speeches · September 30, 1982
Speech
Lawrence K. Roos · Governor
AN INSIDER'S VIEW OF INNOVATIONS
AND MONETARY POLICYMAKING
Address by
Lawrence K. Roos
President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Seventh Annual Economic Policy Conference
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
St. Louis, Missouri
October 1, 1982
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It is a pleasure to welcome all of you to the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis. It is a privilege, as well, to have
the opportunity of joining you in considering what I believe to
be one of the most important, as well as most controversial,
issues currently facing monetary policymakers, namely the
impact financial innovations have on financial markets and on
the relationship between monetary aggregates and the economy.
Assertions by some that financial innovations have made
monetary targeting obsolete have set off a frenzied search for
alternative policy targets and approaches. Legislation has
been introduced in Congress that would require the Federal
Reserve to target on some measure of interest rates;
academicians have offered a variety of other possibilities,
ranging from the monetary base to the broadest of credit
aggregates. Even Federal Reserve officials themselves have
entered the fray, openly airing their differences of opinion in
the pages of the Wall Street Journal, their respective Reviews,
and a variety of other publications.
Conferences such as this that provide an opportunity for
sober (I trust) discussion of fundamental issues can be
extremely helpful to policymakers. First, they serve as a
means for clearing away the more irrelevant aspects of the
subject matter and for bringing to the foreground the key
issues involved. By sweeping away the "clutter", they often
separate real issues from pseudo ones.
Second, they usually generate the latest empirical
evidence relating both to problems and to suggested solutions.
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By so doing, they provide policymakers with information that,
given the usual publishing lags, might otherwise not be
available for several months or years.
Then, too, in attending conferences such as this, it is
possible to judge, by observing the extent of the
disagreements, disputes, and debates among participants,
whether there really are substantive differences of opinion and
analysis among the "experts." When ancient mapmakers disagreed
about what dangers lay in unexplored territory, they labeled
those parts of their maps with the warning "Dragons live
here." Policymakers too need to know where dragons are lurking.
Finally, on rare occasions, answers to specific issues or
problems actually emerge at conferences. When this occurs, it
can be counted upon to produce a state of "nirvana" in
policymakers. At least that's what I've been told; it has
never actually happened at one that I've attended—at least, up
to now.
While I really don't expect to achieve nirvana at this
conference, I am here to observe and to learn, from the papers
and discussions, how much you believe that financial
innovations have affected monetary policy and financial
markets. Your conclusions will be of value even if you haven't
been able to uncover all the answers by noon tomorrow. Given
the policymaking process, every bit of available information
helps. With the time constraints policymakers face, we cannot
always wait until the definitive study has been completed, the
final regression has been run and the ultimate Nobel Prize for
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Economics has been awarded. We must make decisions now, using
our best judgement about the relationships between instruments,
targets, and goals, realizing, at the same time, that the world
is an uncertain place and that "truth" is a highly elusive
commodity.
Now, you are probably wondering why I am up here giving
this luncheon talk. I assure you that it is not because Ted
Balbach knows, from long experience, that when three or more
people are gathered together to give speeches at the St. Louis
Fed, all hell breaks loose if Roos isn't on the program.
That's not so. It's rather that I believe it might put the
policy aspects of the problem in perspective if you know how at
least one policymaker views the issue.
In approaching policy decisions, I have always felt that
policymakers should have some consistent framework of analysis
to guide their decisions. Otherwise they are likely to suffer
the same fate as a captain whose ship is adrift in a fog-
shrouded ocean without compass or other navigational aid.
Three years ago, at a conference similar to this one at
this bank, I described several concepts or navigational aids
that I find useful in assessing the consequences of monetary
policy actions on the economy. Briefly stated, they are:
1. that inflation is fundamentally a monetary phenomenon;
2. that abrupt and substantial changes in the growth of
money, if sufficiently prolonged, have dramatic and
usually unfortunate consequences for the economy, and;
3. that the growth of money can best be controlled by
controlling the growth of the monetary base.
