speeches · November 8, 1982
Speech
Lawrence K. Roos · Governor
WHAT WE CAN LEARN FROM THE PAST
Address by
Lawrence K. Roos
President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before
The Economic Club of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh Hilton Hotel
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
November 9, 1982
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When I listen to discussions about the current state of
the economy, I am reminded of A Tale of.Two Cities which begins
"It was the best of times, it was the worst of times." Those
who fear the worst point to high unemployment, a stagnant
economy, and few signs of real recovery. On the other hand, the
optimists concentrate on the continuing decline in inflation,
recent reductions in interest rates, and the sharp upswing in
financial markets.
Now, obviously, it is an exaggeration to call present
circumstances either the worst or the best; we have faced worse
times and we will certainly achieve better ones. But it is no
exaggeration to view monetary policy decisions now being made as
having the potential for profoundly influencing the economy for
some time to come. To paraphrase Dickens, now is the most
critical of times for monetary policy.
Unfortunately, it is also the most puzzling of times for
those who are trying to decipher what is happening. For in
spite of the fact that perceptions of policy actions are crucial
in determining the actual future course of economic events,
there seems to be serious confusion in the public mind as to the
current thrust and direction of monetary policy.
Much of that confusion arises from a misinterpretation in
some quarters of the meaning of the Federal Reserve's recent
announcement that it is temporarily reducing the emphasis it
places on its narrow monetary aggregate (Ml) target, and
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instead, for a time, will be focusing increased attention on
movements in the broader aggregates (M2 and M3) and the federal
funds rate. Actually what is being done is perfectly
understandable. It was induced by possible temporary
distortions in the measurement of Ml and by possible temporary
shifts in the relationship of Ml to economic activity. There is
concern that funds moving out of maturing all-saver certificates
may be temporarily "parked1' in checkable accounts, thereby
distorting the Ml measure. Moreover, it is felt that the
passage of the Garn-St. Germain Depository Institutions Act of
1982, authorizing financial institutions to create deposits that
will directly compete with money market mutual funds, might also
V
temporarily distort Ml growth. Thus, it is reasonable to expect
that targeting on Ml might be subject to unusual uncertainty
during a short period of adjustment to these events.
Although the Fed's announcement carefully stated that
this temporary change in policy emphasis does not constitute, in
any way, an underlying change in policy, the announcement has
been interpreted by some as being, in fact, a major departure
from the Fed's post-1979 policy of targeting primarily on
monetary aggregates. Typical of such misinterpretation is a
recent column in the Wall Street Journal which read:
"It is a great relief that Mr. Volcker has
ditched the monetarists and has opted for a
new, less restrictive monetary policy. . .
The Fed will [now] be looking at real interest
rates, at relative strength or weakness of the
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dollar in international currency markets, at
the price of commodities (including gold) and
at nominal GNP."
In a similar vein, the New York Times proclaimed that the
"United States appears to be at the end of a three-year
experiment" with monetary aggregate targeting and that policy is
giving way "to a more pragmatic approach." Forbes Magazine goes
even farther in saying "The deterioration of the economy has
given the Federal Reserve the courage to do what it should have
done months ago: abandon its disastrous experiment with
monetarism."
Now, comments such as these would not be disturbing were
it not for the fact that such statements by respected financial
journals tend to confuse the public in general and financial
markets in particular. There is a world of difference between
temporarily abandoning Ml as a target and permanently replacing
it with something else. This distinction is fundamental to an
understanding of what is really happening, and I would like to
spend the next few minutes discussing why it is so important
that we interpret the recent change by the Fed in its true
context and not as a permanent departure from monetary aggregate
targeting.
It is important to keep in mind that monetary policy
targets, whether they are interest rates, monetary aggregates or
credit aggregates, are not the ultimate goals of policy and
should never be confused with them. The ultimate goal of policy
is the attainment of optimal economic growth under conditions of
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price stability. Targets are merely short-run indicators of
what is happening to current spending in the economy; they
represent only one aspect of the "link" between policy actions
and our economic goals. As such, it is essential that they be
predictably related both to the growth of GNP and to our
monetary policy actions—which consist primarily of changes in
reserves or changes in the monetary base.
If a target does not satisfy these two requirements, it
should be replaced with one that does. Worse, if a target
becomes, for some reason, a goal in itself, as interest rates
frequently did in the past, monetary policy becomes a
destabilizing, rather than a stabilizing force in the economy.
This can be seen by comparing three periods of post-World
War II history when policy was conducted in markedly different
ways. The first period, from 1951 to 1965, was one in which
interest rates were the most frequently used monetary target,
with several other variables being used as well. Normally, this
could have been expected to produce considerable economic
instability. However, in spite of interest rate targeting, this
period was actually one of relatively slow money growth, low
inflation and low interest rates.
What prevented interest rate stabilization from producing
undesired results? Throughout this period, the U.S. monetary
system was still connected, albeit loosely, to an international
gold exchange standard. Attempts to manipulate interest rates
were constrained by the possibility of gold flows. The
international gold exchange standard served to confine U.S.
policy actions and, in essence, produced the same
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noninflationary impact that direct targeting on Ml could have
achieved. Thus, despite the potential for less desirable
results normally associated with interest rate targeting, slow
monetary growth prevailed during this period and the U.S.
experienced substantial increases in output and real per capita
income with remarkable price level stability.
In the early 1960s, however, the influence of the gold
standard on policy actions began to wane. Economic priorities
both in the United States and elsewhere shifted from the
objective of maintaining price level stability to attempts to
protect individual sectors and groups in the society from the
vagaries of economic change. The linkage to gold eroded as a
constraint on monetary policy.
