speeches · July 19, 1983
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
10:00 A.M., E.D.T.
July 20 1983
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Statement by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
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before the
Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
House of Representatives
July 20, 1983
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
I welcome this opportunity to discuss Federal Reserve
monetary policy with the Banking Committee in the context of
current and prospective economic conditions and other policies
at home and abroad. You have before you the Midyear Monetary
Policy Report to the Congress prepared in accordance with the
Huitiphrey-Hawkins Act, This morning, I will highlight or expand
upon some aspects of that Report and deal with certain further
questions raised by your Chairman.
We meet at a time when economic activity is plainly
advancing at a rate of speed significantly faster than we., the
Administration, the Congress, and most other observers thought
likely at the start of the year. Over the past six or seven
months of expansion output has risen about as fast as in the
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average postwar recovery, more than 1 million more people are
employed, and the unemployment rate has dropped by nearly a
percentage point from its peak*
The very sizable gain in the Gross National Product
during the second quarter in substantial part reflected a
cessation of inventory liquidation «— and perhaps small
accumulations «-- by business. That is not unusual in the early
stages of expansion and does not necessarily suggest continuing
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gains at the same rate of speed. But it is also evident that
domestic final sales and incomes are now increasing fairly
rapidly, that the midyear tax cut has released further pur-
chasing power, and that consumer and business confidence has
improved. Consequently, strong forward momentum has carried
into the third quarter, and potentially beyond.
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The expansion so far has been accompanied by remarkably
good price performance. Finished producer prices were essentially
unchanged over the first half of 1983, and consumer prices were
up at a rate of only 3 percent through May and by about 3-1/2 percent
over the last twelve months. Perhaps more significant for the
future, the rate of nominal wage increase — at about a 4 per-
cent annual rate — is now at its lowest level since the mid-
1960's, while average real wages, as in 1982 are rising. That
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pattern has been assisted by sizable productivity gains.
In all these respects, we are clearly "doing better,"
Yet even as the economy has expanded and the inflation record
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has remained good, widespread forebodings remain evident for
the future. Those concerns are understandable and justified
so long as some major policy issues — issues that I emphasized
in my testimony to you earlier in the year — remain unresolved.
Indeed, the very speed and vigor of the recovery in its early
stages has increased the urgency of facing up to those problems,
I have repeatedly expressed the view that we have come
much of the way toward setting the stage for a long-sustained
period of recovery, characterized by greater growth in produc-
tivity and real incomes and by much greater price stability.
Responsible and prudent monetary policies must be one important
element in making that vision a reality. But it would be an
illusion to think that monetary policy alone can do the job,
and before turning to monetary policy in detail, I want to
touch again upon some crucially important aspects of the
environment in which monetary policy must be conducted.
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The Budgetary Situation
I am aware of the enormous effort in the Congress over
recent months to shape a responsible budgetary resolution -- indeed
to preserve an orderly budgetary process. But the concrete
results of that effort to date appear ambiguous at best, measured
against the challenge of reducing the growing structural deficits
embedded in the current budgetary outlook.
The current fiscal year is likely to see a budget deficit -
not counting Treasury or other market financing of off-budget
credit programs — of some $200 billion, or about 6-1/2 percent
of the GNP. Forecasts of future years necessarily entail judg-
ments about Congressional action yet to be taken as well as
economic factors. Should Congress fail to implement the expenditure
restraints as well as the revenue increases contemplated in the
recent Budget Resolution — and doubt has been expressed on that
point within the Congress itself — deficits appear likely to
remain close to $200 billion for several years, even taking
account of economic growth at the higher rates now projected.
The hard fact remains that, as economic growth generates income
and revenues to reduce the "cyclical" element in the deficit,
the "underlying" or "structural" position of the budget will
deteriorate without greater effort to reduce spending or increase
revenues from that incorporated in existing programs. We would
be left with the prospect that Federal financing would absorb
through and beyond the mid-1980fs a portion of our savings
potential without precedent during a period of economic growth.
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That outlook raises a fundamental question about the
consistency of the budget outlook with the kind of economy we
want. That is particularly the case with respect to such heavy
users of credit as housing and business investment* To put the
issue pointedly the government will be financed, but others
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will be squeezed out in the process.
While that threat has been widely recognized, there has
also been a comfortable assumption that the problem would not
become urgent until 1985 or beyond. That might be true in the
context of a rather slowly growing economy. But the speed of
the current economic advance certainly brings the day of reckoning
in financial markets earlier. In the second quarter, total non-
federal credit demands were already increasing substantially, even
though baisjjies^ demands were essentially unchanged at a relatively
low level. Potential credit market pressures have been ameloriated
by a growing inflow of foreign capital,but a net capital inflow
can be maintained only at the expense of a deep trade deficit.
