speeches · February 16, 1987
Speech
Thomas C. Melzer · Governor
WHY NOT A ZERO INTEREST RATE?
Remarks by Thomas C. Melzer
Home Builders Association of Greater St. Louis
February 17, 1987
I am delighted to have this opportunity to speak to you this
afternoon. A few years ago, I might have been somewhat reluctant to be
here. At that time, besides mailing thousands of keys to Washington,
homebuilders were circling their local Federal Reserve Banks and daring
the Presidents to "step outside." I am relieved that times have changed
and that I can speak to you today in relative safety.
Times certainly have changed over the past few years—both for
homebuilders and for the nation. In the early 1980s, this country was
going through back-to-back recessions, inflation was running in double
digits, interest rates were up around 15 to 16 percent, and the
unemployment rate was nearly 10 percent. Homebuilding was doing just as
well—or, in this case, just as badly—as the nation. New housing units
started had plummeted from 2.04 million units in 1978 to 1.07 million
units by 1982. Itfs not surprising that homebuilders and others were
upset about economic conditions and were looking for someone to blame.
Like many others, they blamed the Federal Reserve.
Today, economic conditions are considerably better in many
respects. Inflation is low, interest rates have fallen more than five
percentage points, the unemployment rate is' below seven percent, and we
are in the fifth year of the current expansion. Homebuilders have had
several good years and are looking forward, I trust, to another one this
year.
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And yet, despite the major turnaround in our economic fortunes, the
Federal Reserve is still on the firing line, still being criticized for
not doing enough, still being called on to stimulate the economy even
more. And now, as was true in the early 1980s, these comments, calls to
action and criticisms are fundamentally wrong. They are based on
misperceptions of what the Federal Reserve actually does and what it can
do to influence economic events. Because interest rates are of vital
concern to you, to home buyers and to everyone else as well, I would like
to discuss just what it is that the Federal Reserve can—and can't—do to
influence them.
Over the past five or six years, interest rates have fallen
considerably. Yet, we hear comments even today that rates are too
high—that the Federal Reserve must push them down even further.
Apparently, some people won't be satisfied until interest rates fall to
zero! But before we applaud such a notion, let's consider two
questions. Why have interest rates fallen so much in the past few
years? And, what did the Federal Reserve actually do to "push them down?"
The easiest way to see how the Federal Reserve can influence market
interest rates is to think of the interest rate as being composed of two
parts. The first part is the rate of inflation that people expect to
persist over the period ahead. If people expect that inflation will be
10 percent, interest rates will be 10 percentage points higher than if
people expected zero inflation. The second component that determines
what interest rates will be is the expected real interest rate—the
after-inflation (also after-tax) rate of return that people demand in
order to make it worthwhile for them to save and to lend. When market
interest rates rise, they do so because either the expected inflation
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rate or expected real interest rates have risen. When interest rates
fall, they fall because either the expected inflation or expected real
returns have declined.
Using this approach, it is easy to see why interest rates have
fallen so far in recent years—the expected inflation component has
plummeted sharply. Instead of the nine to 10 percent inflation we saw in
1980 and 1981, we now have three to four percent inflation; interest
rates have naturally and understandably responded in kind.
Now, just what did the Federal Reserve do to encourage this decline
in inflation? In the early 1980s, the Federal Reserve, despite public
clamor for easier policy, acted to slow the growth of bank reserves and,
consequently, to slow the growth of money. Money growth from 1980
through 1982 averaged 6.6 percent per year; this was considerably slower
than its 7.9 percent annual growth over the three previous years. This
slower money growth, operating with the usual lags, produced the low
inflation and the low interest rates that we now see. Of course, there
were other factors that aided and abetted the Fedfs actions. Both the
rising value of the dollar in foreign exchange markets through early 1985
and falling energy prices in 1986 contributed to lower inflation as
well. The important thing to note, however, is that today*s low
inflation and low interest rates could not have been achieved by the
looser monetary policy that the public was asking the Federal Reserve for
in the early 1980s. It took tighter monetary policy to achieve them.
Today, however, people are asking the Fed, once again, to ease up;
they want looser monetary policy In order to push interest rates even
lower. Naturally, this clamor raises two questions. First, are current
interest rates really too high? Second, why would anyone believe that
easier policy would push interest rates down?
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Well, are current interest rates too high? Too high for what? At
the present time, short-term government securities are yielding about
5.75 percent; with expected inflation for 1987 running about 3.5 to 4.0
percent, the one-year, expected real rate of return, before taxes, is
only about 2.0 percent. This real rate is essentially equal to its
average value for the past 50 or 60 years; certainly, on historical
grounds, short-term real rates are not unusually high. Long-term market
interest rates are now about 1.5 percentage points above short-term
rates. Some people have erroneously added this 1.5 percentage points to
the short-term real rate of interest and concluded that long-term real
interest rates are about 3.5 percent—which, in their opinion, is way too
high.
However, this estimate is just wrong. To find out what the
expected long-term real interest rate is, we have to subtract estimates
of long-run inflation from long-term market interest rates. One recent
survey indicates that inflation over the next ten years is expected to
average about 5.0 percent. Subtracting this figure from the 7.25 percent
yield on 10-year government bonds produces a 2.25 percent expected
long-term real rate of interest. This long-term real rate is at the low
end of the range by historical standards—in fact, it is virtually
identical to the one-year real rate of return.
