speeches · May 24, 1982
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
%
For release on delivery
8:00 PM, EDT
May 25, 1982
Remarks of
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Money Marketeers of New York University
New York City
May 25, 1982
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I am pleased to be in New York tonight with the Money
Marketeers, even though it's problematical whether it helps
the digestive process to have dinner with people who are trying
to outguess what the Fed is doing from minute to minute and
hour to hour. I have had some concern that whether I ate
rapidly or slowly, or with the right hand or left, might be
presumed to have some occult market significance. At any rate,
no matter how long or attentively you listen, you are still going
to have to make up your own minds about how the market will open
tomorrow, or next month, or next year.
Instead of looking at the nitty gritty of the financial
markets tonight, I'd like to step back a few paces and suggest
some perspective about what we are trying to do as a framework
for evaluating the market. I need not tell this group that we
are in a serious recession in this country today, made all the
more difficult by the fact that our economy has not been performing
up to expectations for a very long time. We'd like to have some
marvelous painless cure for our troubles but that,unfortunately,
is not the case.
We have been going through a difficult process, because
we have been suffering from the effects of an accumulation of
some economic and financial problems that have been developing
for a very long time. Those trends were ultimately unsustainable
and they have had to be turned around.
We let our productivity growth erode during the past decade
and more, so that by the end of the 1970's we were getting no
productivity growth at all. At the same time we wanted to see
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our incomes keep ahead of inflation, even if we weren't
achieving the productivity improvement that in the end is the
only source of growth of real income. And as costs rose faster
than prices, profit margins declined. After a while, we came
to take inflation for granted. We can see more clearly now
that many businesses and individuals overborrowed, tempted in
part by the easy assumption that you could repay credit in cheaper
dollars if you waited long enough. And, as society saw less point
in financial assets as a way to hold savings, we were surprised
and disconcerted that interest rates tended to rise. The whole
thing, I think, left us ill-prepared to cope with the energy
crisis and other economic shocks that came from outside.
The one thread, in my mind, that underlay all those trends
and all those attitudes was inflation. We used to think in the
immediate postwar period that a little inflation might be a good
thing. It produced pleasant little surprises along the way --
more often than not profits turned out to be higher than anticipated;
we could all feel a little richer when we saw the price of our
house go up, particularly if we didn't have to buy a new one;
we could see that our business mistakes could be covered by
price increases and all of that was particularly nice when
interest rates lagged way behind the inflation rate.
What's different, it seems to me, about our current
experience with respect to inflation is that it's lasted so
long and it's been so high that people began to expect it.
We've had inflations before in this country, particularly in
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war time -- a period in the Civil War when prices went up
pretty fast, during and after World War I and during and after
World War II -- but none of those periods lasted very long, and
I think most people legitimately assumed that we'd return to a
kind of norm of price stability after a while. I suspect that
was the thought when inflation began climbing after the mid-
1960's during the Vietnam war period. But
what's.unique about
inflation is that it didn't last for two or three or four years
but it went on for 15 years, and with some ups and downs in
rate of speed -- it went on at a rising trend.
It's a
characteristic of the human animal that after a
while he learns from experience. And soon people began to
expect inflation -- and even exaggerate it in their thinking
and in their behavior. That happened some time in the second
half of the 1970's. At that point, inflation could no longer
be considered fun, and the higher level of interest rates that
lenders began demanding to make up for their own inflationary
anticipations was one symptom of that.
Now I think, for the first time in the memory of many
people, we have a fair prospect of changing that trend and that
kind of thinking. I believe we can make this a period of transition
to a much brighter future. That, of course, has to be the aim
of monetary policy, and public policy
generally.
Certainly inflation is down and quite plainly so. I know
there's still a lot of
uncertainty about whether the improvement
will last -- it's natural at this stage to be reluctant to accept
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the
evidence that the
inflation rate is coming down and to
change
behavior in the
conviction the
improvement will last.
There is
certainly reason to believe that the
relatively
good
performance of both the
producer and
consumer price
indexes
in recent months reflect some
temporary or
non-recurring
factors.
The
momentum of cost and price and wage
increases remains strong
in a number of
sectors. Much of the gain in price
performance
has been
achieved in the midst of
recession. And the market
place seems to feel that 15 years of
inflation and false starts
in
anti-inflation policy justify a
skepticism about whether we
really are going to persist in
restoring price
stability.