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Now, despite what you may have heard to the contrary,
these are not necessarily viewed by the St. Louis Fed as the
"Three Commandments of Monetary Policy." Nor do we think of
them as "The Gospel according to St. Louis," even though a fair
amount of the research done over the years supporting their
validity has been done at this Bank. I view these concepts
only as a frame of reference in arriving at decisions. It is
this framework that has influenced my initial point of view
concerning the impacts of innovation on monetary policy, and I
would like to offer a few tentative "speculations" on the
impact of innovations in light of these concepts.
First, I have not found that recent innovations have had
a noticeable impact on relationship of trend money growth to
inflation. Prior to the end of 1979, both trend money growth
and inflation were clearly accelerating. In part, this pattern
was responsible for the Fed's October 6, 1979 policy change.
Since October 1979, there has been a marked decline in the
trend rate of growth in Ml, and rates of inflation have slowed
considerably as well. It even appears that the relationship
between the measured rate of inflation and trend Ml growth has
narrowed. I will certainly admit that this observation is
based on a very simple comparison and that full investigation
requires extensive statistical and econometric analysis.
Still, the simple comparison does not suggest that there is a
problem in continued use of the trend money growth-inflation
relationship for policy purposes.
Now, what about the second concept—-that excessively
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erratic short-run money growth can produce short-run swings in
real economic activity? At least at first glance, short-run
monetary impulses seem to have had essentially the same impacts
on the.economy in recent years as they did previously. For
example, as many of you know, we have had several short-run
periods of widely diverse money growth. In particular, from
November 1979 to May 1980 and from April 1981 to October 1981,
we had two extended periods when Ml growth was essentially
zero. In both cases, these protracted slowdowns in Ml growth
were associated with sharp reductions in nominal GNP growth and
declines in real GNP.
Again, this comparison is just a simple juxtaposition of
short-run money growth and movements in real economic
activity—not a sophisticated and detailed analysis. But, once
again, the comparison points out something that I find
interesting—namely that the expected happened] Real output
growth declined significantly when there were sizable
reductions in money growth that persisted for more than six
months. Strangely enough for those who argue that the world
has changed, the second concept still seems to possess some
validity.
Also, the third concept—that the growth of money is
closely related to the growth of the monetary base—seems to be
surviving as well. Since the fourth quarter of 1979, the
monetary base and Ml have grown at average annual rates of 7
percent and 6.3 percent respectively. Not only are both rates
of growth down sharply from what they were over the prior four
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years, it turns out that the reduction in money growth is
virtually identical to the drop in the growth of the adjusted
monetary base. As far as I can tell, a similar, though
somewhat noisier relationship still continues to exist, as
well, between short-run base growth and short-run money growth.
Thus, after viewing what has occurred since 1979, albeit
in a simple fashion, I am hard-pressed to find any convincing
evidence that financial innovations have had significant
impacts either on the monetary base—money growth relationship
or on the relationship between measures of monetary impulses
and the economy. Since this impression conflicts directly with
those of others, I must conclude either that I have somehow
overlooked some important evidence or that, at least for the
present, the impressions of others who feel differently about
the effect of innovations are in error.
This puzzle is one that I hope will be resolved by the
papers and discussion to follow. As I see it, if financial
innovations have significantly distorted the relationships
between monetary base growth, money growth and the economy,
then some of the concepts that have helped me to make policy
decisions in the past are no longer valid.
If, on the other hand, these relationships have been
essentially unaffected by innovations that have occurred over
the past several years, then they still provide useful
information to guide policy actions. If this is indeed the
case, then the recent financial innovations can be ignored by
policymakers until such time as they do, in fact, affect policy
outcomes.
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Cite this document
APA
Lawrence K. Roos (1982, September 30). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19821001_roos
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19821001_roos,
author = {Lawrence K. Roos},
title = {Speech},
year = {1982},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19821001_roos},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}