speeches · August 29, 1982
Speech
Lawrence K. Roos · Governor
IS IT TIME TO GIVE UP THE FIGHT AGAINST INFLATION?
Address by
Lawrence K. Roos
President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before the
Petroleum aad Chemical Industry Conference
of the
Institute of Electrical and Electronic Engineers
Sheraton St. Louis Hotel
St. Louis, Missouri
August 30, 1982
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I am pleased to have this opportunity to appear before you at a
time when critical decisions concerning the future course of economic
policy are being made.
For almost 15 years, from the mid-60s to 1980, Americans endured
accelerating inflation. During that period when prices rose from an
annual rate of less than two percent to double-digit dimensions, our
economy became afflicted by problems which increasingly weakened the
industrial and commercial sinews of this nation. By the end of the
1970s, it became apparent that we were losing the war against inflation.
Our losses consisted of more than just higher prices; we suffered
significant declines in productivity, sizable reductions in investment
and savings growth, rapidly rising interest rates, volatile financial
markets, increasing unemployment and a host of other social problems.
Toward the end of 1979, the Federal Reserve took decisive steps to
halt the rising growth in money that had spawned the inflation. Its goal
became disinflation—a gradual reduction in the rate of inflation through
a gradual reduction in the growth of the money supply.
Today, after nearly three years of the new policy, we seem to be on
the threshold of success. For the first time in several years, inflation
has dropped substantially. So far this year, on an annual basis, prices
have risen only about 5 percent, a significant improvement over the
double-digit figures of a few years ago.
Unfortunately, however, at the very moment of meaningful progress,
we are being besieged by a variety of economic ills that are severely
testing our resolve to continue the fight. Among these are: increased
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unemployment, high interest rates, sharply reduced housing and
construction activity, falling commodity prices, low rates of saving and
investment, and what some observers see as a declining competitive
advantage for our products in foreign markets.
It is becoming increasingly popular in some circles to attribute
our current economic ills to our disinflation efforts. Almost daily we
are inundated by articles with titles like "How Disinflation Hurts Us
All," "The Costs of Disinflation," or, even more alarming, "The Curse, of
Disinflation." Congressmen have been quoted as equating our current
anti-inflation efforts to the PLC's efforts in West Beirut, hinting that,
if continued, our disinflation policies will reduce the nation's economy
to a pile of rubble. When the Chairman of the Federal Reserve System
recently appeared before Congress, he was urged to "consider a major
change in monetary policy before it is too late." Bills have been
introduced in Congress to force the Federal Reserve to abandon its
efforts to reduce monetary growth and to revert to interest rate
targeting--the \/ery same procedure that produced our past inflation.
In the face of this sort of prodding, it is not surprising that
more and more people are asking whether the time has indeed come for us
to move away from disinflation and reinflate our way back to more
"prosperous" times. It is this issue that I would like to discuss with
you.
Now, I am not going to tell you that disinflation is without its
costs. It is not costless* To bring down and hold down inflation after
15 years of soaring prices requires a major overhauling of our economic
system. And, as in any major overhaul, there will be a certain amount of
"downtirneM--a temporary reduction in output and a rise in unemployment
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--as we retool for a different economic environment. However, I want to
stress that this downtime, for most sectors of the economy, is only
temporary. It marks a necessary transition to a stable economic
environment essential for longer term growth and prosperity.
Also, it is important to recognize that not all industries will do
well even if inflation is halted. Some will suffer permanent
losses—especially those that, for a variety of reasons, benefit from
inflation. Among these are speculative land and commodity firms,
companies that produce and sell "collectibles" of all kinds, and,
perhaps, even those publishing companies that market books on "how to
beat inflation."
Reform is never without its costs, but in considering whether the
time has really arrived to reinflate, I would like to pose two
questions: First, is disinflation solely responsible for our current
economic problems? Second, can we solve our problems by returning to our
old "inflation as usual" policies? Twill argue that the answer to both
of these questions is "No."
First, let's consider why disinflation, per se, is not the sole
cause of our current economic problems. Certainly disinflation is
responsible for some temporary problems. However, some of our most
serious problems would have occurred even if inflation had continued;
they are the direct result of a new awareness on the part of the public
of the pernicious nature of inflation and people's actions to attempt to
protect themselves from some of its effects.