Consequently, many lenders have wanted to stay liquid.
Longer-
term bonds have
continued to offer an
extraordinarily high level
of yield
historically, and the home buyer and the
businessman
haven't been able to raise much
long-term money at rates that
look
reasonable.
At the same time, there is no denying signs of
progress --
potentially
lasting
progress -- in
restraining costs and
setting
the stage for
productivity
improvement. That is
particularly
evident in sectors of the
economy where costs and wages have
been more
clearly out of line with
domestic and
international
competitive
realities. If the speed of our
progress is
exaggerated
in some price
statistics, I would also note that the
reduction
in the
consumer price index can also feed back into the wage
setting
process. In this
setting, it would be hard to deny a
change in the basic
inflationary trend is, at the very least,
within our grasp.
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The other side of the story is that with cost containment,
perhaps inevitably, lagging behind the declining inflation rate,
and with volume sluggish, profits are squeezed. The combination
of high interest rates and low profits creates a poor investment
climate at the moment, despite the tax and other
encouragements
that have been adopted. All of this is reflected in some acute
problems -- high unemployment, weak business, and severe financial
strains. It's very easy to understand the sense of uncertainty
and concern that so many people feel in this situation. The
challenge for policy -- the challenge for all of us -- is to
resolve those uncertainties in a constructive direction, building
on what has been achieved.
In that connection, a number of important steps have
already been taken.
oo The fiscal structure is moving in constructive
directions to help savings and to help investment
and to provide greater incentives; all that will
take time to be effective, but the framework is
in place.
oo There is a clear possibility of a more stable
energy picture, after the turbulence of the last
decade, even though the recent weakness in prices
has, for the time being, seemed to have come to
an end.
oo The excessive regulatory burden is being attacked.
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oo And inflationary assumptions, at the very least,
have been challenged and questioned and seem to
be in the process of change.
It is this process that provides an opportunity --
the best opportunity in years -- to reverse the pattern of the
1970's, to look forward to a sustained period of rising pro-
ductivity and growth in the context of a return to price stability.
In that context, the average worker should be able to see his
real income increase, something that hasn't happened for five
years or so.
Now if that sounds like pie in the sky, I can understand
the skepticism. But I don't think it is just a dream. After
all, this is the way the economy is supposed to operate. But,
of course, it is one thing talking vaguely about the more distant
future, and another thing to see a recovery actually start, and
to see it sustained.
I would emphasize three elements in terms of policy
approaches that seem to me to be critical to help make the
objective a reality. They all have a bearing on conditions in
financial markets, and it's conditions in financial markets that
are one key to recovery, and keep it going over time.
It's not going to surprise you at all if I say one of
those factors is the federal budget. I am among experts,
and won't belabor the point. You know the potential deficit
figures are so big they kind of numb the mind. The problem is
not so much the current fiscal 1982 deficit -- a number in the
general magnitude of $100 billion. Relative to the size of the
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the economy today, that kind of a deficit in a recession period
is not
unprecedented. But what is new, what is really unique
in our fiscal history so far as I know it, is the outlook over
coming fiscal years.
If we make some simple assumptions, including the
assumption that business will get better year after year
that the recession will end right away and we will have steady
growth of four to five percent or even a little more -- and if
we assume all government programs in place as they are now,
with all the automatic increases that result in spending over
the years ahead, the deficit would rise -- not fall -- as we
come out of the recession. It would rise by a very substantial
amount. Your projections may differ by tens of billions as the
time horizon lengthens, but the point is the estimates center
around $200 billion or more by fiscal 1984 -- not very far away.
They rise well above $200 billion in the fiscal years beyond that.
To put that in perspective, with "no action" we would be
facing deficits equal to as much as five percent or more of the
gross national product in periods of business prosperity, not
so much less than the rate of net savings in recent years. We
would like to see the savings rate increase, and tax and financial
market changes, I believe, point in that direction. But the clear
implication of the budgetary picture is that, if the potential
deficits are not sharply cut, those deficits would absorb an
historically large fraction of any realistic projection of our
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savings potential for a period of growth and prosperity.
