,
it has the potential advantage of more flexibility than other
policy instruments. But there will also be a heavy premium on
maintaining discipline and sound judgment amid potentially
conflicting criteria.
Rapid Growth of Money and Liquidity
Throughout 1986, monetary policy accommodated a
relatively rapid growth in the various monetary aggregates?
the narrowly measured money supply — Ml — grew at a
particularly rapid pace. The discount rate was reduced four
times by a total of 2 percentage points, more or less in line
with reductions in market interest rates. The degree of reserve
pressures, measured by average adjustment borrowings of depository
institutions from the Federal Reserve, was relatively low throughout
1986, and has remained so since.
This generous provision of reserves and expansion in
money took place in, and appeared justified by, an environment
of restrained economic growth and declining inflationary
pressures. The latter, to be sure, was dramatically and
importantly reinforced by a temporary factor — the sudden
collapse in the price of the world's most important commodity,
oil. But, potentially more lasting indicators of inflationary
pressure — the rate of increase in workers0 compensation
and in prices of some services that respond slowly to changes
in the economic environment — were also trending downward.
For much of the year, most commodity prices other than oil,
measured in dollars, were falling despite the depreciation of
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the dollar in the exchange markets. Moreover, the sizable
declines in long-term interest rates seemed to reflect some
easing of fears of a resurgence of inflationary pressures in
the future.
Nonetheless, the possibility of renewed inflation
remains of concern both in the markets and within the Federal
Reserve. One potential channel for renewed inflationary pressures
would be an excessive fall of the dollar in the exchange markets.
At times during the past year, such exchange rate considerations
prompted particular caution in the conduct of policy. The timing
of operational decisions with respect to the discount rate or
the provision of reserves was affected? on occasion close
coordination with the actions of other central banks was
particularly important.
More generally, intensive analytic work during the
year suggested that much of the relatively rapid growth in the
various monetary aggregates was closely related (with lags) to
the rather sharp declines in market interest rates late in
1985 and the early months of 1986* The responsiveness of
money demand to changes in interest rates is a well established
phenomenon., What is new in the present institutional setting is
the increased sensitivity of that relationship, most particularly
for Ml. Today, interest rates paid on transactions accounts
widely used by individuals are close to rates paid on competing
financial instruments. That is because interest rates on those
accounts have not declined nearly as much as market rates or
those on longer-term deposit accounts. Consequently, there
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has been a strong incentive to transfer funds to NOW (and to
some extent savings) accounts and away from other, less liquid
instruments.
Demand deposits, which are largely held by businesses
and pay no interest, also grew substantially more rapidly than
in earlier years. In part, that was also a reflection of
declining market rates? banks demanded larger balances in
compensation for services provided businesses, and depositors
found alternative uses of liquid balances relatively less
attractive.
Because of its composition, Ml was particularly influenced
by these shifts and grew by 15 percent. That was far in excess
of the target set at the start of the year (when the Federal Open
Market Committee drew attention to the uncertainties surrounding that
aggregate) and above any postwar historical experience as well.
Both M2 and M3 ended the year within — but just
within — their target ranges. Even so, the increases of
almost 9 percent were about as large as most earlier years,
when inflation and the rate of economic growth were higher.
With inflation down and real growth moderate, these
rapid increases in monetary growth meant that all measures of
velocity (i.e., the ratio of nominal GNP to money) declined.
That was particularly evident in the case of Ml? the velocity
decline of 9 percent was greater than in any year since
World War II.
While velocity often moves erratically in the short
run and a decline is typical of periods of falling interest rates,
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last year extended and amplified a pattern that has persisted
since interest rates peaked in 1981 and 1982. The earlier post-
war upward trend in Ml velocity of about 3 percent a year — a
trend established during a period of generally rising inflation
and interest rates — clearly does not provide a reasonable base
for judging appropriate Ml growth today. Historically, there
has been little or no trend in M2 velocity. Even so the current
level is historically a bit low relative to other periods of
low or declining interest rates.
All of this poses new questions in setting monetary
targets to help guide the conduct of monetary policy. In the
broadest terms, a levelling, and even some decline, in velocity
could be welcomed as an appropriate sign of growing confidence
in the value of holding money during a period of disinflation.
