speeches · January 26, 1983
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
Idol release on delivery
ijEfeslOO A.M. , E.S.T.
January 27, 1983
Statement by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Joint Economic Committee
January 27, 1983
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I appreciate the opportunity to appear before this
Committee today. In about three weeks, the Federal Reserve
will submit its semi-annual monetary policy report to Congress.
At that time, I will be reporting on the details of monetary
policy, including the Federal Reserve's objectives for the
growth of money and credit over the period ahead. This
morning 1 will confine my statement to more general consider-
ations of domestic and international economic policies within
the context of recent and prospective developments*
The past year and a half has been a difficult period
in the nation's economic history. Output has contracted, too
much of our industrial capacity lies idle, and unemployment
is far too high — the highest since World War II. But as
we enter the new year, there are encouraging signs that reces-
sionary pressures in some key sectors are abating. Substantial
progress has been made in reversing the inflationary trend of
the past decade, and we can build on that progress. Of central
importance to that outlook are signs that productivity may be
growing more rapidly after a decade of increasingly unsatisfactory
performance. Consequently, the stage appears set for sustainable
recovery in business activity, bringing with it the higher levels
of employment and real income that we all desire. The challenge
for policy is to make that prospect a reality that can carry
forward for many years.
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An important element in this improved outlook is the
change in financial market conditions over the past year.
Federal Reserve policy has been aimed at avoiding monetary
excesses that would lead to resurgent inflation, while providing
enough liquidity to meet the needs of economic growth. In the
midst of rapidly changing economic and financial conditions,
meeting this objective could not be a simple mechanical matter
of adhering rigidly to a pre-set guideline for money and credit
growth. At times in the past year there have been indications
of unusual demands for highly liquid assets, evidently reflecting
shifting preferences on the part of the public in an environment
of uncertainty. Moreover, the monetary aggregates, particularly
in the latter part of the year, have been distorted by a sequence
of special developments — most prominently, the maturing of All
Saver Certificates and the introduction of new deposit instruments.
These and other influences resulted in extraordinary
decreases in the observed velocity of money — loosely speaking,
the "turnover" of money balances. In fact, velocity has declined
to an extent without precedent in the postwar period. We thus
have had to approach monetary targeting and our operational
decisions to provide reserves with greater elements of judgment
and flexibility in the light of emerging developments. There
has been a need to take account of the possibility that underlying
trends in the relationship between measures of "money" and
economic activity may be shifting as inflation and market interest
rates decline while, to a greatly increased extent, market-
oriented interest rates are paid on bank deposits. In the end,
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we accepted some "overshooting" of the ranges we set for
monetary growth — relatively small for the broader aggregates
M2 and M3, and sizable for Ml.
A number of factors, including the halving of the
inflation rate during 1982 and the recession, contributed to
•substartiai declines in nominal interest rates all along the
maturity spectrum in the second half of the year. Short-term
interest 3:ates are now as much as 10 percentage points below
their, earlier peaks, and long-term rates are down 5 to 7 per-
centage points. Meanwhile, equity prices have risen sharply.
Lower interest rates for mortgages and — to a lesser
degree — for installment credit have helped make the financing
of purchases by households more affordable. At the same time,
businesses could begin to improve their balance sheet positions.
Bond issuance by nonfinancial corporations in recent months
has more than tripled from levels in early 1982 as corporations
have b(^en refunding short-term debt.
Reflecting these developments, activity has been
improving for some months in the credit-sensitive housing and
consumer durables sectors of the economy. The most notable
turnaround has been in real estate markets. Construction of
new sinqle-family homes is up a third from last summer's
very low levels and sales of new and existing homes have
climbed substantially. Housing activity is still, of course,
well below earlier peak rates, and below what we would like
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to see over time in order to ensure that our growing population
can be well housed; but the inventory of unsold new homes is
quite low and the improved financial climate bodes well for
further gains in this sector. With personal disposable
income relatively well maintained, with some improvement in
the liquidity and debt position of consumers, and with much
more moderate price increases, consumer purchases of "big
ticket" items also appear to be stabilizing or improving.