There wouldn't be very much in the way of savings to go
around for the private sectors of the economy -- for home-
buyers, and farmers and industries that so desperately need
credit to support their own growth. Left unresolved, the
deficits could only mean pressure on the financial markets,
pressure that would be reflected in relatively high real
interest rates. As the markets look at the prospect, they
are more cautious about lending money today. And, the analysis
calls into question the prospects for sustained expansion --
certainly an investment-led, productivity-inducing expansion.
Now the encouraging thing about that budgetary situation
is, in a sense, the flip-side of its magnitude. The threat is
so evident, the need for drastic surgery is much better under-
stood in Washington today, on both sides of the aisle in the
Congress, in the Administration, and elsewhere. Once one under-
stands the size of the problem, there is a kind of compelling
need to deal with it. A rather dramatic effort to deal with
the budget was made recently by the President and the Congressional
leadership. That particular effort failed and that was disappointing.
But the effort is continuing -- through the more usual budgetary
processes. By its nature, those processes may not offer the
same dramatic or catalyzing potential. A budget resolution
leaves open questions about how the targeted savings will, in
fact, be implemented. But a resolution, combined with reconciliation
procedures, wculd be a forward step, and the will of the Congresv
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to implement the program in actual spending and revenue
increases will soon be tested. The manner in which that test
is passed will be crucial, but there seems to me some grounds
for encouragement.
The second policy element that I would emphasize revolves
•
more directly around monetary policy. Even with a highly
sophisticated audience, discussion of monetary policy can be
confused by semantic difficulties -- what we mean by "tight"
or "easy" money -- as well as by differing substantive inter-
pretation of the data.
In any event, I need not, before you, linger over the
point that the process by which interest rates are determined
is a lot more complicated than simply pulling a single monetary
lever. Monetary policy is important, but it is still only one
of many influences, and the immediate impact of our actions
doesn't tell the whole story. More important, over time, is
the climate of expectations about the economy and inflation,
and the balance of savings and investment.
The point has been made again and again that today's
interest rates are extraordinarily high relative to current
inflation. That is a statistical fact. But the relevant question
in assessing real interest rates, is what people expect, and
when those with money will be prepared to act forcefully on
the conviction that the inflationary trend will remain subdued.
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There are a number of signs that attitudes may be beginning
to change in that respect. I wish I had a magic wand to speed
the result, but I don't.
What we do have is some degree of control over the money
supply, and, therefore, over both the actual prospects for a
return to price stability and expectations of that prospect.
Theory and experience both tell us that restraint .on money
and credit growth is an essential part of bringing down inflation
and keeping it down. And if we are to get interest rates down
and do it in a way that they will stay down -- we have to be
concerned about excessive growth of money. That approach, in
general terms, it seems to me, is pretty well understood.
But, in this age of instant communication, when an over-
whelming number of poorly digested statistics are thrown at us
practically every day, it can be a confusing and difficult process
to try to follow the trend of money and credit growth from week
to week or month to month when the numbers bounce around so much.
And, apart from the sheer statistical noise, we have to be alert
to the impact of financial innovation on the numbers and to changing
behavior patterns in evaluating movements over a period of months
or years.
In setting particular targets for growth of the various
monetary and credit aggregates, in reviewing them periodically,
and in conducting our actual operations in the general framework
of those objectives, we need to assess those factors affecting
monetary aggregates against the background of conditions in the
money, capital and foreign exchange markets, the federal budgetary
posture, and other factors.
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On the basis of its analysis, the Federal Open Market
Committee last February adopted targets for 1982 that we felt,
on the basis of experience, should provide enough money to
support economic recovery, consistent with continued progress
against inflation. That judgment, I believe, was shared by
most observers. It is, of course, a judgment that should be,
and is, reviewed from time to time. •
In making our judgment at the beginning of this year,
we did not, and do not now, put exclusive weight -- or anything
like it -- on one measure of the money supply. M1 gets a lot
of attention in the market, partly because it is the only
aggregate published weekly. But I would emphasize it's not
the only measure we watch. It may not always be the most
important, particularly when it is sensitive to institutional
change.
