speeches · May 7, 1986
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
12:30 P.M., E.D.T.
May 8, 1986
Federal Res*
of St.
AUG " 1886
"Working Together Toward Growth And Stability"
Remarks by
Paul A, Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Annual Conference
of the
Washington Chapter
of the
Society for International Development
Washington, D. C.
May 8 1986
f
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It is a pleasure for me to take part in this annual
conference. Your theme of "adjustment and growth11 could not
be more apt. Those are the key words that recur again and
again in all the discussions of development. I fear by this
time the connotations are as much emotive as economic.
Growth is, of course, "good" — something to be sought.
But "adjustment," except to economists, has a quite different
ring — certainly painful, antithetical to growth, maybe even
somehow subversive of democracy.
But viewed more logically, and looking over a reasonable
time period, they are not alternative policies that governments
are free to choose. They are essential complements. Easy choices
are rarely available to countries — developed or developing. The
reality is the sustained growth everyone wants often implies the
need for adjustment.
Certainly, for the heavily indebted, middle-income
developing countries, with whose economic and financial problems
I have gained a certain familiarity over the past four years, the
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only choice has been how to, rather than whether, to adjust
their economies — adjust away from excessive reliance on
external financing and adjust toward capital formation and
efficiency. That transition is difficult both politically and
economically — it has necessarily involved large exchange rate
adjustments, scaling back budget deficits by cutting expenditures
and reducing subsidies, and other means of reallocating resources
toward the external sector and capital.
But those approaches, intelligently implemented, are not
anti-growth. What the discussion and debate should be about is not
whether, but how best to adjust. And, even looking to the past
when external financing was so freely available, borrowing to
support consumption or to replace a chronic hemorrhage of private
capital was hardly a satisfactory basis for growth.
The simple fact is that over the past three or four years,
some substantial — even dramatic -— adjustments have been made
on the external side. That is most clearly evident in the fact
that the fifteen major borrowing countries that have been identified
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with the Baker initiative have experienced a dramatic change in
their external current account positions• After running unsustain-
able , collective deficits of about $50 billion per year during
1981 and 1982, their current account position dropped to essentially
zero during 1984 and 1985. This shift was not simply a consequence
of import compression: the volume of their exports rose by about
15 percent during 1983-84.
The burdens upon the major borrowers of servicing external
debt are now significantly lighter than a few years ago. Re-
schedulings of their debt to banks and official creditors have
reduced amortization requirements. Lower world interest rates
have produced declines in interest payment obligations. While
the reduction in burdens is far from uniform, in some cases
interest payments as a percentage of exports of goods and services
will be as much as one-third below their peaks.
At the same time, commercial banks1 claims on developing
countries have clearly moved toward more manageable ratios to their
capital positions. The pace of bank lending has slowed substantially
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as the borrowing countries tried to bring their external debts
into better alignment with their productive capacities. Meanwhile,
bank capital positions have been strengthened. As a result, U.S.
banks' exposure to non-OPEC developing countries in relation to
their capital has dropped by about one-third between mid-1982
and the end of last year.
One can question whether, in the past year or so, net lending
has not been below levels that will be necessary to complement
effective economic programs of some borrowers. In any event, the
relative reduction in exposure should continue even as the banks
are called upon to provide the moderate amounts of net new private
lending that a number of major borrowing countries may need during
the next several years to support their plans for structural adjust-
ment and growth. And, as those exposures decline, one of the pre-
conditions for returning to more normal, fully voluntary, debtor-
creditor relationships can be achieved.
The massive capital flight which occurred during the late
1970s and early 1980s and greatly added to the needs for external
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borrowing of a number of Latin American governments has generally
subsided. Mexico is sometimes cited as an exception to that more
favorable trend, but substantial changes in policies — including
a more competitive exchange rate and restrained credit policies —
seem to have curtailed the outflow more recently*
Despite these accomplishments, obvious problems remain,
and some have become more acute. Growth has rebounded smartly in
some countries even as they reduced or eliminated their external
deficits. The biggest borrower of all — Brazil — is a leading
case in point, and the Argentine economy is growing as well. But
the pattern has been uneven and disappointing in some cases.