The short-term business outlook is often dominated
by inventory adjustments, and 1983 may be no exception.
Recalling the excesses of earlier recessions and faced with
high borrowing charges, businesses made vigorous attempts to
curtail the accumulation of unwanted stocks late last year.
The process moved more unevenly over the summer as sales were
disappointing, but picked up in the final quarter. Further
liquidiation would restrain production growth in the months
immediately ahead, but any sustained improvement in final
demand could soon be reflected in more than proportionate
increases in output.
As production begins rising, we are likely to see
more substantial increases in productivity. In fact,
productivity grew in 1982, unusual during a period of
recession. Widely reported efforts of businessmen and workers
to increase efficiency and reduce "breakeven" points should
pay off more visibly during a period of expansion. Combined
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with continued moderation in nominal wage increases, such an
increase in productivity would imply relatively modest in-
creases in unit labor costs — about two-thirds of all costs
in the economy — and thus prolong and reinforce the progress
on inflation.
For the time being, with excess capacity large and
profits depressed, business investment in new plant and equip-
ment is likely to continue to fall. Some delay in the
recovery of capital spending is not out of line with previous
cyclical experience, as businesses initially boost operating
rates for existing capital rather than invest in new plant
and equipment. But it is critical to the long-run health
of the economy that a recovery in business fixed investment
not be postponed too long. Capital spending has a pivotal
role in extending the length and durability of an economic
expansion, and in improving productivity and living standards.
The outlook for business fixed investment is in good
measure dependent upon renewed profits and recovery, but also
on a sense that monetary and fiscal policies will succeed in
fostering a more stable financial and economic climate over
time. During a period of transition toward price stability,
some investment plans based in part on expectations of rising
prices may be cut back, particularly if financial market
conditions are slow to reflect the progress toward stability.
Cutbacks in some sectors of the energy industry in 1982 may
be a case in point. One important factor affecting the
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financial climate and business confidence today is concern
about federal budget deficits and their effects on the cost
and availability of funds needed to finance private sector
investment. This is a point I will return to later.
The deficit also contributes to uncertainty about
whether the gains against inflation can be sustained. By all
the various measures, prices rose by 5 percent or less last
year, the slowest rate of increase in a decade. To be sure,
part of that improvement reflected favorable food and energy
price developments, abnormally low commodity prices generally,
the effects of the sharp appreciation of the dollar, and
more generally, the cyclical weakness of the economy.
Obviously, we are still short of the goal of reasonable price
stability. In fact, inflation is really only back to the
pace of 1971, which was judged to be so intolerable at that
time that wage and price controls were imposed, and the
American people --habituated to high and rising rates of
inflation for a decade — remain skeptical about whether the
progress will be lasting.
Unlike 1971, however — in fact, unlike the entire
decade of the seventies -- trends of underlying costs and
inflation expectations are now moving in a favorable direction.
I believe this improvement can be sustainable as the economy
recovers its upward momentum. I alluded earlier to the
favorable signs with respect to productivity. At the same
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time, increases in nominal wage and salary costs slowed to
the 6-7 percent range — a development that was fully consis-
tent with maintaining real incomes of workers because price
increases were slowing more rapidly than wages.
Clearly, the more restrained wage increases were
directly related to the pressures in labor markets during the
recession. Total employment fell. While layoffs were con-
centrated in the industrial sector of the economy, even the
service-producing sector — the primary source of employment
growth in recent years — experienced declining payrolls.
The overall jobless rate reached a postwar high of nearly 11
percent in December, more than 3 percentage points above the
rate that prevailed before the current contraction began.
Obviously, success in dealing with inflation cannot
be based on an economy that stays in recession, with all the
hardship and misery that implies. We need to maintain modera-
tion in wage settlements and pricing policies as the economy
expands. In the near term, the slack in the economy and the
present momentum in wages and prices should be consistent
with continuing restraint on unit labor costs. But sustained
improvement will also depend on a sense of conviction that
prices will remain under control, and on prospects for rising
real income even as nominal income grows more slowly. Bar-
gaining practices and attitudes — built up during a period of
accelerating inflation — change only slowly, but surely success
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will fundamentally be dependent upon a sense that the financial
environment will remain conducive to progress against inflation.