For instance, NOW accounts are still relatively new, but
are now a significant share of Ml. While M1 is defined only to
include transactions balances, we know NOW accounts also have
some characteristics of a savings account. If there is a tendency,
at the margin, for individuals to hold more of their savings in
that highly liquid form, induced in part by recession
uncertainties,
the M1 totals will be affected. At the time we set our targets,
we had some evidence -- and we don't yet have the full story --
of a noticeable temporary change in the public's desire to hold
part of their financial assets in NOW accounts. At this point,
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nearly all the expansion in M1 this year has taken the form of
NOW accounts, and that increase, we believe, reflects partly a
savings or precautionary motive, in addition to the ordinary
transactions motivation. I would note that, at the same time,
the sharp decline in savings accounts -- for precautionary
purposes, a closely comparable asset -- was reversed.
Reflecting the surge in NOW accounts, M1 so far this
year has grown slightly faster than our target range may seem
to imply. To the extent this reflects a savings or precautionary
motive rather than a transactions demand for money, we do not
find this terribly troubling. That judgment is strengthened
against the background of other measures of money, liquidity,
or credit expansion, reflected in our other target ranges.
Taken together, the current results seem to me reasonably on
track with respect to our policy intentions.
You may recall that last year M1 grew relatively slowly,
while M2 expanded around the upper end of our target range.
We believe that this divergence was a reflection of financial
innovations, including prominently the rapid growth of money
market funds, which to some limited extent serve the function
of transactions balances. Taking all this into account, we
didn't find the pattern of slow growth of M1 so disagreeable
as to take vigorous action against it so long as M2 and other
measures were growing relatively rapidly. Similarly, at the
moment we don't find the pattern of growth in M1 so far this
year -- combined with behavior of the other aggregates reasonably
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consistent with intentions, and given the evidence of some
shift in public savings patterns -- to be out of line with
our purposes. I would also note that, with economic recovery,
the "precautionary" element in M1 or other aggregates could
subside.
Looking through these technicalities, the basic problem --
and objective -- remains. We want to have enough 'financial growth
to support recovery. But we also must make sure that monetary
policy remains concerned with, and directed toward, restoring
price stability, and we don't believe that's an objective that
we can turn on and off like a faucet -- not if we want the effort
to be successful. To attempt to push interest rates down by
excessive money creation at the expense of inflationary fears
would, it seems to me, be shortsighted. In a practical sense,
it wouldn't work for very long in the current environment, when
the sensitivity to inflation remains so strong.
The third area I would touch upon is to point out the
inflationary process is nurtured by a state of mind; once started
it tends to maintain its own momentum in interest rates, in wage
bargaining, in pricing policies, and all the rest. You know, if
you're under the age of 35 and you've been working since you
graduated from college or high school, you've never known anything
but higher prices in your whole working career. Along the way
you got used to annual increases in salaries and wages year after
year that partly reflected inflation. You got used to accumulating
financial resources by capital gains in your house. Price stability
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always seems nice when you are on the "buy" side of the market,
but as sellers there is a strong inclination to try to keep the
process going.
Today there is not enough money to finance real investment
and inflation at the earlier rate of speed. That process is
making inflation subside, but in a transition period business
activity can be affected as well. You can try to'solve that
dilemma by sharply accelerating growth in the money supply --
by a willingness to finance inflation. But in my judgment,
that will not prove to be a solution at all, because it will
only perpetuate the process. The dilemma ultimately has to
be solved from the other direction, by reducing costs, restraining
nominal wages and salaries, and by increasing productivity.
It's easy to understand the reluctance of many to accept
as a premise of their own behavior that inflation is coming
down, because they've seen the opposite experience for so long.
But I also have to say that those who plan on inflation in their
management and labor practices -- those who in effect bet against
the nation's success in restoring price stability -- should think
about the consequences of their actions when those expectations
turn out to be unwarranted.
In time, the process of disinflation can, I believe,
attain a kind of momentum of its own -- success can breed con-
fidence and further progress. In that context, I think we would
agree, interest rates at today's levels would appear absurdly
high -- a kind of historic aberration.
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I know we're not over the hump to that happier world,
despite the visible progress we can see on inflation. But I
do think we can begin to sense the necessary change in attitudes.
And I do think we have the best chance in memory of reversing
the adverse trends of these past years of making this
recession not another wasted, painful episode, but a transition
to something better.
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1982, May 24). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19820525_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19820525_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1982},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19820525_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}