The period from 1965-1979, the second period I shall
describe, was one in which U.S. monetary policy continued to be
dominated by the use of interest rates as targets, but the
constraining influence of Bretton Woods was gone. As the years
passed, two major problems associated with interest rate
targeting became apparent. First, manipulation of interest
rates proved to be poorly related to changes in the price level
and changes in economic activity. In other words, it became
increasingly evident that interest rates were poor targets for
monetary policy.
What was worse, however, was that, for a variety of
reasons, policymakers made a significant error in their policy
calculations; they confused the target of policy with the goals
of policy. Policy actions frequently degenerated into attempts
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to stabilize interest rates with associated undesired economic
results. During economic expansions when rising credit demands
put upward pressure on interest rates, attempts to resist such
upward pressure resulted in accelerated monetary growth. The
immediate result was an overheated economy; the ultimate result
was increased inflation. Similarly, in periods of economic
weakness, attempts to prevent interest rates from falling "too
quickly" led to accentuated monetary restraint and a much weaker
economy than would otherwise have occurred.
As a consequence, the 1965-1979 period was characterized
by accelerating money growth, rising inflation, rising interest
rates, declining capital formation, declining productivity and a
reduced international value of the dollar. That record provides
clear evidence that unconstrained interest rate targeting, the
kind that many today seem once again to be advocating, is
counterproductive and extremely destabilizing to the economy. A
return to interest rate targeting now would simply produce a
"rerun" of the inflationary problems which resulted from
interest rate targeting during the 1965-1979 period.
The failure of policy to constrain inflation during the
1970s undoubtedly contributed to the Federal Reserve's decision
on October 6, 1979 to place more emphasis on monetary aggregate
targets, particularly Ml. This policy direction has now lasted
slightly more than three years. But already, there are those
who are calling the 1979 change a mistake and are advocating its
abandonment. Before we terminate that "experiment," however, we
should carefully review what the new policy perspective has
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achieved over the past three years.
I would be the first to acknowledge that the 1979 change
did not work miracles overnight. It could not have been
expected to, for movements in prices and interest rates over
much of 1980 and 1981 continued to be dominated by the momentum
of prior inflationary policy actions. Despite a reduction in
monetary growth, inflation continued to increase, inflationary
expectations did not abate, and interest rates continued to
rise. This year, however, it has become increasingly clear that
reduced monetary growth is producing its expected results.
Growth in consumer prices has receded from double-digit figures
in 1979 to its current annual rate of approximately 5 percent.
Inflationary expectations are receding because the public has
begun at long last to recognize that the Fed intends to stick to
its anti-inflationary policy. As a result, interest rates have
declined significantly.
It is also clear that there has been adverse real sector
performance over the past three years. Output growth has been
virtually nil since 1979 and the unemployment rate now exceeds
ten percent. It was not unexpected that a gradual reduction in
money growth would reduce output growth temporarily below its
long-term trend and, consequently, cause a temporary increase in
unemployment. But the extent of the downturn over the past
three years has exceeded expectations. Two factors, in
particular, in addition to slow money growth, have contributed
to the severity of the downturn and have indirectly led to a
lessening of public support for anti-inflationary monetary
policy.
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First, 15 years of inflation induced and masked declining
productivity in our heavy industries and eliminated the
competitive edge that we have so long enjoyed in international
markets. Much of the current decline in output and a
significant part of the increase in unemployment can be
attributed to this factor.
Second, the decline in money growth over the past three
years did not occur in a steady and predictable fashion that
would have minimized its negative effect on output. Instead,
the erratic behavior of short-run money growth contributed both
to economic instability and to the public's uncertainty about
future policy prospects. It was not targeting on monetary
aggregates per se that was responsible for the somewhat erratic
pattern of short-run money growth; it was rather the manner in
which the new procedure was introduced. Like the launching of
any new ship, some problems during the shakedown cruise were to
be expected, and some occurred. These problems should now be
largely eliminated.
I have taken you through this brief 30-year history of
monetary policy to demonstrate that the only way we can be sure
of containing interest rates, assuring price stability, and
proaucing long-term economic growth, is to continue to focus our
policy emphasis and attention primarily on the behavior of Ml.
In doing so, there will be times when it will be necessary to
redefine the Ml measure to adjust for innovations. This was
done in February 1980 to accommodate the advent of NOW
accounts. We are again in the midst of such a period, and we
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are again taking appropriate temporary action. What is
important is that the duration of any such "detours" be kept to
a minimum and that the public be reassured that policymakers
have not abandoned their anti-inflation policies.
If there is anything that we have learned from the
experience of the past few years, it is that public confidence
in monetary policy is of enormous importance. Credibility is
difficult to come by and easy to lose. Any hint that monetary
policy has permanently shifted back to interest rate
stabilization would send interest rates skyrocketing and undo
all that has been accomplished. History has demonstrated that
interest rate targeting inevitably produces an inflationary
bias, and that targeting on multiple targets makes consistency
in monetary policy difficult to achieve. That leaves us with
the need for one reliable monetary target. Since Ml has been
performing better than all others, and since the results of Ml
targeting have finally produced confidence in our ability to
control inflation, I fervently hope that we will continue to use
it. In the words of a well-known pundit, "If it ain't broke,
don't fix it!"
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Cite this document
APA
Lawrence K. Roos (1982, November 8). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19821109_roos
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19821109_roos,
author = {Lawrence K. Roos},
title = {Speech},
year = {1982},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19821109_roos},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}