The implications for both monetary and fiscal policy seem to
me clear.
Other countries have been attempting to deal with
some of the same basic problems that we have been facing.
After a decade of inflation, subnormal economic performance
has been pervasive, and unemployment in the industrialized
world has risen to levels unprecedented in the postwar period.
The abrupt and disturbing increases in oil prices have certainly
been an important influence, first in aggravating the inflation,
and then in the subsequent dislocation attendent upon the
efforts of almost all countries to contain that inflation by
restraining demand. But the stubborn inflationary pressures
that arose in nearly all countries cannot be attributed to oil
alone, and there was, de facto, a broad consensus that policies
needed to be directed toward restoring stability.
While wide divergences remain among individual countries,
striking progress has by now been made generally in achieving
lower rates of inflation. But, at the same time, growth has
essentially stopped, with real GNP in major foreign industrial
countries showing no significant change on average last year
(on a fourth-quarter to fourth-quarter basis). For most
developing countries, there was an abrupt and substantial
deceleration from the growth rates of recent years, from about
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4 to 5 percent in 1979-80 to an estimated 1-1/2 percent last
year. In Latin America, growth apparently was negative.
There has been a substantial risk in this situation of
recession feeding upon itself internationally and countries
turning toward protectionism in an attempt to insulate their
own industries. That approach would, of course, be self-
defeating. As protectionist measures spread from one country
to another, gains from reduced imports would be offset by
closed export markets. At the same time, protectionist
measures work directly against the competition necessary to
restrain inflation. In the United States, as elsewhere,
compromises have been made with protectionist pressures.
Nonetheless, we can take some satisfaction from the fact that
a liberal trading order has not broken down over all. Main-
tenance of that approach, which has been a cornerstone of our
prosperity for a generation, seems to me critical to the
outlook.
Our own vulnerability to weakness in international
trade has been conclusively illustrated by events in 1982. The
slowdown in business activity abroad, combined with a surge
in the strength of the dollar relative to other currencies,
has sharply curtailed our export opportunities — and merchandise
exports now account for some 16 percent of all U.S. goods output.
From the beginning of the dollar's upsurge in the
fall of 1980 through November 1982, the average value of the
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dollar against other major currencies rose more than 40 percent;
it has given up only a limited portion of that rise over the past
couple of months, Some of that strength was a reflection of
the progress against inflation, and greater confidence in the
price outlook is, of course, healthy. The U.S. was also in a
relatively strong current account position in 1980 and 1981 and
continuing into the first half of 1982 when some other major
f
countries were running large deficits. However, in 1982 the
dollar may also have bee^ unusually strengthened DV more
temporary, and even non-economic factors. For much of the
period our interest rates were exceptionally high, and the
apparent strength, stability, and security of the U.S. and of
its financial system at a time of widespread financial pres-
sures and political and economic uncertainty abroad played a
role.
Under the combined impact of world recession and an
exceptionally strong dollar, our export volume dropped about
15 percent from the fourth quarter of 1981 to the fourth quarter
of 1982, considerably greater than the declines experienced by
other industrial countries. While imports have also declined,
the change was small. As a result, the decline in real U.S.
exports of goods and services during the recession has been
equal to nearly one-half of the total decline in U.S. GNP, In
contrast to earlier periods of U.S. recession, when our trade
balance generally improved thus tending to offset other areas
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of weakness, the export sector has been one of the major depres-
sing influences on the U.S. economy. While the dollar has lost
some of the earlier gains in recent months as our current account
has moved into large deficit, the external sector is likely to
remain a source of weakness for some time.
The simple fact is that the health of the international
economy and our trading position are today highly important to
our recovery and prosperity. The point is emphasized all the
more by the sharply deteriorated financial position of several
large developing countries, countries heavily indebted to com-
mercial banks and other institutions in the industrialized
world.