In the early 1970s, when serious inflation was a new experience for
most Americans, people tended to view rising prices as a temporary
phenomenon that, like an old soldier, would somehow fade away. While no
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one in retrospect would question that the decade of the 1970s was one of
rising inflation, many people at that time behaved as if inflation either
didn't exist or, at least, wouldn't persist. Being unconditioned to
inflation, they totally failed to anticipate either the extent or the
duration of the problem. As a result many people—perhaps you and I
included—continued to save and lend money at interest rates that failed
to compensate for our loss of future purchasing power that came about as
a result of inflation. This was true even for many sophisticated
financiers whose activities influence interest rates.
As a result, the real interest rate that savers and lenders
received—the actual return after adjusting for the impact of
inflation—was not only ridiculously low during the inflationary 70s, it
was negative for much of the decade. Now, whenever the real rate of
return on financial assets—such as bonds, savings accounts and the
like—is unrealistically low—or even worse, when it is negative—people
who hold financial assets—the savers—end up poorer and people who sell
financial assets to them—the borrowers—end up wealthier. During the
1970s, people who borrowed funds to purchase tangible assets—houses,
cars, land, gold, etc—did well; those who lent funds did badly. Of
course, nobody planned it that way. It was, however, a predictable
result of the public's failure to recognize the true nature and extent of
inflation.
To illustrate how this works, let's take a simple example.
Consider two individuals, each of whom expects the rate of inflation to
average 5 percent per year over the next ten years. Let's further assume
that the competitive real rate of interest at that time (i.e., the actual
return above the rate of inflation) is 3 percent per year. If one
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borrows $100,000 from the other to purchase a house, the borrower would
be willing to pay (and the lender would expect to receive) an 8 percent
interest rate on the loan--5 percent to compensate for expected inflation
and 3 percent to provide a desired real return.
Suppose, however, that the actual rate of inflation over the ten
year period turned out to be 9 percent per year, instead of the 5 percent
that was originally expected and factored into the loan. If this
happened, the lender would be the loser. He would be receiving 8 percent
each year on an investment that was eroding in value, due to inflation,
at 9 percent per year. Instead of a positive real rate of return of
3 percent, he would be losing one percent in terms of his annual real
rate of return.
On the other hand, the borrower would be doing unexpectedly well.
He would be paying 8 percent annual interest on a house that was
appreciating in value at 9 percent per year—and getting a real return
from living in it as well. In times of unexpected inflation, the
lender's loss is the borrower's gain. And many people failed to
compensate for this factor during the inflationary 1970s.
However, as this disparity between individual rates of return on
real versus financial assets became increasingly noticeable over time,
people became attuned to the meaning of inflation and took steps to
protect themselves against it. They did this by purchasing tangible
assets such as houses, land, commodities of all kinds—and by refraining
from purchasing financial assets that were depreciating in value.
It was simply a situation of people awakening to what was happening
and adjusting their investments to compensate for some of the effects of
inflation. As a consequence, land values increased dramatically.
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Housing prices, on average, rose 2.5 percent per year faster than the
rate of inflation. Inventories became one of the best ways to hold
corporate wealth. Commodity prices soared—the price of gold alone rose
nearly 21 percent per year above the rate of inflation. Even if OPEC had
not existed, petroleum products would have been a boom industry. On the
other hand, financial markets foundered. Investors in bonds and money
market instruments earned negative real rates of return ranging from -0.2
to -0.5 percent per year.
The consequences were inevitable: savers got poorer and the supply
of credit declined; borrowers got wealthier and the demand for credit
rose. As a result, real interest rates began to rise. Moreover, the
public got smarter; after 15 years of living with inflation, people
finally came to realize the extent and persistence of the problem and
adjusted their economic decisions so as to reduce, as much as possible,
the dislocations that inflation produces. Both savers and lenders
learned to insist on a return that would preserve their purchasing power
as well as compensate them for the greater risk of lending during a
period of uncertain inflation. And all of this, of course, put even
further upward pressure on real interest rates.
By the beginning of the 1980s, inflation awareness, not inflation
naivete, dictated the direction of financial dealings. Real interest
rates became positive and the benefits people had previously enjoyed from
borrowing to acquire real assets evaporated. As a result, certain
sectors of the economy such as housing, land speculation, commodity
purchases, etc., that had previously been subsidized by invalid and
erroneous inflationary anticipations began to experience a decline.
