speeches · April 27, 1983
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
8:00 p.m. E.D.T.
April 28, 1983
Remarks by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman Board of Governors of the Federal Peserve System
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before the
Forex Association of North America
New York, New York
April 28, 1983
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I am pleased to be here tonight as the guest of the Forex
Association of North America on your 25th anniversary. Your
members are primarily traders in foreign exchange* I have been told
by some economists that, by their standards, your markets are highly
efficient and you are blessed with near "perfect foresight.11 Their
standard, I believe, is whether they could forecast better with an
econometric model. My only response is that they ought to raise
their sights!
Obviously we have lived through a period of
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extraordinarily unstable markets —- certainly foreign exchange and
other financial markets, but also markets for basic commodities and
goods and services. It may be an exhilarating "game88 for a young
trader, but there is substantial room for doubt as to its benefits
^ the economy as a whole. I suspect you fundamentally share my
belief that we need a stable economic environment at home and abroad
if we are to enjoy a sustained period of non-inflationary growth in
this country. That stability is, of course, the basic aim of
Federal Reserve policy.
You will understand, I am sure, that to my taste, the
fashionable emphasis on Federal Reserve policy as the dominant force
for good or evil in the world economy has been enormously
exaggerated. I realize high interest rates — and maybe even more,
sharp swings in interest rates — have had a large influence on
international capital flows and exchange rates. Other countries, as
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a result, have sometimes been faced with sharpened dilemmas in the
conduct of their own economic policies. Of course, those same
capital flows and exchange rate movements have been troublesome to
the United States itself.
I don't want to debate or defend every aspect of U.S.
macro-economic policy; obviously the United States (as other
countries) could, in concept, have had a better policy mix. But the
real source of the instability, and the basic reason for the
monetary policy approach adopted by the United States and its
difficulty, seems to me straightforward; it is no secret to foreign
exchange traders, and the problems have not been unique to the
United States.
The point of departure for policy was that, after the
deteriorating performance of the 1970's, a base for economic growth
and financial and exchange rate stability could not be restored
without dealing with inflation. I believe there was a public
consensus that the job needed to be done — a willingness to take
and support stronq measures. That was true because there was
widespread concern that an already unsatisfactory situation — a
rising trend of prices and unemployment over more than a decade and
declining growth in productivity — could deteriorate further in an
alarming way.
For one reason or another, the burden of dealing with
inflation fell heavily to monetary policy. The technique chosen
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was not very subtle — restraint as consistent as we could make it,
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on growth of money and credit.
Progress toward disinflation at first was slow — almost
invisible* There was enormous skepticism whether the inflationary
tide could be turned at all. There were strong expectations about
future price increases built into wage and price behavior. Growing
budget deficits added to credit market pressures and fed the doubts
about the future* Economic rigidities slowed adjustment, and as a
result strong pressure on credit markets and interest rates
persisted longer than anticipated. But for a long while there was
little room for modifying policy in response to domestic or
international concerns. The danger was that the wrong "signals"
would only increase the risk that the whole process of restoring
stability -— domestically or internationally —- would be longer
delayed or even aborted.
I would point out that a number of other major industrial
countries had come to more or less the same conclusion — that the
domestic inflation problem demanded priority. The point was in fact
urged by the IMF and accepted at successive summit meetings. There
was a common recognition that the prospects for future stability of
any international system -- the possibility of restoring stability
to exchange rates, low interest rates, and sustained growth — would
ultimately depend on the success of measures to restore domestic
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stability in the leading countries, and most of all in the United
States.
Now we can see clear progress in terms of declining
inflation rates. But we also have to recognize that stabilizing
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prices at a time of the most severe recession in 40 years is in no
sense "victory," The real achievement will only be found in a
non-inflationary economic expansion. And in that environment, we
can repair and strengthen the strained fabric of international
finance and trade.
