speeches · June 17, 1986
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
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Q
For release on delivery
9:30 A.M., E.D.T.
June 18, 1986
RESEARCH LIBRARY
Federal Reserve Bank
©f St.
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Statement by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
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before the
Committee on Foreign Affairs
of the
United States House of Representatives
June 18, 1986
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I appreciate the opportunity to review with you the
debt situation of developing countries. Over the past four
years, I think we can point to some substantial progress.
But despite that progress, serious problems remain. The
sharp decline in oil prices has brought some of them to an
acute stage once again.
We have much of the essential framework in place to
support growth with necessary economic adjustments among the
borrowing countries. But the hard fact is that much remains to
be done, in the industrialized world and in the heavily indebted
countries of Latin America or elsewhere, to implement the measures
necessary to that goal. That is the continuing challenge,
and, I for one, believe that it will be attainable in practice
with continued, and in some cases, intensified cooperation.
The fundamental causes of the international debt problem
that burst forth on the front pages of newspapers four years
ago are complex. They included economic policies in the
borrowing countries that were premised in part upon the
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assumption that funds would continue to be available indefinitely
from abroad at low or negative real interest rates; in some
countries, the foreign borrowing increasingly financed capital
outflows. In essence, the domestic policies of the borrowers
did not command the confidence of their own citizens, who placed
much of their domestic savings in other countries. The
commercial banks and other lenders that so freely provided
the funds from abroad could not or would not assure the pro-
ductive use of that money. As the crisis broke, access to new
loans was abruptly curtailed. At the same time, profound
changes in the world economic and financial situation provided
a more difficult environment for the borrowers as real interest
rates rose, inflation subsided, and commodity prices declined.
There is no point at this stage in pointing fingers
at one culprit or another —• although there are many lessons
for the future. More important, once the crisis was upon us,
it was evident that the problem threatened not only the economic
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fortunes of the particular borrowing countries, but also the
performance of the world economy and of the world financial system
as a whole. Leading banks both in the United States and abroad
were heavily exposed at a time when many of them also faced
the pressure of recession and financial strains at home.
Exports to the borrowing countries dropped abruptly? and
possibilities of political strain were aggravated.
A high degree of international cooperation involving
borrowing countries commercial banks and creditor countries
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has been necessary to deal with the' situation^ taking account,
on a case-by-case basis, of differences among the borrowers.
During the initial crisis stage, it was natural that the
International Monetary Fund played a central, coordinating
role; it could advise the borrowing countries and, in
effect, certify both their economic programs and the size
of their external financing needs. It could also work with
both lending banks and creditor countries. That role was
performed with skill, if not without controversy.
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With its traditional emphasis on long-term investment
planning and on project lending, the World Bank was not in a
position to react as quickly as the Fund to the immediate
adjustment needs of the major borrowing countries. Nor were
borrowing countries — faced with priority short-term needs
to cut back on internal budget deficits, to bring monetary
expansion under control? and to achieve and maintain more
competitive exchange rates — able to give the same attention
to introducing necessary structural changes in their economies
to enhance efficiency and competition* Indeed, sharp
cutbacks in overall investment as well as consumption
expenditures by the indebted countries became unavoidable.
As time passed, the Fund and the Bank have found more
and more opportunities for mutually supportive approaches, and
both of them have flexibly adapted earlier approaches as
justified by the needs and circumstances of particular countries,
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By the end of 1985 for instance/ Colombia, Ecuador, Chile and
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Uruguay had put in place rather comprehensive programs looking
toward more open and efficient economies as well as more
immediate fiscal and external adjustments, working constructively,
in different ways, with both the Bank and Fund.
Drawing on this kind of experience, Secretary Baker,
as you know, outlined the concept of a Program for Sustained
Growth in Seoul last October. He envisaged an increase in
such cooperative efforts, including an enhanced role for the
World Bank and the other multilateral development lending
institutions. His basic premise) — that a solution must be
found in a context of growth — is of course widely shared.
And I believe there is increased agreement with the proposition
that success will be dependent on on-going structural
changes as well as adjustments in fiscal, monetary, and
exchange rate policies.
A great deal remains to be done before the inter-
national debt problem is resolved. But the very considerable
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accomplishments already achieved strongly suggest the problem
should be manageable in ways that serve the interests of both
borrowers and lenders.
Over the past three or four years, some substantial —
even dramatic ~ adjustments have been made on the external
side. That is most clearly evident in the fact that the fifteen
major borrowing countries that have been somewhat arbitrarily
identified with the Baker Initiative together achieved a current
account position of essentially zero during both 1984 and 1985.
In contrast, their collective deficits were about $50 billion
in 1981 and 1982, The shift was not simply a consequence of
import compression: the volume of their exports rose by about
15 percent during 1983-84 before levelling off last year.