Looked at as a group, the volume of exports by the major borrowers
upon which so much depends, which had grown briskly over the
previous two years, showed no growth at all during 1985, in large
part a reflection of declines in commodity prices and the performance
of the industrial countries that must provide their principal markets,
Since last fall, the sharp decline in world oil prices has
added a new and disconcerting dimension to the problems of Mexico,
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Nigeria, Venezuela and Ecuador. Each of those countries has lost
both real income and budgetary revenues in amounts that are
critically large in relation to their resources, and the clear
implication is that most of them will need to cover larger
external needs than anticipated earlier, although not nearly as
much as the decline in oil prices taken alone might imply given
lower world interest rates and other offsetting factors.
In the circumstances, a sense of fatigue among borrowing
countries coping with continuing economic and debt problems is
hardly surprising. For some ,the reduction in oil prices has
added a sharper edge of concern, if not despair. At the same
time, commercial banks are naturally impatient and seemingly
more reluctant to step forward pending concrete evidence
countries are successfully undertaking extraordinary stabilization
efforts. Negotiation and implementation of new financing packages
or restructurings seem to linger on longer and longer.
But far too much is at stake •— and far too much has been
accomplished — to make it sensible to give way to any sense of
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frustration. The mutuality of interest of borrowers and lenders
in constructive approaches is as strong as ever. It is difficult —
I think impossible — to deny the simple proposition that the debt
problem, as so many others must be resolved in a framework of
s
growth. The corollary is that sustainable growth requires both
financial discipline and structural changes. And none of that is
likely to proceed for long unless developing countries are able
to defend and maintain their credit-worthiness and access to the
markets of world finance as well as goods.
The question is whether we can find the will and the means
to act upon those theses with a sense of conviction and urgency.
That is why we stand at a kind of watershed. Business as usual
clearly will not be good enough. And the whole structure of
economic and financial relationships between the developing and
developed world will stand or fall together.
Crisis serves a constructive purpose when it galvanizes
constructive responses. I believe the so-called Baker initiative
can and does provide a kind of rallying point for that effort,
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not because it is a precise plan made in the USA but because it
captures the essence of much of the thinking emerging in many
parts of the world — developed and developing — over recent years*
The approach recognizes that success can only lie in a mutual,
cooperative effort to achieve growth. The borrowing countries must
indeed "adjust" — adjust not just in the sense of effective fiscal,
monetary, and exchange rate policies, but "adjust" in the sense of
encouraging more competitive, investment-oriented, and open economies
capable of penetrating export markets as well as meeting needs at
home by generating productivity growth. The returns available in
growing, productive economies can justify raising abroad a reasonable
margin of the credit and capital needed to support growth, and
those can be met through a combination of official and private
resources, drawing on the World Bank and other development
institutions and the commercial banks around the world with so
much at stake.
None of that provides a fixed formula or standard cookbook
for dealing with the specific problems of individual borrowing
countries, each with its unique history and economic situation.
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But it does provide a broad framework within which individual
cases can be discussed, detailed approaches developed, financing
negotiated, and plans implemented.
And, of course, the approach won't work at all unless it
is convincing to the leaders of the borrowing countries themselves,
consistent with the way they come to assess their own priorities,
and capable of commanding the support of their people.
Are these countries, in fact, willing to work toward more
efficient, competitive and open economies? Are they prepared to
improve the climate for investment, whether by their own citizens
or from abroad? Can pricing policies of state enterprises be more
economic, and will those enterprises be sold, reduced in scope, or
shut down when the job can be better done in the private sector?
Can barriers to trade, including imports, be reduced and rationalized,
in part to support the competitiveness of exports? Can their
financial systems be made more efficient?
A lot of those directions go against the grain of much of
post-war history in certain countries, and against the grain of
the established political systems. Suspicions abound about
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intentions — fear of invasion of domestic markets by inter-
national companies, concern about foreign or private domination
of key national industries, a breaking down of bureaucratic control.
Long cherished concepts about the proper role of the state are
challenged. But the basic ideas and motivations are, of course,
quite different — to promote the efficiency, the capital formation,
and the use of technology upon which competitiveness and growth
rest. Opposition clothed in nationalistic rhetoric is sometimes
a simple defense of vested interest.
It is also true that there are obvious successful role
models — some in the developing world, and some in the industrialized
world, even by governments from more socialist traditions. Behind
it all lies the simple truth that, in todayfs world, no single
country is likely to prosper and grow without being an effective
part of the larger world community, with good credit standing,
access to world capital markets, the capacity and incentive to
export, and financial stability.