From a U.S. perspective I believe there are substantial
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grounds for optimism. Basic cost trends — particularly wage
increases -- have been sustantially moderated. Productivity seems
to be picking up once again. A recovery has started. Forces are in
place to keep it going for a while even though the expansion so far
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is still limited and uneven. Barring political upset in the Middle
East, the risks of a third round of large oil price increases in a
relevant time horizon have been dissipated. I realize interest
rates remain very high by any historic standard. But continuation
of the progress against inflation should, over time, provide a base
for further declines to help sustain the recovery. While there are
exceptions, a number of industrial countries seem to be somewhat
similarly placed.
Such an environment should be conducive to recovery of
world investment, growth of productivity, less financial
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and economic pressure on the developing world — and potentially to
more stable exchange rates. But, there are, of course, hazards and
risks as well* They won't disappear without strong effort, and the
solutions will test the strength of our own resolve and of
international cooperation.
The roost obvious risk to sustained, non-inflationary
expansion lies in our own budgetary situation* National budgets
are, of course, preeminently the bread and butter of domestic
politics, as well as of national economic policy. For the past two
and a half years, the debates in the Congress have been dominated by
the issue* The resolution of that debate is going to have a great
deal to do not only with interest rate and economic propects in the
United States but also with the growth of the world economy — and
the stability of the monetary system — in the years ahead*
The outline of the problem is familiar enough, and I won't
linger over it. The potential for a continuing clash in the
marketplace as growth in the private economy generates more private
credit demands — a clash that would be reflected in continuing
abnormally high interest rates and doubtful prospects for investment
and housing — is clear enough. One aspect has not had enough
attention: the pressure on our credit markets tends to attract
capital from abroad, with continuing consequences for dollar
exchange rates, for distorting our trade and competitive position,
and for the balance of world saving and investment.
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The problem cannot be solved by monetary policy. We must
not be put in the position of validating inflation through excesive
money creation — that couldn't work for long in easing market
pressures, and the effect would be to sacrifice our painful progress
against inflation. But the alternative of seeing the private sector
squeezed for credit is hardly inviting, either.
In the midst of recession, with inflation and private
credit demands both declining, interest rates could drop
substantially, as we have seen. But the circumstances will be
different as the recovery proceeds. Prolonged huge budget deficits
impair the prospects for lower interest rates, even in the face of
lower inflation, and mean that monetary policy will need to continue
to carry the burden of efforts to maintain the progress toward
stability.
Fundamentally, policies aimed at domestic stability should
not be at odds with stability in the international monetary system.
Quite the contrary: as central bankers have argued ad nauseam, the
stability of the international monetary system as a whole, and of
exchange rates, within it, must rest on the stability of its
component parts — the main national economies, and most of all, the
stability of the dollar internally.
However, restating that general truth does not dispose of
the issue. The restoration of domestic stability is itself a difficult
process with external reprecussions; as we have seen, the process
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is further complicated when the balance between fiscal and monetary
policy is less than ideal.
We know exchange rates have fluctuated widely throughout
much of the "floating era." While some or most of the major swings
have had a rationale in terms of divergences in inflation rates,
competitive positions, or "structural" changes, the extent and
timing of some of the changes have, even in retrospect, been
difficult to explain. Looking ahead, the question remains as to how
we can provide greater assurance that, as the disinflationary
process proceeds, exchange rates will in fact be more stable.
We can take the view of not arguing with the wisdom of the
market — that what happens, happens, and shouldn't be
second-guessed by officials and bureaucrats with biases of their own
-- or that exchange rate fluctuations are of secondary importance.
But responsible officials do have an obligation to ask to what
extent we can work more effectively to dampen extreme exchange rate
swings that, by common agreement, seem far out of keeping with
underlying needs and trends.
One means often suggested of working toward greater
stability would be to intervene directly in a more coordinated way
in the exchange markets. Fashions in that respect have changed from
time to time in the United States, in Japan, and in various European
countries. Philosophical and practical differences in that respect
led to a decision at the Versailles Economic Summit to study the
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issue together; that study is in the final stages of review,
don't want to anticipate "the conclusion that will be reached, but I
do believe it is fair to say that evidence as well as experience
suggests that intervention is a limited tool that cannot, itself,
alter major market forces.