While progress is uneven, the burdens of servicing the
external debt of the major borrowers has also been reduced.
Reschedulings of their debt to banks and official creditors
haye sharply limited amortization requirements. Lower world
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interest rates have been reflected in declines in interest
payment obligations. In some cases, interest payments as a
percentage of exports of goods and services this year will
be as much as one-third below their peaks.
The pace of bank lending has slowed substantially
as the borrowing countries have acted to bring their external
debts into better alignment with their productive capacities.
Meanwhile, bank capital positions have been strengthened. As
a result, U.S. banks1 exposure to non-OPEC developing countries
in relation to their capital dropped by about one-third between
mid-1982 and the end of last year; those ratios have declined
even further over the first half of 1986. No doubt there have
been comparable declines in relative exposure by foreign banks.
Indeed, one can question whether, in the past year or so,
net bank lending has not been below levels that will be necessary
to complement effective economic programs of some borrowers,
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particularly in the light of the sharp decline in oil prices.
In any event the relative reduction in overall exposure should
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continue even as the banks are called upon, consistent with
the Baker Initiative to provide the moderate amounts of net
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new private lending over the next several years needed to support
borrowers' plans for structural adjustment and growth. And,
as those relative exposures decline, one of the preconditions
for returning to more normal, fully voluntary, debtor-creditor
relationships can be achieved. In relatively benign circumstances
for the world economy, steps in that direction by one or more
countries well advanced in the adjustment process could possibly
appear this year or next.
Economic growth has rebounded smartly in a few countries
even as they have reduced or eliminated their external
deficits. The biggest economy and largest borrower among
the middle-income developing countries -- Brazil — is a
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leading case in point. The economies of Argentina, Chile
and Colombia are expanding as well.
But the pattern has been uneven and disappointing
in some cases. Looked at as a group, the value of exports
by the major borrowers, upon which so much depends, declined
during 1985. That was in large part a reflection of lower
commodity prices and the slower expansion of the industrial
countries that must provide their principal markets.
Since last fall, the sharp decline in world oil prices
has added a new and disconcerting dimension to the problems of
Mexico, Nigeria, Venezuela and Ecuador. Each of those countries
has lost both real income and budgetary revenues in amounts that
are critically large in relation to their resources. Adjustment
to that loss of resources is inevitable. What is at issue is
the speed and effectiveness of that adjustment.
One clear implication is that most of them will need
to cover larger external needs than anticipted earlier, although
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not nearly as much as the decline in oil prices taken alone might
imply. Lower world interest rates and their own efforts, will
balance part of the losses, and potentially more yapid growth in
the industrial countries will increase export opportunities.
After four years, a sense of fatigue among borrowing
countries coping with continuing economic and debt problems
is hardly surprising. For some, the reduction in oil prices
has added a sharper edge of concern, if not despair. At the
same time, commercial banks are naturally impatient and
seemingly more reluctant to step forward with new money
pending concrete evidence countries are successfully under-
taking extraordinary stabilization efforts. Negotiation and
implementation* of new financing packages or restructurings
linger on, sometimes entangled in particular grievances over
particular past loans. In the process, there is some danger
of losing sight of the larger issues surrounding the funda-
mentals of economic policies on which the soundness of the
loans ultimately depends.
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But far too much is at stake — and far too much has
been accomplished — to make it sensible to give way to any
sense of frustration. The mutuality of interest of borrowers
and lenders in constructive approaches is as strong as ever.
It is difficult — I think impossible — to deny the
simple proposition that the debt problem, as so many others,
must be resolved in a framework of growth. The corollary
is that sustainable growth requires both financial discipline
and structural changes. And none of that is likely to
proceed for long unless developing countries are able to
defend and maintain their credit-worthiness and access to
the markets of world finance as well as goods.
The question is whether we can find the will and the
means to act upon those propositions with the necessary sense
of conviction and urgency. That is why we stand at a kind
of watershed. Business as usual clearly will not be good
enough. And the whole structure of economic and financial
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relationships between the United States and other industrialized
countries and Latin America will be affected, for better or worse.
Crisis serves a constructive purpose when it galvanizes
constructive responses. I believe the so-called Baker Initia-
tive can and does provide a kind of rallying point for that
effort not because it is a precise plan "made in the USA" but
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because it captures the essence of much of the thinking
emerging in many parts of the world — developed and developing —
over recent years.
The approach recognizes that success can only lie in
a mutual cooperative effort to achieve growth. The borrowing
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countries must indeed "adjust" — adjust not just in the sense
of effective fiscal/ monetary/ and exchange rate policies, but
"adjust" in the sense of encouraging more competitive, invest-
ment-oriented/ and open economies. Their industry must be
capable of attracting domestic and foreign savings penetrating
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export markets and meeting the needs of growing populations at
home. All of that depends on productivity growth.
