speeches · April 22, 1982
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For Release on Delivery
Expected 9:30 A.M. EST
Statement by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Subcommittee on Telecommunications, Consumer Protection, and Finance
of the
Committee on Energy and Commerce
U.S. House of Representatives
April 23, 1982
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I appreciate the opportunity to appear before this subcommittee
to discuss important issues related to the regulation of financial markets.
Although these hearings were occasioned by the pending reauthorization of
the CFTC and the associated legislation proposed to implement the jurisdic
tional agreement reached between that agency and the SEC, 1 think that in
any case they would be quite appropriate and useful at this time. The rapid
development of financial futures marketsand the likely onset of trading in
many more new option and futures contracts have highlighted the need for
Congress to address a number of fundamental questions concerning the pur
poses and structure of federal regulation of these markets. I will be
addressing some of these issues today, with particular emphasis on margin
regulations, sAnee-tftai!! ’IS 6he area in whifcti Congress has glutliH Hie Foriiirql
Reserve considerable direcl rity.
Background
Our financial system has long offered participants a chance to
hedge or speculate by entering into contracts for future delivery of a finan
cial instrument. Until around 10 years ago, however, trading in such con
tracts was conducted over-the-counter, with participation generally limited
to small numbers of sophisticated investors. Beginning in the early 1970s
we have seen the establishment first of exchange trading for options on
stock then for futures on a wide range of debt securities and foreign cur
rencies and now on stock price indexes. Trading in these instruments has
expanded rapidly,^spawning a host[ of proposals to expand futures trading to
contracts keyed to an ever-widening array of securities and to establish
markets in options contracts on debt instruments, on indexes of stock prices
and even on futures contracts themselves.
The growth of options and futures markets reflects a number of
different forces. The exchanges, for example, have shown great ingenuity
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.in devising contracts to fu lfill the public's desire to reduce risk or to
match wits with the market in projecting future movements in interest rates,
stock prices, or foreign exchange values. More fundamentally, perhaps, the
new instruments have found a receptive audience because of the volatility
of the economic and financial environment in recent years. Rapid and siz
able changes in interest•rates have enhanced the desirability of hedging
against interest rate movements and increased the potential for profits (and
also losses) from speculation. Changing inflation expectations have con
tributed to wide swings in the prices of precious metals and exchange rates
have shown dramatic movements in response to sizable shifts in economic and
financial conditions in various countries. 1 believe that much of the recent
volatility is an unfortunate byproduct of an economy in transition to a
period of sustainable noninflationary growth. Such a transition is, of
necessity, marked by a great deal of uncertainty about the financial out-
look--accentuated by the >r antraoedinarily. large budget deficits.
If we adhere to our policy of seeking moderate growth in money and credit
and rein in the federal government's financial needs, both economic and
financial stability will be restored, with benefits flowing to the economy,
if not to the futures and options exchanges. Even so, these markets are
likely to be a permanent.feature of our financial landscape, and questions
remain as to the contribution they make to the effective and efficient
operations of the security and capital markets.
In considering the possible effects of the s
jiTSy-uI new financial contracts, it is important to remember that these
instruments are similar in a number of fundamental ways, although their
specific provisions may differ. Futures, options and options on futures all
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are ways of transferring the risk of future price changes. They are suffi
ciently similar so that it is generally possible to determine how the prices
of two such instruments keyed to the same underlying security ought to behave
relative to each other, and relative to price changes in the underlying
instrument. Some market participants watch these price relationships
very carefully, looking for opportunities to make profits if they get
out of line. As a result of the activity of these arbitragers, these markets
are tied very closely to one another, and developments in any one market will
very quickly be transmitted to other markets for related instruments.
Regulatory Structure
Given the fundamental similarity of these markets and the economic
forces binding them together, logic and sound public policy would seem to
dictate that their regulation be comparable and parallel in many important
respects. Of course, some regulation must be keyed to tine particular char
acteristics of the market or instrument involved, but if related markets are
subject to significantly different rules for features common to them all,
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the effective level of regulation will tend to be the weakest level. 1 Dif
ficulties in one market—arising perhaps from a lack of regulation--^lll be
quickly felt in closely related markets and attempts to protect a/particular
market sector from the effects of certain actions will not be/Successful if
those actions can be carried out in other markets linked by arbitrage to the
protected sector. /
Tendencies in this regard would be strengthened by the propensity
for some market participants to seek out the leys-regulated market, if the
regulation is seen as constraining actions in any significant way or adding
to costs. In this way, the less-protected market will seem to have a competi
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tive advantage, and pressu^eckl>wlll be brought to bear to reduce regulation
in other sectors. Rules and regulations then become a competitive tool, and
their function in protecting the public^interestrsn^y receive insufficient
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weight. ' .