Banks have been sizable buyers of government securities during
the early stages of recovery while business demands for credit
have been relatively slack. But there has also been some tendency
for overall measures of money, liquidity, and credit to rise
recently at rates that, if long sustained, would be inconsistent
with continuing or even consolidating progress toward price stability.
All of this, to my mind, points up the urgency of further
action to reduce the budgetary deficit to make room for the credit
needed to support growth in the private economy. Left unattended,
the situation remains the most important single hazard to the
sustained and balanced recovery we want.
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Dimension
The pressures on our capacity to finance both rising
private credit demands and a huge budgetary deficit have, as
I just noted, been one factor inducing a growing net capital
inflow. One short-term consequence is lower domestic interest
rates than might otherwise be necessary, and maintenance of
extraordinary strength of the dollar at a time of rising trade
and current account deficits. But the sustainability of those
trends can be questioned. The picture of the largest and
strongest economy in the world relying, in a capital-short
world, on large inflows of funds to finance, directly or in-
directly internal budget deficits is not an inviting one for
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the future* The implication would be a persistently weak trade
position, instability in the international financial system and
exchange rates and lack of balance in our recovery.
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More immediately, the pressing debt problems of much of
the developing world ~ centered in, but not confined to Latin
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America — remain a clear threat to financial stability• In
the period since we last discussed these issues, the strains
have been successfully contained, but by no means resolved.
To be sure, there are clear signs of progress with necessary
economic adjustment in some instances — notably in Mexico.
Within the past week, Brazil — which, along with Mexico, is
the largest debtor -- has taken forceful and encouraging domestic
actions that should provide a base for renewed IMF support and
for added private financing• But "normalcy" has plainly not
returned.
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Confidence and market-oriented financing patterns cannot
be fully restored without sustained growth among the industrialized
countries, so that the debtors can earn their way with greater
exports. Lower interest rates will be important as well. But
that process will take time. Meanwhile, failure to provide the
IMF — which is the international institution at the center of
the adjustment and financing process — with adequate resources
to do its job would deal a devastating blow to the extraordinary
cooperative effort that has been marshaled to manage the
situation, with potentially severe consequences for the U. S.
financial system as well as the developing world. Early action
by the House on the Administration1s request in this matter is
thus one key element in a program to sustain recovery.
Wage-Price Trends
I touched earlier on the relatively favorable wage-price-
productivity trends of the past year. We are now approaching
a new test — whether those trends can be extended into and
through a period of recovery. Today, orders are rising,
businesses are hiring, layoffs are sharply diminished, and profits
are improving. After the inflationary experience of the 1970's,
the temptation could arise to revert to what some might consider
"normal" behavior — to anticipate inflation, to return to
wage increases characteristic of the earlier decade, to
fatten profit margins as fast as possible by raising prices
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in a stronger market rather than relying on volume increases*
But pressed collectively, the irony would be that such behavior,
by inciting doubts about the inflationary outlook and affecting
interest rates, would impair prospects for continued growth
in real wages, in profits, and in employment.
We and other industrialized countries have had little
success in dealing with that threat through so-called "incomes
policies/' But government policy can make a powerful contribution
toward moderation through two avenues: first, by making evident
in its fiscal and monetary management that inflationary
pressures will continue to be contained, and second, by insisting
upon open, competitive markets,
In that respect, open markets internationally serve
our continuing basic interest in spurring efficiency and
competition. Virtually every country has made compromises
with protectionism during the period of recession. With
growth underway, it is time not only to halt but to reverse
that trend to help sustain expansion and the gains against
inflation.
Moreover, as the economy grows stronger, I hope we will
seriously turn more of our attention to the many purely domestic
inhibitions to competition, and to reducing the artificial
supports for prices and costs in some industries. All too
often they work at cross purposes to the needs of the economy
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as a whole.
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Monetary Policy in 1983 and Beyond
This setting of gratifying immediate progress, yet
evident looming threats, has provided the environment for
decisions with respect to monetary policy. As you are well
aware, interest rates dropped sharply during the second half
of 1982 as the recession continued, and, with inflation sub-
siding reserve pressures on the banking system were relaxed.
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Growth in money and credit has been quite plainly, adequate to
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support growth in economic activity — indeed more growth in
the first half of 1983 than had been generally anticipated.