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The returns available in growing, productive economies
can in turn justify raising abroad some margin of the credit
and capital needed to support growth. Reasonable needs can
be met through a combination of official and private resources,
drawing on the World Bank and other development institutions
and the commercial banks around the world with so much at stake.
Moreover, in reasonably favorable world economic circumstances,
those additional credits can be consistent with falling debt
service ratios and declines in bank exposure relative to
capital, just as in the past four years.
None of that provides a fixed formula or standard
cookbook for dealing with the specific problems of individual
borrowing countries, each with its unique history and economic
situation. But it does provide a broad framework within which
individual cases can be discussed, detailed approaches developed,
financing negotiated, and plans implemented.
The approach won't work unless it is convincing to
the leaders of the borrowing countries themselves, consistent
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with the way they come to assess their own priorities, and
capable of commanding the support of their people* Those
countries must be willing to work toward more efficient
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competitive and open economies. They can improve the
climate for investment, whether by their own citizens or
from abroad. Pricing policies of state enterprises can
be made more economic, and those enterprises can be sold,
reduced in scope, or shut down when the job can be better
done in the private sector. Barriers to trade, including
imports, can be reduced and rationalized, in part to
support the competitiveness of exports. And inefficiencies
in financial systems can be attacked.
The needed measures sometimes go against the grain of
much of post-war history in certain countries, and against
the grain of established political systems. Suspicions abound —
fear of invasion of domestic markets by international
companies, concern about foreign or private domination of
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key national industries, a breaking down of bureaucratic
control. Long cherished concepts about the proper role of
the state are challenged*
But the basic ideas and motivations are, of course,
quite different — to promote the efficiency, the capital
formation, and the use of technology upon which competitiveness
and growth rest. What is encouraging is how widely these ideas
are recognized among leaders in Latin America and elsewhere.
Inevitably, the pace of change is conditioned by their own
experience and realities. Vested interests are tempted to
respond with nationalistic rhetoric. But one simple truth
has been increasingly widely recognized: in today's world,
no single country is likely to prosper and grow without
being an effective part of the larger world community, with
good credit standing, access to world capital markets, the
capacity and incentive to export, and financial stability.
Success will remain dependent on a cooperative approach,
with necessary external financing available to support growth
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and adjustment. The Bank and the Fund will remain focal points
in that process.
For its part, the World Bank has moved quickly since
last fall to play an increased role. A number of important
negotiations are in various stages with Mexico, Argentina,
Ecuador, Colombia, the Ivory Coast and others — more than
I might have thought likely six months ago. The Bank's ability
to respond effectively reflects both already established criteria
for supporting the structural adjustment process and its con-
siderable experience in such areas as trade, energy, financial
institutions, and rural development. The negotiations for
structural reform in these and other areas have also had the
benefit of consultation with the Fund, helping ensure that
Bank-supported sectoral programs are consistent with the
country's overall macro-economic requirements and priorities.
Moreover, some of the World Bank programs and loans should
provide opportunities for parallel or co-financing by others,
including commercial banks.
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Amidst all the difficulties, there is some danger
of losing sight of how much the approach of individual
countries, their stated policies, and public attitudes, has
changed. Mexico is only one example of a country undertaking
some important reforms of trade policies — a process reflected
in its long-debated decision to join GATT. We have seen sales
or closings of some state enterprises. Rationalization of price
and regulatory systems in the agricultural and financial
sectors is proceeding.
More immediately, most of the major borrowers have
encouraged the development of more realistic exchange rates,
providing a competitive base for future export-led growth.
Notably, Argentina, Bolivia and Brazil have embarked since
mid-19 85 upon bold domestic programs to disinflate and de-
index their economies.
Commercial banks have made clear their broad support
for the broad concepts of the Baker Initiative. But their
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willingness and ability to mobilize additional financing
quickly once a borrower has developed a-policy program and
received general international endorsement has not been
tested. Within the general framework oi market criteria
and covering costs, there may also be room for exploring
innovative techniques in new borrowing arrangements to take
more account of the uncertainties of oil prices or interest
rates.
All of these considerations and propositions are, and
will be/ tested in the case of Mexico. Its problems are unique
and severe; the decline in oil prices and production has reduced
its national income signifleantly reduced government revenues
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by as much as 4 percent of its GNP, and cut exports by
about a third of last year's total. Obviously, strong and
effective internal measures to deal with those losses are
required, but in the best of circumstances the necessary
adjustments will take time.
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Some delay in response was perhaps inevitable, given
the abruptness and nature of the changed circumstances. But I
remain hopeful that efforts both in Mexico and elsewhere to
develop a coherent, effective response, with adequate external
financing, will soon bear fruit.