Well, if that's the vision, it's reasonable to ask how it's
all going with respect to the Baker initiative. I know that some
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would say slowly, if at all. They are looking to how many new
loan agreements have been signed in recent months, how much money
is involved, and how many completed IMF or World Bank agreements.
But I doubt that's the right test, or a fair test, particularly
when the oil crisis has inevitably slowed some timetables.
What we do know is that the World Bank has moved quickly to
play an increased role. A number of important negotiations are
in various stages with Argentina, Mexico, Ecuador, Colombia, the
Ivory Coast and others — more than I might have thought likely at
this stage. The Bank's ability to respond quickly reflects both
already established criteria for supporting the structural adjustment
process and its considerable experience in such areas as trade
policy, energy policy, and agricultural sector policy. There
are consultations underway with several of the major borrowers
with the objective of articulating a sound medium-term framework
for growth. These consultations have also had the benefit of
insights and advice from the Fund staff to help ensure that
Bank-supported sectoral programs are consistent with the country's
overall macro-economic requirements and priorities.
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But the real test can't be found in the activities of the
World Bank alone• Rather one has to reach judgments about the
approach of individual countries, their stated policies, and public
attitudes. And here, it seems to me, some remarkable changes are
in process. We do see important reforms of trade policies,
privatization of state enterprises, and rationalization of price
and regulatory systems in agricultural and financial sectors.
More immediately, most of the major borrowers since the end of 1984
have encouraged the development of more realistic exchange rates,
providing a competitive base for future export-led growth. Notably,
Argentina, Bolivia and Brazil have embarked since mid-1985 upon
bold domestic programs to disinflate and de-index, their economies.
More broadly, countries like Colombia, Ecuador, Chile
and Uruguay, in close collaboration with the Fund and Bank,
are proceeding with important success with broad programs they
developed before any articulation of a "Baker Plan,11
Altogether, there .is little doubt the winds of change are
blowing, and some sails are being set to catch the favoring breeze•
Now is the time to make the best of it«
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There has been a lot of attention given to the problem
of capital flight as a symptom of whether, in fact, progress
is being made* No doubt that is a serious issue — a kind of
litmus test of the confidence the citizens of a country have in
its own policies•
As I indicated earlier, the massive capital flight which
occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s greatly added to
the needs for external borrowing by the governments of several
countries — Mexico, Venezuela and Argentina in particular. In
that sense, it has been the underlying cause of the debt crisis.
But I think itfs also fair to say that capital flight has
receded somewhat in recent years as the policy shortcomings that
9
contributed to such flight have been corrected* While the data
have to be interpreted with great caution, recent studies suggest
that the pace of capital flight from major borrowers declined
significantly during the 1983-85 period from the rapid rate that
had prevailed during the previous two or three years. A number of
countries have done much better. Even in Mexico — where indirect
evidence set forth by soiae suggests continuing large capital flight
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through mid-1985 — substantial changes in policies have since
occurred which have tended to halt and, perhaps, even reverse
that process.
I don't refer to this evidence with any sense of complacency.
We are a considerable way from any point where we can say, with
confidence, that a constructive, self-sustaining process of growth
and development is underway, that access to external credit is
normal, or that fully effective use is being made of domestic
savings.
Certainly, within a political environment, the process of
working with the IMF and World Bank to achieve a clear and comprehensive
commitment to needed structural adjustments and associated financial
policies remains sensitive and challenging on all sides.
Commercial banks have made clear their broad support for the
broad concepts of the Baker initiative. But their willingness to
mobilize additional financing quickly once a borrower has developed
a policy program and received general international endorsement has
not been fully tested. Within the general framework of market criteria
and covering costs, there may also be room for exploring innovative
techniques in borrowing arrangements.
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Behind all those particulars, a still larger question
remains: Will the global environment be conducive to favorable
winds, to strong markets and to sustained growth for the developing
world?
One critical variable has been going rights The level of
world interest rates has receded markedly, taking at least part
of the sting out of the collapse in oil prices. The LIBOR rate
to which most loan agreements are keyed is more than 5-1/2 percent
below its mid-1984 level, and 1-1/4 percent below the level as
recently as December. Most loans are denominated in dollars, so
the decline in the dollar exchange rate is also helpful to most
borrowers.