During much of the period after mid-1982,, institutional
change, as well as adjustments by liquid asset holders to the
sharp drop in interest rates, to declining inflation, and to
the uncertainties of the recession, appeared to be affecting
one or another of the monetary aggregates. In particular, the
behavior of Ml in relation to economic activity and the nominal
GNP has raised questions about whether the patterns in velocity
established earlier in the postwar period might be changing,
cyclically or on a trend basis. For that reason less emphasis
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has been placed on that aggregate in policy implementation, For
a time, the enthusiastic reception of the public to — and
aggressive marketing by depositary institutions of — the new
ceiling-free Money Market Deposit Accounts plainly affected
growth in M2, Consequently, the target base for 1983 for that
aggregate was set at the February and March average, rather than
the fourth quarter of 1982, to avoid most of those distortions.
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More broadly^ given the questions about interpreting some of
the monetary and credit aggregates, judgments as to the ap-
propriate degree of pressure on bank reserve positions have
been conditioned by available evidence about trends in economic
and financial conditions, prices (including sensitive commodity
prices), exchange rates, and other factors.
Through most of the first half of the year, as the
economy picked up speed, the broader monetary and credit
aggregates moved consistently with the ranges set in February.
At the same time, trends in overall price indices were
relatively favorable, and sensitive commodity prices, after
an increase from cyclically depressed levels early in the
year, appeared to be leveling off in the second quarter. The
continuing exceptional strength of the dollar in foreign
exchange markets and the international financial strains did
not point in the direction of restraint. In all these cir-
cumstances, a broadly accommodative approach with respect to
bank reserves appeared appropriate, despite much higher growth
in Ml — alone among the targeted aggregates ~ than anticipated.
In the latter part of the second quarter, against the
background of growing momentum in economic activity, monetary
and credit growth showed some tendency to increase more
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rapidly, and Ml growth remained particularly high — higher,
if sustained, than seemed consistent with long-term progress
against inflation and sustained orderly recovery. In these
circumstances, the Federal Open Market Committee, beginning
in late May, has taken a slightly less accommodative posture
toward the provision of bank reserves through open market
operations, leading to some increase in borrowings at the
discount window. Whether viewed from a domestic or inter-
national perspective, limited, timely and potentially
reversible measures now, when the economy is expanding strongly,
are clearly preferable to the risks of permitting a situation
to develop that would require much more abrupt and forceful
action later to deal with new inflationary pressures and a
long-sustained pattern of excessive monetary and credit growth.
These steps have been accompanied by increases, ranging
from 3/4 to 1 percent or more in both long-and short-term
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market interest rates. Apart from any monetary policy actions,
these limited changes — particularly in the intermediate and
longer-term areas of the market — appear also to have been
influenced by larger private and government credit demands
currently, as well as by expectations generated by stronger
economic and monetary growth and the budgetary deficit.
Over the more distant future, balanced and sustained
economic growth — with strong housing and business investment —
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would appear more likely to require lower rather than higher
interest rates* That outcome, however, can be assured only
if the progress against inflation can be consolidated and
extended. In considering all these factors, the FOMC basically
concluded that the prospects for sustained growth and for
lower interest rates over time would be enhanced, rather
than diminished, by modest and timely action to restrain
excessive growth in money and liquidity, given its inflationary
potential* But I must emphasize again that the best assurance
we could have that monetary policy can in fact do its part by
avoiding excessive monetary growth within a framework of a
growing economy and reduced interest rates over time lies
not in the tools of central banking alone, but in timely
fiscal action.
Looking ahead, the Committee decided that the growth
ranges established early in the year for M2 and M3 during
1983 L7-10 percent and 6^-9^ percent, respectively) are still
appropriate. The most recent data, while showing somewhat
larger increases in June, are still within (M2) or about at
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to the upper end (M3), of those ranges. (Charts and tables attached.)
As anticipated, the massive shifting of funds into M2
as a result of the introduction of Money Market Deposit Accounts,
and to a more limited extent into Super NOW Accounts, has abated.
We assume these new accounts, and the further deregulation of
time deposit interest rates scheduled for October 1, will have
little impact on growth trends in the period ahead. Given the
reasonably favorable trend of prices, the ranges should be
consistent with more real growth than thought probable at the
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start of the year.