A lot is at stake, not just because Mexico is a
large country immediately on our border, with very large
debts. Success in providing a base for new hope among the
Mexican people, in laying the groundwork for renewed growth
next year, and in maintaining credit-worthiness and access
to world financial markets will encourage other countries in
their efforts. If, in contrast, we collectively falter in
that effort, the progress of others will be undermined.
In Mexico, as elsewhere, success in making effective
use of its own savings and capital will be crucial. The
massive capital flight from a number of Latin American
countries during the late 1970s and early 1980s greatly
added to their needs for external borrowing.
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While the data have to be interpreted with great
caution, the evidence suggests that capital flight has
receded somewhat in more recent years. Indeed, in several
countries, indirect evidence suggests rather dramatic improve-
ment. Even in Mexico, where credit policies have been very
restrictive, there are signs of some reversal this year.
I don't refer to this evidence with any sense of
complacency. Extremely tight money is not a long-term answer,
and we are a considerable way from a point where we can say,
with confidence, that a constructive, self-sustaining process
of growth and development is underway among most or all of the
borrowers, that their access to external credit is restored,
or that fully effective use is being made of domestic savings.
Behind all those particulars about where we stand
with respect to the international debt problem., a still larger
question remains: Will the global environment be conducive to
favorable conditions, to strong markets and to sustained growth
for the developing world?
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One critical variable has been going right: The
level of world interest rates has receded markedly, taking
at least part of the sting out of the collapse in oil prices*
The LIBOR rate to which most loan agreements are keyed is more
than 5-1/2 percent below its mid-1984 level, and 1-1/4 percent
below the level as recently as December. Most loans are de-
nominated in dollars, so the decline in the dollar exchange
rate is also helpful to most borrowers.
The major countries meeting in Tokyo last month
stated the importance they attach to a capital increase for
the World Bank when appropriate* To facilitate private capital
movements toward the major borrowing countries, the new
Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency, or MIGA, should
in time facilitate increased flows of direct investment.
It is regrettable that Congressional support for that concept
has lagged.
More particular actions can also help. For example,
export credit agencies of the OECD countries, especially the
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U.S. Export-Import Bank, have been an important source of
support for the financing of trade flows to the developing
countries during this period of financial uncertainty. The
interruption to debt service by the borrowers has, in some
cases, caused official agencies to go "off cover" and cease
new lending to the country in question. While in some cases
such action may be justified, it will also have perverse
incentive effects in the context of efforts to achieve
constructive debt restructuring. I hope there is now more
general recognition of that fact.
Another obligation we in the United States, as well
as other countries, must accept is to restrain the forces of
protectionism that hamper exports from developing countries
to our markets. With developing countries eager to import
what their resources can support, rising exports to the
industrialized countries also mean more buying from us.
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Building the competitive ability of borrowers to export,
while reducing unfair subsidies, is not a matter of stealing
jobs from our workers. It is a matter of participating in, and
sharing in the fruits of, growing two-way trade.
But none of those areas is so fundamentally important
to developing countries over the next several years as the
prospects for sustained growth of world markets. And that
unavoidably raises a question of adjustment not just by the
borrowers but by the industrialized world.
The United States is in an expansion period that has
already been sustained longer than most during the post-war
era. The evidence is clear that during most of this period it
is our economy that has been the principal motor for world
expansion. But in that process, serious international
imbalances have developed. And, partly as a consequence,
our own growth has slowed
In effect, over the past four years, the United
States, directly and indirectly, has provided a disproportionate
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share of the incremental demand to the world economy.
We have made room for most of the external adjustments of
the debtor countries as well. In fact, Japan and Western
Europe essentially have had no increase in imports from
Latin America since 1982, while the United States has
shared disproportionately in reduced exports of manufactured
goods to that area.
The resultant strains are showing. I for one do not
believe that relying upon exchange rate changes alone promises
a simple and easy solution to the imbalances, however important
it is that we have now achieved a more competitive exchange
rate structure. Among other things, we had better not forget
that we are today the world's largest debtor, dependent on a
continuing large inflow of capital to finance our own budget
deficit, and that capital will not flow freely without continuing
confidence in our own stability.
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The implication is not of course, that we should
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stop growing, but that other strong countries, with little
or no inflation, with excess capacity and historically high
unemployment and with very strong external positions, should
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assume more of the leadership in providing the impetus for
world growth. Such adjustments do not come easily — our
long struggle with our budget deficit is the most obvious
case in point. But that is the kind of mutually complementary
action that is required. And difficult as they may be we
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might keep in mind the adjustments involved for us in the
industrialized world do not approach in relative magnitude
those we expect by the debtor countries.
We can ill afford to be cynical or defeatist about
all these efforts, difficult as they may be. Too much hinges
on our success, and I "know of no other approach that promises
so much in terms not just of economic success but harmonious
political relationships with Latin America and the developing
world.
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1986, June 17). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19860618_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19860618_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1986},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19860618_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}