However, my own belief is that we can hold out some
prospect of damping extreme exchange rate movements in a context of
greater domestic stability if we recognize the implications for
domestic policies and their "mix" in the leading countries. The
objective will certainly need to be defined and pursued with
appropriate modesty, recognizing the large limitations on our
ability to determine the "right" exchange rate and on the tools at
our disposal. We should be skeptical about our ability to judge the
"right" exchange rate — even an appropriate "zone." But from time
to time it may be possible to reach a consensus on when exchange
rates seem clearly "wrong" — at levels that are unsustainable and
mutually damaging to our economic objectives.
To be successful in achieving greater exchange rate
stability, market participants will have to be convinced that
nations seriously include such stability among their policy
objectives. Stating the point that way illustrates the basic
difficulty — in the past, when points of conflict arose, the
exchange rate objective has often seemed to give way to so-called
domestic objectives.
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Over time, however, the objectives of domestic and
exchange rate stability should broadly coincide* We have by now
plenty of evidence that extreme and prolonged swings in exchange
rates can themselves be damaging to domestic objectives, and changes
in exchange rates provide evidence about the state of expectations
and the degree of domestic economic pressure. More often than not,
suspect that a policy response to wide movements in exchange rates
will turn out to be appropriate on domestic grounds as well, In
other words, exchange rate movements can help "tell us" something
useful, and we should be prepared to listen, accepting that the
''discipline" of exchange rates can at times reinforce the domestic
objective of stability* To take U.S. experience as an example* the
tightening of domestic policy in late 1978, and again in 1979^ had
important international "ingredient/1 but was certainly in the
direction consistent with domestic needs.
At the same time, we need to recognize the limitations on
our ability to assess or enforce an "appropriate" exchange rate*
Exchange rates are inherently two-sided, and action to stabilize
them often depends upon cooperative action. National views on what
is an "appropriate" exchange rate may, and often do, differ.
Experience with fixed exchange rates clearly indicates that there
will be strong differences on who takes the burden of policy action
to maintain the exchange rate* As recent European events
demonstrate again, that is a matter of strong domestic economic and
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political sensitivity. It was reasoning along these lines that led
to the decision to float in the first place — to in a sense, leave
it to the market to resolve the matter.
My conclusion is that, if we are not too ambitious, we can
constructively do something to help stabilize exchange rates within
the general framework of the floating system. As inflationary
forces recede here and abroad, and as confidence increases in our
ability to keep inflation under control, nations should be in a
position to accept in the formulation and execution of monetary
policy, and in the fiscal-monetary policy mix, a degree of
discipline implicit in the desirability of greater exchange rate
stability. It is in that broader framework that intervention may,
at times, have a modest but useful subsidiary role to play —
and I welcome the discussions among the leading countries in an
effort to reach a better consensus on the point.
Stability in the international system, as well as
prospects for orderly expansion will more immediately depend on our
continuing collective ability to cope with the strains on
international and credit markets growing out of the heavy
indebtedness of a number of important developing countries. The
problems of Latin America and several East European countries are
familiar to all of you. Financial constraints have abruptly halted
growth and potentially placed severe strains on their economic and
political structures. While we can, in time of need, provide strong
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and effective support to our banking system, our economy and our
credit markets could not be fully insulated from the repercussions
of intensified international financial strains.
I believe real progress is being made in dealing with
those problems* But we should not delude ourselves into believing
that containment of the problem is equivalent to a solution. There
is a sense in which the purely financial manipulations — the
provision of new money by the commercial banks and the "bridging9*
credits by central banks, the various "standstills" and rescheduled
loans -- are stopgaps. We have rapidly moved from a market-driven
system of lending to many developing countries to highly organized
lending programs — hardly a satisfactory situation. Nor is any
return to ''normalcy/8 in that respect, imminent. For their part,
the borrowing countries, whatever their mood today, are not likely
to find the present situation tolerable indefinitely.
All of this is a situation ready-made for spawning paper
plans for some kind of grand reorganization of international lending
it's a game anyone with a little knowledge and a little
imagination is tempted to play. You start by setting out some broad
conception of who will lend how much, for how many years, at what
interest rate, in accord with some preconceived notion as to how
much money the borrowers can reasonably afford to pay, how much
governments will be willing to provide, and how much the banks
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should lose. Then, presumably, everyone is asked to "stand still"
while a grand negotiation of terms proceeds.