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The Committee also decided to continue the associated
ranges for growth in total domestic non-financial credit of
Bh to 11*5 percent. As you know 1983 is the first time the
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Committee has set a range for a broad credit aggregate, and
it is not given the same weight as the broader monetary aggregates,
at least while we gain experience. We are aware that, consistent
with the established range, growth in credit during 1983 could
exceed nominal GNP, although the long-term trend is for practically
no change in the ratio of credit to income (i.e., "credit velocity"
is relatively flat), Somewhat faster growth in credit is con-
sistent with experience so far this year, and may be related to
the relatively rapid expansion in Federal debt.
For 1984 the Committee tentatively looks toward a
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reduction of 1/2 percent in each of those ranges, for M2, M3,
and nonfinancial domestic credit. That small reduction appears
appropriate and desirable, taking account of the need to sustain
real growth while containing inflation. Those targets appear
fully consistent, in the light of experience, with the economic
projections of the Committee (as well as those of the Administration
and those underlying the Budget Resolution).
The targets are, of course, subject to review around
year end. One question that arises is whether the somewhat more
rapid growth in credit than nominal GNP will, or should desirably,
continue consistent with progress toward price stability and
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toward a more conservative pattern of private finance than
characteristic of the years of inflation. Again, the pressures
on aggregate debt expansion stemming from the budgetary situation
are a source of concern*
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Decisions concerning appropriate targets for Ml were
more difficult. As discussed further in an Appendix to this
statement, the velocity of Ml, whether measured as a contempo-
raneous or lagged relationship, has varied significantly from
usual cyclical patterns, dropping more sharply and longer during
the recession and failing to "snap back" as quickly. While a
number of more temporary factors may have contributed, a signif-
icant part of the reason appears to be related to the fact that
a major portion of the narrow "money supply" now pays interest,
and the "spread" between the return available to individuals
from holding Ml "money" and market rates has narrowed sub-
stantially more than the decline in market rates itself implies.
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Put another way, NOW accounts, where the growth has been most
rapid, are not only transaction balances, but now have a "savings"
or "liquid asset" component. For a time at least, uncertainty
about the financial and economic outlook, and less fear about
inflation, may also have bolstered the desire to hold money.
Growth in Ml «— in running well above our targets for
nine months *— has not, however, been confined to NOW accounts
alone, Moreover, there are signs that the period of velocity
decline may be ending. In looking ahead, with the economy
expanding and with ample time for individuals and others to have
adjusted to the rapid decline in interest rates last year, we
must be alert to the possibility of a rebound in velocity along
usual cyclical patterns, even though the longer-term trend may
be changing.
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In monitoring Ml, the Committee felt that an appropriate
approach would be to assess future growth from a base of the
second quarter of 1983, looking toward growth close to, or
below, nominal GNP. Specifically, the range was set at 5 to 9
percent for the remainder of this year, and at 1 percent lower —
4-8 percent — for 1984. Thus, the Committee, in the light of
recent developments looks toward, substantially slower, but not
a reversal, of Ml growth in the future. Velocity is expected
to increase, although not necessarily to the extent common in
earlier recoveries•
The range specified is relatively wide, but depending
on further evidence with respect to velocity, either the upper
or lower portion of the range could be appropriate. As this
implies, Ml will be monitored closely but will not be given
full weight until a closer judgment can be made about its velocity
characteristics for the future. We are, of course, aware that
proposals to pay interest on demand deposits could, if enacted,
influence velocity trends further over time.
These targets are designed to be consistent with continuing
growth in economic activity and reduced unemployment in a framework
of sustained progress against inflation — and indeed are designed,
insofar as monetary policy can, to contribute to those goals.
The targets, by themselves, do not necessarily imply either further
interest rate pressures or the reverse in the period ahead — much
will depend on other factors, In particular, progress in the budget
and continued success in dealing with inflation should be powerful
factors reducing the historically high level of interest rates over
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MTargeting" Other Economic Variables
The Chairman of the Committee has asked for my views on
the Federal Reserve's setting and announcing "objectives" for a
variety of economic variables. As you know, the FOMC already
reports its "projections" or "forecasts" for GNP, inflation,
and unemployment. These projections are included with the materials
I am reporting to the Committee today, as they have been at earlier
hearings. I believe the practice of reporting the full range and
the "central tendencyn of FOMC members' expectations about the
economy may be useful in reflecting the general direction of our
thinking as well as suggesting the range of possible outcomes for
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economic performance in the 12 or 18 months ahead, given our monetary
policy decisions and fiscal and other developments over those periods.
There is a sense in which those projections reflect a view
as to what outcome should be both feasible and acceptable — given
other policies and factors in the economy; otherwise monetary policy
targets would presumably be changed. But I would point out that,
like any other forecast, they are imperfect, and actual experience
has sometimes been outside the forecast ranges.