For several years, a number of large developing countries
had been increasing their foreign debts at a pace that could not
be sustained indefinitely, either from the standpoint of the
rising debt service burden on the borrower or of the gradually
increasing exposure relative to assets and capital of the
lending banks. For a time, the heavy borrowing helped to sustain
rapid internal growth in much of the developing world, but
increasingly the need for adjustment to reduce internal pres-
sures and balance of payments deficits became apparent. Some
of the borrowers started that process some time ago, but with
inadequate force and conviction.
The slowdown in world growth helped expose the
increasingly precarious position of borrowers as prices of
commodity exports fell, markets for manufactured goods weakened,
and higher real interest rates increased their debt servicing
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requirements. The difficulties experienced by our Mexican
neighbors — the largest of the international borrowers —
in maintaining their debt payments last summer
precipitated widespread public awareness and concern about
the potential repercussions for the international financial
system. The problems are not unique to Mexico, or to banks
located in the United States. Without action to deal with
these problems, the consequences could be harsh, not only for
the borrowing countries but for their trading partners and for
all countries dependent upon a smoothly functioning financial
system. But the fact is vigorous efforts are underway to deal
with the problem. With the active cooperation of the borrowers,
the lenders, and the lending countries, they can be successfully
resolved.
A basic element in any program must be strong actions
by the borrowing countries themselves to restore internal and
external equilibrium. It is particularly encouraging that a
number of important developing countries have taken the significant
step of negotiating comprehensive stabilization programs with the
International Monetary Fund. Upon approving such a program,
the IMF itself provides limited sums of medium-term financing;
even more important, IMF imprimatur should reinforce the con-
fidence of other lenders. In some instances, governments, acting
bilaterally or through the Bank for International Settlements,
have provided temporary financing to meet pressing liquidity
needs as the IMF program is established.
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On that base, commercial banks have acted together
in important instances to "roll over" existing indebtedness
and to assure enough additional funding to permit time for
orderly adjustment* Those efforts, involving hundreds of
banks here and abroad, typically call for a reduced flow of
new bank loans, commensurate with reduced payment deficits
by the borrowers, and no increase in bank exposure relative
to capital. Well conceived and constructed, the net result
of the adjustment and refinancing programs should be to improve
the credit-worthiness of the country concerned.
All of this emphasizes the key role of the IMF in the
international financial system. But if the Fund is to play
the strong role required, currently and prospectively, it is
essential that it be able to look forward with confidence to
enough resources to meet potential demands upon it. Much
progress has been made in reaching an international consensus
in the discussions about enlarging the resources of the IMF,
and agreement on a substantial augmentation of those resources
by means of increased IMF quotas and a broadened IMF borrowing
arrangement is expected in February. That program will require
legislative approval, and I believe timely action by the Congress
is essential to assure that IMF resources are commensurate with
possible needs and, more broadly, to demonstrate that governments
can act together, decisively and effectively, to deal with potential
threats to our prosperity arising from international debt problems.
Conversely, failure to strengthen the international financial
system could only feed back adversely on our own prospects for
growth.
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All of this implies intense and continuing efforts by
the borrowers to expand exports and reduce imports, with
implications for the U.S. and other leading trading countries.
Clearly, we cannot all increase exports and reduce imports
together, and it is equally clear that the whole process will
be — and over time must be — facilitated by renewed growth
in the industrial world. As understated in the communique
issued following the January 18 meeting of the Group of Ten,
"a sustainable improvement in activity in the industrialized
countries in 198 3 can make an important contribution to a
lasting solution of the indebtedness problem of many developing
countries."
I would emphasize the word "sustainable" in that
communique. A short-lived recovery, without staying power
and accompanied by reignition of inflationary pressures,
offers no real solution to our problems or those of developing
countries.
It is in that context that I believe we need to approach
domestic policy. There was a time when the American public felt
confident about the ability of government to improve economic
conditions. But long years of accelerating inflation and
rising unemployment, instability in financial markets and the
economy, and concern about burgeoning budgetary deficits have
eroded that confidence. It can be restored, and I am convinced
the economy can be returned to a path of sustained growth. But
that effort must rest in part on a demonstrated commitment to
disciplined financial policies.