Similarly, gold prices fell, while bonds and money market instruments
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finally began yielding positive real rates of return.
What happened, in a nutshell, was that the public learned to
recognize and anticipate the effects of changes in the rate of inflation
and, as a result, is now better prepared to adjust its economic decisions
accordingly. It is that adjustment process, and not the process of
disinflation itself, that accounts for current relatively high interest
rates and most of the dislocations that have occurred in the economy.
And it is that adjustment process that has important implications for
assessing whether reinflation would provide any relief from our current
problems.
The issue, therefore, is what will we gain if we abandon our
disinflation efforts? Can we reinflate our way back to more prosperous
times?
To some extent, advocates of reinflation are simply victims of
misplaced nostalgia or selective amnesia. Critics of today's
disinflation policies seem to have forgotten that the 1970s were not good
years for this nation. During the inflationary 1970s real economic
growth fell about 25 percent below what it had been during the 1960s; the
unemployment rate, which had averaged less than 4 percent in the last
half of the 60s, averaged 7 percent from 1975 to 1979. Long-term
interest rates, which had averaged less than six percent during the late
60s, reached double-digit levels by the end of the 1970s. It was
precisely these problems that led us to embark on the struggle against
inflation. It is precisely these long-run consequences of higher
inflation that we can expect to return to if we do opt to reinflate.
Of course, there are some who feel that a return to reinflation is
necessary to bring relief to certain industries that have severely
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suffered during the disinflation effort, such as the housing and
construction industries. That reinflation would accomplish this is
wishful thinking! As I've explained, the gains that inflation produced
for housing and similarly affected sectors during the 1970s arose from
the fact that interest rates did not correctly reflect the full impact of
inflation.
Today, however, the public has developed an inflation awareness
that would prevent this from happening again. The public is now fully
aware that it can protect the. value of its assets only by anticipating
changes in the future rate of inflation. Consequently, if the public
were to believe that reinflation was imminent, interest rates would
increase to protect investors1 real return. Any anticipated
reinflationary gains to the housing industry, or to any other
interest-sensitive sectors of the economy, would be doomed by upward
adjustments in interest rates resulting from heightened inflationary
expectations.
This is why I find the current clamor for reinflation so
disturbing. It is not just that there is no evidence that excessive
monetary expansion would bring the results its advocates seek; it is
rather that pressure for reinflation raises doubts in people's minds as
to whether inflation will continue to decline. In view of the rising
sentiment for reinflation, it is not surprising that people remain
skeptical as to the extent of our current commitment to disinflation.
Many of the savers and lenders who were so badly burned in the 1970s
understandably are sensitive to what they read and hear that implies a
potential weakening of our resolve to continue the struggle against
inflation.
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Just recently, the American Bankers Association released a
long-range inflation forecast predicting an average inflation rate of
more than 9 percent per year over the next ten years. The latest Harris
poll of business executives shows that many of those polled expect
inflation to begin rising within one year. If bankers and business
executives aren't convinced that disinflation will continue, we can
hardly expect to convince lenders and savers that this will happen.
The solution to this problem, and the challenge facing us for the
future, is to make our anti-inflation policies credible to a disbelieving
public. There are several things that would contribute mightily to this
effort. First, our current monetary policy stance must be maintained;
there must be no, even temporary, reinflation "relapse.11 Second, federal
deficits must be reduced significantly. I say this not because I believe
that deficits by themselves cause inflation—they do not. I say it
because smaller federal deficits would reduce the "temptation" facing
monetary authorities to monetize a portion of the deficit. Finally, the
American public must be prepared to resist pressures for policymakers to
revert to reinflation in order to alleviate the temporary pain of the
process of disinflation. Only when people become convinced that our
anti-inflation fight is "for real" and will be pursued over a long period
of time, will inflation finally be eliminated and stability, so necessary
for economic growth, be restored.
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Cite this document
APA
Lawrence K. Roos (1982, August 29). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19820830_roos
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19820830_roos,
author = {Lawrence K. Roos},
title = {Speech},
year = {1982},
month = {Aug},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19820830_roos},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}