Moreover, I believe there are strong reasons why it would
be unwise to cite "objectives" for nominal or real GNP rather
than "projections" or "assumptions" in these Reports.
The surface appeal of such a proposal is understandable.
If a chosen path for GNP over a 6 to 18 month period could be
achieved by monetary policy, specific objectives might appear
to assist in debating and setting the appropriate course for
monetary policy.
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Unfortunately, the premise of that approach is not
valid — certainly not in the relatively short-run. The
Federal Reserve alone cannot achieve within close limits a
particular GNP objective — real or nominal — it or anyone
else would choose. The fact of the matter is monetary policy
is not the only force determining aggregate production and
income, Large swings in the spending attitudes and behavior
of businesses and consumers can affect overall income levels.
Fiscal policy plays an important role in determining economic
activity. Within the last decade, we also have seen the
effects of supply-side shocks, such as from oil price increases,
on aggregate levels of activity and prices. In the last six
months, even without such shocks, the economy has deviated
substantially from most forecasts, and from what might have
been set as an objective for the year.
The response might well be "so what" — it's still
better to have something to "shoot at." But encouraging
manipulation of the tools of monetary policy to achieve a
specified short-run numerical goal could be counterproductive
to the longer-term effort. Indeed, we do want a clear idea of
what to "shoot at" over time •— sustained, non-inflationary
growth. But the channels of influence from our actions -- the
purchase or sale of securities in the market or a change in the
discount rate — to final spending totals are complex and in-
direct and operate with lags, extending over years. The attempt
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to "fine tune" over, say, a six-month or yearly period, toward
a numerically specific, but necessarily arbitrary, short-term
objective could well defeat the longer-term purpose.
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Equally dangerous would be any implicit assumption, in
specifying an "objective" for GNP, that monetary policy is
so powerful it could be relied upon to achieve that objective
whatever else happens with respect to fiscal policy or other-
wise • Such an impression would be no service to the Congress
or to the public at large; at worst, it would work against
the hard choices necessary on the budget and other matters,
and ultimately undermine confidence in monetary policy itself.
Some of the difficulties could, in principle, be met by
specifying numerical "objectives" over a longer period of time.
But, experience strongly suggests that the focus will inevitably,
in a charged political atmosphere, turn to the short-run. The
ability of the monetary authorities to take a considered longer
view — which, after all, is a major part of the justification
for a central bank insulated from partisan and passing political
pressures «— would be threatened. Indeed, in the end, the
pressures might be intense to set the short-run "objectives"
directly in the political process, with some doubt that that
result would give appropriate weight to the longer-run con-
sequences of current policy decisions.
I would remind you that we have paid a high price for
permitting inflation to accelerate and become embedded in our
thinking and behavior, partly because we often thought we could
"buy" a little more growth at the expense of a little inflation.
The consequences only became apparent over time, and we do not
want to repeat that mistake.
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Put another way, decisions on monetary policy should
take account of a variety of incoming information on GNP or its
components, and give weight to the lagged implications of its
actions beyond a short-term forecast horizon. This simply
can't be incorporated into annual numerical objectives.
As a practical matter, I would despair of the ability
of any Federal Reserve Chairman to obtain a meaningful agreement
on a single numerical "objective" among 12 strong-willed
members of the FOMC in the short run ««— meaningful in the sense
of being taken as the anchor for immediate policy decisions.
Submerging differences in the outlook in a statistical average
would, I fear, be substantially less meaningful than the present
approach.
As you know, we adopted this year the approach of
indicating the "central tendency" of Committee thinking as well
as the full range of opinion. These "estimates" provide, it
seems to me, a focus for debate and discussion about policy
that, in the end, should be superior to an artificial process
of "objective" setting that may obscure, rather than enlighten,
the real dilemmas and choices.
Your questions, Mr. Chairman, went on to raise the issue
of international coordination of monetary policy and whether
or not to stabilize exchange rates multilaterally. I can deal
with these important issues here only in a most summary way.
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Coordination, in the broad sense of working together
toward more price stability and sustained growth, is plainly
desirable — indeed it must be the foundation of greater
exchange rate and international financial stability in the
common interest. But stated so broadly, it is clearly a
goal for economic policy as a whole, not just monetary policy.