I have to say that, while I admire their ingenuity, those
across-the-board plans seem to me impractical. The world isn't
going to stand still, and the vision of a negotiated across-the-
board solution will be counter-productive if it diverts attention
from the practical, immediate problems. In the United States, as
you know, there is strong resistance to Congressional approval of
U.S. participation in the enlargement of the resources of the IMF
and the General Arrangements to Borrow (GAB), even though that
institution has been long established and strongly supported by the
United States through the years. I detect no probability of a
favorable and timely response to a request for sizable new budget
outlays to as it would inevitably be put, "bailout" banks and
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"foreigners•M I doubt that prospect would be all that much better
in other countries.
There are other inherent problems. If public funds or
private concessions could be negotiated on a generalized basis,
there would be strong pressures to extend those benefits as a matter
of simple equity to virtually all developing country borrowers; a
system that provided relief only to those least prudent in the past
could hardly be defended. In the wake of such negotiations, a
return to "normal," in the sense of developing countries restoring
their access to new private credit, would be hard to foresee. In
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the end their long-run growth prospects could be inadvertently
damaged by the application of such generalized programs of debt
forgiveness.
Plainly, the problem cannot just be "papered over." But I
believe the present approach is not simply one of buying time, and
is consistent with more fundamental solutions. First, for their
part, the major borrowers do have to adjust their economies —
internally and externally — to restore a base for growth. It can
be a harsh process, but that process is eased, not made more
difficult, by cooperation with the IMF, the World Bank, and private
creditors — all of which will and do provide support when they have
grounds for confidence that progress is being made. We can
potentially, with the enlargement of the resources of the Fund and
imaginative World Bank participation, provide more time and
resources for the borrowing countries to do their part. Second, the
adjustment efforts of the borrowers — to be successful within a
realistic time period — do need to be complemented by growth and by
lower interest rates in the developed world. I have already
indicated some grounds for encouragement on that score -- though we
have a ways to go to make that promise a reality.
In the light of the threat to stability and prosperity
from international financial pressures, we can take some
satisfaction from the fact that the situation has called forth a
strong international cooperative effort. There was no "rule book,"
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no pre-agreed approach or single international institution exactly
suited to the job. But the fact is the IMF and the BIS national
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governments and central banks of the Group of Ten, borrowing
countries and the lending banks, all quickly recognized the nature
of the problem and the common interest in working together to
contain it. That is international cooperation in the flesh.
I was asked recently, as part of a survey of monetary
officials, whether I sensed that international economic cooperation
had in fact declined over the past 10 or 15 years. What people mean
by cooperation is highly subjective, and I doubt my answer was
enlightening to the inquirers. But, the question intrigues me, and
I have tried it out on my colleagues at home and abroad. What
surprised me — and may console you — is that in my informal survey
a number of officials actually on the firing line throughout this
past decade, in the United States and Europe, responded quite
positively. In the face of severe challenge from technological
change, from economic and political "shocks," and from the sense of
more difficult and complicated domestic problems, they were inclined
to see more willingness to consult in a meaningful way. They felt
we are now more open and candid with each other, that we exchange
more information — and collect more of it together — and that we
are at least as willing as before to recognize joint problems and
consider joint solutions. Implicit or explicit in that view was the
idea that mutual recognition of the desirability, where possible,
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of looking to "market" solutions can itself be a constructive act of
cooperation.
For you caught up in the crush and urgency of minute-by-
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minute decision-making, trying to make sense of the flow of orders
and the latest flash on your computer screens, that all may seem
abstract and distant. But my own conviction is that when the spirit
is willing, we can in fact find our way toward greater economic and
financial stability. The aim is not to deprive you of your joy or
your livelihood. Rather we want to provide you with long and lazy
afternoons of placid trading — a calm characteristic of a stable
international financial system.
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1983, April 27). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19830428_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19830428_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1983},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19830428_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}