The major countries just this week meeting in Tokyo stated
the importance they attach to a capital increase for the World
Bank when appropriate. To facilitate private capital movements
toward the major borrowing countries, industrialized countries
have also acted to support the new Multilateral Investment
Guarantee Agency, or MIGA, which should in time facilitate flows
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of direct investment. More particular actions can also help*
For example, export credit agencies of the OECD countries,
especially the U.S. Export-Import Bank, have been an important
source of support for the financing of trade flows to the
developing countries during this period of financial uncertainty.
The interruption to debt service by the borrowers has, in some
cases, caused official agencies to go "off cover" and cease new
lending to the country in question. While in some cases such
action may be justified, it will also have perverse incentive
effects in the context of efforts to achieve constructive debit
restructuring. I hope there is now more general recognition of
that fact.
Another obligation we must accept is to restrain the forces
of protectionism that hamper exports from developing countries to
our markets. With developing countries eager to import what
their resources can support, rising exports to the industrialized
countries also mean more buying from us* It's not a matter of
stealing jobs, but of being able to participate in, and share in
the fruits of, a competitive world economy.
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But none of those areas is so important to developing
countries over the next several years as the prospects for
sustained growth of world markets. And that unavoidedly raises
a question of adjustment not just by the borrowers but by the
industrialized world-
We collectively are in an expansion period that has already
been sustained longer than most. The evidence is clear that it
is the U.S. economy that has been the principal motor for that
expansion. But in that process, serious international imbalances
have developed. And, partly as a consequence, our own growth
has slowed.
Some relevant statistics reflect the problem. In 1982, our
current account deficit was $8 billion, while other members of the
G-5 combined has a surplus of $8 billion. As I mentioned earlier,
the 15 debtor countries, somewhat arbitrarily cited in the Baker
initiative, had a deficit of $50 billion.
By last year, while the debtor countries had achieved rough
balance, our deficit had moved to $118 billion, and to $146 billion
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at an annual rate by the final quarter. That is an amount
equivalent to more than 15 percent of our domestic manufacturing
output and explanation enough of the relative sluggishness of
the manufacturing sector over the past two years. Meanwhile,
the other G-5 countries achieved a current surplus of $68 billion
last year, with Japan alone at $50 billion.
In effect, over the past four years, the United States,
directly and indirectly has provided a disproportionate share
f
of the incremental demand to the world economy, and it has made
room for most of the external adjustments of the debtor counties
as well. In fact, Japan and Western Europe have essentially had
no increase in imports from Latin America since 1982.
The resultant strains are showing. I for one do not
believe there is any simple and easy solution to the imbalances
in exchange rate changes alone, however important, it is that we
have now achieved a more competitive exchange rate structure.
Among other things, we had better not forget that we are today the
world's largest debtor, dependent on a continuing large inflow
of capital to finance our own budget deficit, and that capital
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will not flow freely without continuing confidence in our own
stability.
The implication is not, of course, that we should stop
growing, but that other strong countries, with little or no
inflation, with excess capacity and historically high unemployment,
and with super-strong external positions, assume more of the
leadership in providing the impetus for world growth.
That is the essence of a coordinated strategy for growth,
far more fundamental than the precise timing of recent discount
rate actions by leading countries upon which there has been so
much comment. In fact, coordination in the broader, more
fundamental sense, will seldom imply lock-step action with respect
to a single policy variable in one direction — to the contrary,
it implies that when conditions vary among nations, then different
kinds of adjustments need to be made.
Such adjustments do not come easily — our long struggle
with our budget deficit is the most obvious case in point. But
if the procedures for surveillance elaborated at the Summit a
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few days ago are to be meaningful, that is the kind of mutually
complementary action that is required. And difficult as they
may he, the adjustments involved do not approach in relative
magnitude those required by the debtor countries *
In sum, I think we face a kind of watershed, not just with
respect to international debts, but with respect to management of
the world economy.
We have made great progress. The opportunities are
enormous.
And we also have a lot of work to do in translating rhetoric
into action, in our part of the world as well as to the south.
* * * * * * * **
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1986, May 7). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19860508_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19860508_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1986},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19860508_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}