The appropriate level of interest rates or monetary
growth in any country are dependent in part on the posture of
other policy instruments and economic conditions specific to
that country. For that reason, explicit coordination, interpreted
as trying to achieve a common level of, for instance, interest
rates or money growth, nnay be neither practical nor desirable in
specific circumstances. What does seem to me desirable — and
essential -- is that monetary (and other) policies here and
abroad be conducted with full awareness of the policy posture,
and possible reactions, of others, and the international con-
sequences. In present circuiristances, we work toward that
objective by informal consultations in a variety of forums
with our leading trade and financial partners, recently on
some occasions with the presence of the Managing Director
of the IMF.
As this may imply, I believe a greater degree of exchange
market stability is clearly desirable, in the interest of our
own economy, but that must rest on the foundation of internal
stability. In recent years, in my judgment, the priority has
clearly had to lie with measures to achieve that necessary
internal stability. In specific situations, particular
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actions may appear to conflict with the desirability of exchange
rate stability; that possibility is increased when the "mix"
of fiscal and monetary policy is far from optimal, as I discussed
earlier in my statement. Such "conflicts" should diminish as
internal stability is more firmly established.
The idea of a more structured international system of
exchange rates to enforce greater stability in the international
monetary and trading system raises issues far beyond those I
can deal with here. I do not believe it would be practical
to move toward such a system at the present time, but neither
would I dismiss such a possibility over time should we
and others maintain progress toward the necessary domestic
prerequisites.
Concluding Remarks
In important ways, even more progress toward our continuing
economic objectives has been made during the past six months
than we anticipated. But it is also true — partly because
economic growth has increased — that the need to deal, promptly
and effectively, with the obstacles to sustained growth and
stability have become more pressing. Those obstacles are well
known to all of you. There is, indeed, little disagreement,
conceptually, about their nature.
What has been lacking is a strong consensus about the
specifics of how, in a practical way, to deal with them. There
should be no assumption that monetary policy, however conducted,
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can itself substitute for budgetary discipline, for open and
competitive markets, for inadequate savings, or for structural
financial weaknesses.
The world economy offers ample illustration of the
dangers of procrastination and delay in the face of political
impasse, and in the hope that problems will subside by them-
selves — only to be faced, in crisis circumstances, with the
need for still stronger action in an atmosphere of shattered
confidence. That great intangible of confidence, once lost,
can only be rebuilt laboriously, step by step.
Here in the United States we have, with great effort,
already gone a long way toward rebuilding the foundation for
growth and stability. We are not today in crisis. The American
economy — for all its difficulties — still stands as a beacon
of strength and hope for all the world.
We know something of the risks and difficulties that
could turn the outlook sour. But I also know that the actions
necessary to make the vision of stability and sustained growth
a reality are within our grasp. We have come too far, with too
much effort, to fail to carry through now.
• * • * *
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APPENDIX
Questions have been raised about the practicality of identifying
a particular concept of money that has a stable relationship to broader
economic objectives, such as economic activity, prices, and employment,
and about the related issue of whether the recent "breakdown" in velocity
behavior relative to historical norms is temporary or longer-lasting.
Both these questions bear directly on the role of monetary aggregates in
the formulation and implementation of monetary policy.
No single concept or definition of money or credit aggregates
can reasonably be expected always to provide reliable signals about
economic performance, or about the course of monetary policy and its
relation to the nation's basic economic objectives of sustainable economic
growth, high employment, and stable prices. One reason is that market
innovations and regulatory changes can alter the significance of the
various aggregates at different times. Usually, however, such changes
take place gradually without basically altering relationships over the
shorter-term. On occasion, their impact may be more sizable and abrupt,
both in terms of influence on measured monetary aggregates and their
relation to over-all economic performance. Definitions of the monetary
aggregates can be, and have been, adapted to significant institutional
changes, although all definitions of "money" necessarily involve at the
margin a degree of arbitrariness. The various money and near-money
assets often serve a variety of functions for their holders that cannot
be precisely distinguished statistically.
Even in the absence of institutional changes in financial
markets, changes in the public's desires to hold liquidity as compared
with "normal" past patterns can, through impacts on velocity, alter growth
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rates in the aggregates that may be consistent with broader economic
developments* These shifts in liquidity preference historically have
occurred during periods characterised by unusual economic uncertainties
associated with such developments as protracted economic weakness, fears
of inflation, or instability in the financial system*
Consequently,, the use of monetary &n& credit aggregates as guides
for policy and in interpreting likely economic developments requires con-
tinuing judgment about the impact of emerging institutional developments
and changing public preferences for money and credit demands, particularly
when the economic or financial environment has changed drastically® In
that context the value of the aggregates for policy depends not so much
5
on the "stability" of their relationships to other economic variables, but
on the predictability of these relationships, taking into account structural
shifts that are known to be in process* Monetary targeting is based on the
presumption that structural changes will not be so rapid or so unpredictable
as to undermine the usefulness of the aggregates as annual targets, although
over time they may need to be adapted to ongoing behavioral changes.