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As we look ahead, and as the President has emphasized,
the state of the Federal Budget, as it now stands under current
law and policies, could undermine that effort. To be sure, a
substantial part of the deficits in the 1982 and 1983 fiscal
years — certainly more than half — reflects the impact of
current business conditions on the budget. Those cyclically
induced deficits are not my main concern — indeed they currently
help support spendable income and buoy the economy.
In the past as the economy recovered, the cyclical
component of the deficit would diminish and the budget would
move toward balance. What is unprecedented about the current
situation — and is of great concern — is that even as revenues
benefit from an expanding economy over the coming years, we
will still face continuing sizable deficits unless significant
action is taken.
There can be disagreement about the precise size of
the prospective deficits; what does seem beyond dispute is
that little improvement, if any, in the budgetary position
will develop under current law and policies even with a strong
and continuing recovery. A number of the proposals of the
President in his State of the Union address were, of course,
directed toward this problem.
Left unattended, the situation would pose a strong
potential for a clash between the need to finance the deficit
and the rising financial requirements for housing and the
business investment that is crucial to a healthy recovery.
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In the end, all those needs have to be met out of saving, and
there simply isn't enough to go around. The Federal Government
will have to bid funds away from potential private borrowers,
and the higher real interest rates that result will work against
growth in private investment and housing.
It's not just a problem for the future. The perception
that there is a major structural imbalance between our spending
programs and our revenue base affects financial markets today.
Lenders, fearful of renewed inflation and the high interest
rates that budget deficits would produce in a growing economy,
are more reluctant to commit funds for a long period of time
now. The sensitivity extends beyond financial markets because
inflationary concerns affect the climate of wage bargaining
and pricing policies.
It is tempting to suggest that the budget problem and
its consequences for the performance of the economy could be
solved by monetary policy. But excessive money and credit
creation to meet the needs of the Government would only risk
adding to the uncertainty about future inflation and interest
rates. In the end, nothing real would be gained, while hard-
fought ground in the battle against inflation would be jeopardized,
Certainly a better fiscal outlook — with all it implies —
would provide a better environment for the conduct of monetary
policy, relieving concern about the longer-term implications
of every twist and turn in the monetary aggregates or short-
term policy actions. But as things stand, fear of growing
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deficits clouds the future and contributes to market pressures
and inflationary uncertainties, adding to the burdens on monetary
policy. Conversely, meaningful action to demonstrate the
Government's economic discipline on the fiscal side would re-
inforce confidence that monetary policy over the years ahead
can do its job, without intolerable market pressures, in main-
taining a course consistent with price stability.
As I indicated at the outset, I will be able to deal
more specifically with our targets for the growth of money
and credit after the Federal Open Market Committee, in the
normal course, meets in early February to adopt guidelines
for the coming year. In approaching those specifics, we are,
and will continue to be, concerned with maintaining a monetary
environment consistent both with continuing progress against
inflation and with lasting expansion. Reconciling those goals,
at a time when institutional and economic factors have called
into question the reliability of past relationships between
money and the economy will be a difficult and delicate job.
The approach cannot be reduced to an arithmetic, or econometric,
formula, nor can success be achieved by monetary policy alone.
But I am also convinced that those goals of growth and stability
are not inconsistent as we look ahead in 1983. Indeed, I believe
that neglect of one of them would, sooner or later, jeopardize
the other.
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I am also acutely aware that the recent gains against
inflation have been achieved in a context of serious economic
hardship* The present state of affairs must not continue.
Millions of workers are unemployed, many businesses are hard-
pressed to maintain profitability, and business bankruptcies
are at a postwar high. But in coping with inflation I also
firmly believe we have laid much of the foundation for a long
period of non-inflationary economic expansion. Only by building
on that effort can we realize the true potential of the American
economy.
•*•****
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1983, January 26). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19830127_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19830127_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1983},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19830127_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}