For some people, of course, any positive interest rates are too
high. They would like interest rates to fall to zero. And, of course,
this view is just silly. While we might be able to get inflation down to
zero, the expected real rate of return must always be positive—people
will not save, lend or invest unless they expect to get some positive
return for their efforts. What is important for our purposes, however,
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is to note that neither current market interest rates nor the implied
real rates appear to be out-of-line, given existing inflation
expectations.
However, just for the sake of argument, suppose you still believed
that market interest rates were too high. Would easier monetary policy
really push interest rates down further? The public certainly seems to
believe so. Their perception, I think, goes as follows: if the Federal
Reserve supplies more bank reserves, either by buying government bonds or
by lending reserves through the discount window, banks will be able to
make more loans. The greater supply of credit will produce lower
interest rates, and the economy will boom.
This analysis is simple, straight-forward and, most likely, wrong.
Faster reserve growth can push only one interest rate down; that rate,
the Federal funds rate, is the one observed in the market for bank
reserves. In order to affect other interest rates, however, faster
reserve and money growth must reduce the publicfs views of expected
inflation or expected real returns. For a brief time, faster money
growth does indeed have an effect on output and employment—it tends to
boost the economy somewhat. This means, in the short run, that faster
economic growth is generally associated with rising inflation and higher
real returns—which is essentially why market interest rates typically
rise during upturns and fall during downturns in the economy.
In the long run, however, faster reserve and money growth simply
produce higher Inflation. And, unfortunately, there is no relationship
or trade-off between inflation and real economic growth in the long run.
In the past, we have had expansions with low inflation (the f50s and
early '60s) and high inflation (the '70s). The important point is that,
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popular opinion to the contrary, easier monetary policy will not reduce
the public's inflationary expectations; if anything, it increases them.
Well, what about the other interest rate component? Will easier
monetary policy reduce the expected real rate of return? Not likely.
Real rates of return are affected by a host of factors, like changes in
tax laws, changes in technology, changes in domestic and foreign savings
behavior and so on. These are what economists refer to as "real
factors," and monetary policy has little or nothing to do with any of
them.
What, then, is the current outlook for long-term interest rates?
Given present inflationary expectations, interest rates seem to be at
appropriate levels—that is, they properly reflect both inflation
expectations and a normal real rate of return. Should inflationary
expectations come down further, then rates in turn could move lower in
sympathy. Of course, the converse is also true.
In 1987, the inflation rate is expected to move up somewhat from
that in 1986. First, energy prices have risen and apparently stabilized
at a level substantially above their 1986 lows; further rises are
possible. Also, the decline in the foreign exchange value of the dollar
since early 1985 will cause prices to rise faster as well; imported goods
become more expensive and domestic producers have more room to raise
their prices. Recent weakness in the dollar suggests that there may be
further price increases in store.
Some of the forthcoming increase in inflation arising from these
factors is anticipated and already built into long-run inflation
expectations and long-term interest rates. Accordingly, unless inflation
turns out to be much higher than expected, long-term interest rates may
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not move much at all. What is troublesome, however, is that the trend
rate of money growth has risen sharply over the last two years and is now
extremely high by historical standards. In the past, this has normally
produced higher inflation down the road.
Now you may have heard or read that, based on the experience of the
last five years, we do not have to worry about faster money growth
anymore. Since 1982, the trend growth rate of money has steadily
increased until it is now about 10 percent per annum. Historically, this
rise in money growth would have produced an inflation rate of 10 percent
as well. And yet, the inflation rate has actually declined—from about
six percent in 1982 to three percent now. It is no wonder that some
people feel money growth no longer matters for inflation.
During this period, however, there were some extraordinary factors
that temporarily caused the growth of money and prices to diverge. The
decline in inflationary expectations caused interest rates to tumble,
making it less expensive to hold money. At the same time, there was a
huge restructuring of real and financial assets, which required larger
transactions balances to accomplish. Moreover, the existence of
interest-bearing checking accounts encouraged people to shift their
savings into accounts that are included in our money stock measure.
These factors, along with some others, produced a decline in the velocity
of money. In other words, during this period, there was more money in
proportion to spending, or economic activity than historical patterns
would have suggested. Although money grew faster, it did not have its
usual upward influence on inflation.
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At the same time, the dollar's rise in foreign exchange markets
reduced the cost of imported goods as well as the prices of certain
competitive domestic goods. Although the dollar's value began to decline
in 1985, the lagged effects of its earlier rise continued to influence
prices throughout most of 1986. In addition, the major decline in energy
prices in 1986, with oil falling from almost $30 per barrel to less than
$15 at its lows, brought down the rate of inflation as well.
In summary, then, during the 1982 to 1986 period, some
extraordinary factors produced an apparent breakdown in the longstanding
historical relationship between money growth and inflation. But these
factors may well have run their course. If so, the present rapid money
growth may eventually lead to higher inflation.
If that happens, monetary policy may have to move gradually to
reduce the long-term growth in money from its present trend of 10 percent
to a lower level. In other words, policy may have to be tightened, even
if it means a somewhat slower economy, even if it means somewhat higher
interest rates during the transition period—even if it means running the
risk of having homebuilders, once again, circling their Federal Reserve
Bank. However, I hope this time, if and when the Federal Reserve starts
to slow down the growth of bank reserves and money, that you and the
public will understand what we are doing and why. As I have tried to
explain, it is the only way we can assure low interest rates in the long
run.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas C. Melzer (1987, February 16). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19870217_melzer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19870217_melzer,
author = {Thomas C. Melzer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1987},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19870217_melzer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}