For the past decade or so a series of institutional changes have
affected the meaning and interpretation of the several monetary aggregates*
Around the mid-1970s„ various instruments and techniques began to be
developed in financial markets that enabled depositors to economize on
holdings of cash and to earn interest on highly liquid balances that to
some extent substituted for cash* This new financial technology, abetted
by legislative and regulatory changes that permitted depository institu-
tions to compete more effectively, changed the shape of financial markets.
The Federal Reserve adapted its definitions of monetary aggregates to
the emerging institutional structure.
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The narrowest definition of money—Ml—was designed to measure
transaction balances, and thus could be expected to bear a closer, more
predictable relation to aggregate spending than the broader measures,
which were affected as well by attitudes toward saving and wealth. The
measure of Ml was redefined a few years ago in light of institutional
changes to encompass transaction-type balances held in forms other than
demand deposits• In particular, interest-bearing savings accounts subject
to a regulatory ceiling rate but with checkable features (such as regular
NOW accounts) were included in the measure, and later such accounts that
could pay a market rate were also added (super-NOW accounts)• However,
these accounts served broader purposes for their holders than simply
facilitating transactions• They also were an attractive repository for
longer-term savings* Thus, interpretation of Ml was affected, and made
less certain, especially over the past year or more, by its changing
character; and the weight placed on this aggregate in policy implementa-
tion was necessarily altered during such periods of transition*
Over the last several quarters, the income velocity of Ml has
fallen considerably and been much weaker than experience over comparable
stages of post-war business cycles would have suggested, whether velocity
is measured contemporaneously as the relationship of GNP to money in the
current quarter or is measured on a lagged basis as the relationship of
GNP to money one or two quarters earlier* This occurred as the share of
NOW accounts in the aggregate expanded, as financial markets adjusted to
lower rates of inflation, and as economic uncertainties were heightened
during the recent period of economic contraction* The unusually large
and sustained drop in Ml velocity may in the circumstances in large part
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reflect an enhanced demand for Ml that arose from the decline in inflation
and the related sharp fall in market interest rates during the second half
of 1982. The availability of interest-bearing NOW accounts may have made
depositors even more willing to hold funds in Ml-type accounts as market
interest rates declined. In addition, Ml was probably boosted by heightened
savings and precautionary demands. These savings demands originally mani-
fested themselves in the contractionary phase of the current economic cycle,
but apparently have to a degree continued into the expansion phase.
The "breakdown" in the pattern of the velocity of Ml, in the
sense of its unusual behavior during the current economic cycle, may well
be abating. Its income velocity declined much less in the second quarter
of this year than it had over the previous five quarters—which may suggest
that velocity is beginning to move back toward a more familiar and pre-
dictable pattern of behavior. Of course, the radical change in composition
of Ml over the past two and a half years—with interest-bearing NOW accounts
(some subject to ceiling rates and some at market rates) presently repre-
senting about one-third of the deposits included in Ml, a share that will
probably grow—suggests that the pattern of Ml velocity, even after a
transition period, may come to vary from what it had been in the past.
While the relatively short experience with an Ml measure that
includes a prominent savings component (NOW accounts) tends to heighten
uncertainty when predicting velocity behavior, it is by no means clear
that our understanding of emerging velocity trends will be so limited
as to preclude reasonable estimates of the outlook for velocity. Efforts
to re-estimate money demand equations in light of recent institutional
developments have helped explain a considerable part of recent velocity
movements, and can be expected te> be of assistance in projecting velocity.
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Institutional changes have also affected the broader aggregates—
M2 and M3—and they have been redefined as necessary to incorporate new
instruments, such as money market funds, repurchase agreements, Eurodollars,
and money market deposit accounts. With the definitional coverage of broad
money measures enlarged, they encompass a very wide spectrum of liquid
assets, so that these measures would tend to be less distorted than Ml
by financial innovations and shifts of funds among various liquidity
instruments• Very large shifts of funds, as were associated with the
introduction of MMDAs, could distort particular money measures for a
relatively short time, as was the case particularly for M2 in early 1983.