But explanations revolving around declining interest rates and
greater confidence in price stability beg the larger issue.
Not all the increases in money can be adequately explained
by interest rate relationships, nor can we be certain about
what interest rate is appropriate. Confidence is hard to win
and easy to lose. We need to be conscious of the fact that
the effects of excessive money creation on inflation may only
be evident with lags — possibly quite long.
As a consequence, we cannot avoid relying upon a large
element of judgment in deciding what, considering all the
prevailing circumstances, money growth is appropriate.
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Obviously so far as 1986 is concerned, the FOMC made
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the judgment that relatively strong growth in the aggregates,
and particularly Ml, could be accommodated consistent with the
more basic objectives of orderly growth and price stability.
Neither the rate of economic growth, nor the margins of available
resources, nor underlying cost trends, nor the movement of
sensitive commodity prices suggested money growth was setting
in train renewed inflationary forces.
The continuing rapid rate of debt throughout the economy —
running far above the rate of economic growth since 1982 -- has
raised one warning flag* In one sense, the enormous volume of
purely financial activity, especially at year end but also at
times earlier, reinforced other factors increasing the demand
for money. But from another point of view, the ready availability
of reserves and money was also a factor facilitating that same
increase in financial activity.
The implicit dangers should be clear. More leveraging of
corporations, aggressive lending to consumers already laboring under
heavy debt burdens, and less equity in homes all increase the
vulnerability of the economy to economic risk •—• to higher
interest rates, to recession, or to both. The fact that, after
four years of expansion, many measures of credit quality are
tending to deteriorate rather than improve, and that too many
depository institutions are strained, should be warning enough.
Restraining more speculative uses of credit by more
restrictive monetary policy is, of course, possible. But that
blunt approach inevitably has implications for all credit and for
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the real econony as well as financial activity. It cannot
substitute for prudent appreciation of the risks in highly
aggressive lending by those engaged in financial markets,
reinforced and encouraged by regulatory and supervisory
approaches sensitive to the potential problems*
The Approach to A987
In evaluating this experience* the Committee remains
highly conscious of the long historical patterns that relate
high rates of monetary growth over time to inflation. Consequently,
in approaching 1987 it starts with the strong presumption that
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such growth should be moderated. Reflecting that intent, the
tentative target ranges for M2 and M3 set out last July of
5-1/2 to 8-1/2 percent were reaffirmed. While those ranges
are only slightly below those set a year ago, the Committee
expects that the actual outcome should be much closer to the
middle of the range (and near to the anticipated growth in
nominal GNP), assuming interest rates prove to be more stable
than in recent years.
While anticipating much slower growth than in 1986
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the Committee did not set out a specific target range for Ml.
Given the developments of recent years, uncertainty obviously
remains about the long-term relationship between Ml and nominal
GNP. That uncertainty about the trend might be encompassed by a
relatively wide target range. However, the shorter-term sensitivity
oi Ml currently to interest rates aad other economic and financial
variables realistically would require so wide a range {or
tol^r&nefc for movements outside its bounds) as to provide little
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guidance for the FOMC's operational decisions or reliable
information for the Congress or for market participants.
Instead/ the Committee will monitor Ml closely in the
light of other information, including whether or not changes
in that aggregate tend to reinforce or negate concerns arising
from movements in M2 and M3. More broadly, the appropriateness
of changes in Ml will depend upon evaluation of the growth of the
economy and its sustaihability and the nature of any emerging
price pressures. Among the important factors influencing such
judgments may be the performance of the dollar in the exchange
markets.
I recognize that the success of that approach rests on
good judgment and a degree of prescience. It is justified only
by the fact that setting out a precise Ml target — and weighing
it heavily in policy implementation, whatever the circumstances —
would run greater risks for the economy.