While the velocity of M2 departed from historical norms during
the past several quarters, it did so to a lesser degree than Ml. During
the recent downturn M2 velocity declined only somewhat more than it had
in past cyclical contractions on average. Thus far in the recovery phase
of the cycle, the velocity of M2 has turned upward on average (after
rough allowance for the distorting influence of shifts associated with
the introduction of MMDAs) within the range of experience of previous
cyclical expansions.
With regard to credit, institutional developments, the process
of deregulation, and the emergence of innovative financing techniques in
bond and other markets have contributed to reducing the special signifi-
cance of bank credit as the cutting edge of changes in credit availability.
As a result, more weight has been placed on a broad measure of total
credit—'in particular, the aggregate debt of domestic nonfinancial sectors—
for helping to track credit needs as related to the overall economy and to
guide monetary policy in that respect.
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In brief, several money and credit measures taken as a group,
together with an updating of definitions and measurement techniques as
needed, can serve, and have served, as a useful guide for monetary policy,
and in the light of a long sweep of history cannot be ignored« While it
is true individual aggregates from time to time may be distorted by special
developments and may not readily track the performance of the economy, the
presumption remains of a longer-term stability and predictability in
relationships•
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Longer-run Ranges for Monetary and Credit Aggregates
Set by FOMC, 1983 and Tentative 1984
(Per cent increase, Q4 to Q4 unless otherwise noted)
Target Ranges
1983 1984
M2 7 to 101/ 6-1/2 to 9-1/2
M3 6-1/2 to 9-1/2 6 to 9
Monitoring Ranges
1983 1984
Ml 5 to 91/ 4 to 8
Total credit!/ 8-1/2 to 11-1/2 8 to 11
1. February-March 1983 average taken as base.
2. Q2 1983 taken as base.
3. Represents growth in domestic nonfinancial sector debt between yearends,
Economic Projections for 1983 and 1984
FOMC Members Admini-
Range Central Tendency stration
1983
Percent change, fourth quar-
ter to fourth quarter:
Nominal GNP 9-1/4 to 10-3/4 9-3/4 to 10 10.4
Real GNP 4-3/4 to 6 5 to 5-3/4 5.5
Implicit deflator for GNP 4 to 5-1/4 4-1/4 to 4-3/4 4.6
Average level in the fourth
quarter, percent:
Unemployment rate 9 to 9-3/4 About 9-1/2 9.6
1984 -
Percent change, fourth quar-
ter to fourth quarter:
Nominal GNP 7 to 10-1/4 9 to 10 9.7
Real GNP 3 to 5 4 to 4-1/2 A.5
Implicit deflator for GNP 3-3/4 to 6-1/2 A-l/A to 5 5.0
Average level in the fourth
quarter, percent:
Unemployment rate 8-1/4 to 9-1/4 8-1/4 to 8-3/4 8.6
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Ranges and Actual Money Growth
M2
Billions of dollars
• — Range Pdopteci by FOMC for Rates of Growth
10°
Feb /Mar 1983 to 1983 O4 (annual rate)
2200
Feb./Mar 1983 to 1983 Q2
8.2 percent
2150
Feb /Mar. 1983 to June 1983
2100 9.1 percent
2050
2000
1950
O |I NN Ii D J i F i MI M| IA Ai IM| J i J I 1A , A S1 b 1
1982 1983
M3
Billions of dollars
Range adopted by FOMC for Rates of Growth
1982 Q4 to 1983 Q4 (annual rate)
1982 Q4 to 1983 Q2
2600
9.3 percent
1982 Q4 to June 1983
9.6 percent
2500
2400
O | N | D I J | F | M | A | M | J | J | A j S | O | N jD
1982 1983
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Ranges and Actual Money and Credit Growth
M1
Billions o? dollars
Ranges adopted by FOMC for Rates of Growth
1982 Q4 to 1983 Q2 and (annual rate)
.9%
1983 Q2 to 1983 Q4
1982 Q4 to 1983 Q2
520
5°o 13.4 percent
1982 Q4 to June 1983
1 3 9 percent
500
8%
480
O | N . D J | F | M I A i M I J | J i A | S I O i N I D
1982 1983
Total Domestic Nonfinancial Sector Debt
Billions of dollars
Range adopted by FOMC for Rate of Growth
Dec. 1982 to Dec. 1983 (annual rate)
Dec. 1982 to June 1983
5200
10.6 percent
5000
4800
O | N | D | J | F | M j A | M | J | J ) A | $ | O [ N |D
1982 1983
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1983, July 19). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19830720_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19830720_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1983},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19830720_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}