I would point out that the sensitivity of Ml to interest
rates and other developments will not always work in the direction
of relatively high growth. To the contrary, action to reduce the
rate of Ml growth, promptly and substantially, would be called for
in a context of strongly rising economic activity and signs of
emerging and potential price pressures, perhaps related to
significant weakness of the dollar externally. In that connection,
the Committee explicitly reserves the possibility, in making shorter-
run operational decisions from meeting to meeting, to use Ml
along with M2 and M3 as a benchmark. Conversely, lower interest
rates in a context of weak growth and further progress toward
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reducing inflation pressures would suggest an accommodative
approach toward Ml growth.
In fact, the statistical and other signals provided
about economic activity and prices seldom are unambiguous or
have the same directional implications for policy. In
evaluating the evidence as it does appear, the Committee will
naturally be sensitive to the desirability of maintaining the
forward momentum of the economy, as well as encouraging greater
price stability. Quite obviously, our task in that respect
will be eased to the extent fiscal policy is consistent with the
needed internal and external adjustments.
Most members believe that GNP growth of 2-1/2 to 3 percent
is now likely, although a few individual members have higher or
lower projections. Such growth should be consistent with continuing
sizable gains in employment and a slight downward tilt in the
unemployment rate. Members also agree that the rate of price
increase is very likely to be greater than last year, essentially
because oil prices are expected to average higher and because
of the virtual inevitability of higher import prices. The
forecasts bunch in the 3 to 3-1/2 percent area for the GNP deflator.
That would be about as low as in 1985 despite the special factors
working toward higher prices this year.
So far as inflation is concerned, what is critical
is that such a bulge in prices related to identifiable
temporary external developments not be translated into a broad-
based cumulative upward movement. As you well know, just such a
cumulative inflationary process started in the 1960s and then
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extended well over a decade into the 1980s* It was eventually
brought to an end, but only with great effort and at considerable
cost* The scars of that experience remain.
Against that background, participants both in financial
markets and in business have persistently been skeptical of
prospects for lasting price stability in making investment and
pricing decisions. They are bound to be alert and responsive
to any sense of adverse change in the underlying inflation
trend, with implications for interest rates, exchange rates,
and pricing policies. The consequences for the economy would
clearly be undesirable.
In effect, neither the internal nor external setting
permits thinking of trading off more inflation for more growth.
Nor would inflation ease the problem of international adjustment;
quite to the contrary, it would both undercut some of our
competitive gains and threaten the orderly inflow of funds from
abroad. The implications for caution in the conduct of monetary
policy are evident.
Concluding Comments
In sum, we face, at one and the same time, most difficult
and most promising economic circumstances.
They are difficult because there are obvious distortions
and imbalances within our economy and internationally. Unless
dealt with forcibly and effectively, those imbalances will impair
both growth and price stability — and the adverse implications
will be amplified by the effects on other countries. Moreover,
those imbalances will not yield to any single instrument of
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policy, however wisely conducted. Instead, what is required is
complementary actions here and abroad — on budgets, on monetary
policies, and on maintaining appropriate exchange rates and an
open trading order,
I know none of that is easy. Many countries are
involved, and all of them have tough political decisions to
make. Nor are the key decisions entirely in the hands of
governmental authorities. American industry, in particular,
has the challenge to build upon the efforts of recent years
toward effective control of costs and greater efficiency,
and to seek out and exploit the greater market opportunities
that exist today* Banks around the world, despite the frustrations
building over time, will need to maintain and reinforce their
efforts to deal cooperatively and constructively with the
pressing debt problems of their borrowers at home and abroad.
From one point of view, it may seem like a lot to ask.
But equally/ there is a lot to be gained.
We already have achieved a long economic expansion.
We have managed to combine that with progress toward price
stability — and that progress has made possible lower interest
rates. Financial markets more generally reflect renewed confidence
And the broad outline of policies that can preserve and extend
those gains are by now well known.
To fail to act upon those policies — to instead retreat
into protectionism, to relax on inflation, to fail to deal with
the deficit — may in some ways appear to be the course of least
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resistance. But those are also precisely the ways by which we
would turn our back to the bright promise before us.
It is only a concerted effort here and abroad that will
extend and reinforce the economic expansion, consolidate the
progress toward price stability, and provide the international
environment in which all countries can prosper.
*******
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http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1987, February 18). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19870219_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19870219_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1987},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19870219_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}