One way to promote evenhanded and coordinated regulation of compet
ing markets would be to place them under the same regulator. The single
regulator could balance the rules in the different markets to ensure that
competitive balance and the public interest were both being served. Vesting
authority in a single regulator is not necessary, however. Similar results
can be achieved when more than one agency is involved, provided that Congress
endows the agencies with similar regulatory powers that are then exercised
in a coordinated way, and the agencies cooperate in surveillance and enforce
ment activities across related markets.
Thus, we have no objection in principle to the kind of division
of responsibilities agreed to by the CFTC and SEC. In many respects SEC and
CFTC regulation of their respective markets is already quite comparable. For
example, both agencies have basically similar rules requiring the firms they
supervise to meet minimum capitalization standards; this helps to assure
investors and others doing business with the firms that they can meet their
obligations. Customers also are protected by both agencies through stringent
rules governing the segregation of customer funds. At the same time, the
agencies have moved to enhance coordination and cooperation, including estab
lishing regular channels for interchange of information crucial to surveil
lance of markets. The Federal Reserve and the Treasury also share in this
information as it affects markets of interest to them.
But in some important aspects of market regulation notable differ
ences between the two agencies remain—especially in the areas of margin
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requirements and suitability rules that place responsibility on sales
representatives'to avoid advising customers to engage in inappropriate
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trading activity. In these areas, the SEC (along with the Federal Reserve
in the case of margins) has fairly stringent rules while the CFTC has none.
This disparity reflects somewhat different approaches to regulation, embodied
in part in the legislation under which the two agencies operate, with the
CFTC placing greater reliance on the judgment of participants to protect
their own interests, especially once they have been made aware of the risky
nature of the markets. The accord between the two agencies will not affect
this difference in regulation, which is inconsistent with the general prin
ciple that similar markets should operate under similar ground rules.
The degree to which government regulation of financial markets
ought to constrain private participants is difficult to determine. There is
a strong public Interest in maintaining smoothly functioning financial mar-
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kets, HVifily fT,,,"n'"rnrin Mir |rr1 irTT( i~ hTnm7l i 11r~fmlf utilnsl |i/n I ti Ih/iiiI i
in these^markets. The financial markets play an important role in determin
ing the level and composition of national output. Most of our country's
savings passes through financial markets, encouraged in part by the existence
of liquid markets that make possible rapid changes in asset portfolios. The
markets serve to channel these savings to business and household borrowers
to finance capital formation, housing, and consumer purchases. They are the
fulcmm for transmitting monetary policy impulses to the economy, and the
forum in which federal and state and local governments must borrow to finance
deficits and fund capital projects such as schools and highways.
A wide variety of investors have been attracted to the new deriva-
snts--options or futures--to hedge or speculate. And, the range
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of participants is likely to widen even further as additional stock index
future contracts become available to be traded. The greater numbers of
people and growing sums of money involved increase the potential for dif
ficulties in one market segment to have effects well beyond that segment—
much more so than is likely the case for most markets in traditional com
modities. This certainly was illustrated by events in the silver market,
which was being used in a manner more closely resembling a financial than
a commodities market, where a crisis very nearly had serious consequences
for other markets and several financial institutions as well. This suggests
a somewhat greater role for governmental regulation in financial futures
markets--although this regulation should be kept to the minimum necessary
to safeguard the public interest.
Moreover, the danger that rules established by private market par-
Lcipants may not adequately protect against market disruptions :
larly great at this time. Futures and options markets are in a state of
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competitive flux. New instruments are being introduced constantly arid the
rivalry between the exchanges for business is especially intense since
experience suggests that the first exchange to establish successful trading
in contracts on a particular security or commodity has advantage over later
entrants. Although no exchange would deliberately establish rules that
expose itself to risk that endangered its viability, it might be tempted to
shade its standards at the inception of market trading in order to gain the
initial advantage. This only reinforces the need for closer oversight and
review by federal regulatory agencies of exchange rules and practices.
Margin Requirements
Margin requirements are an area in which these public policy con
cerns are particularly sharply drawn. It is the one major type of market
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regulation the CFTC is explicitly barred from exercising, even in an over
sight capacity, and, although there is a strong self-interest in maintain- *
ing adequate margins, it is therefore an aspect of private rulemaking espe
cially subject to competitive pressures. Moreover, this situation contrasts
sharply with the securities markets, where the Federal Reserve sets initial
margin requirements on equities and the SEC has the power to review the
maintenance margins of the self-regulatory organizations. Thus, margin
requirements are one prominent aspect of regulation in which similar instru
ments receive widely divergent treatment.
In part, this divergence reflects differences in the purposes of
margins in the different markets. In commodities markets, margin deposits
are viewed as a performance bond--they are put up to guarantee that those
who enter into the contract can meet its terms. They generally are equal to
maximum price movements expected over a day or so, because at the end of
each day payments are made to or from the clearinghouse to reflect gains
and losses on each futures contract; if these payments reduce the cushion
provided by margin deposits to levels that may not cover subsequent price
moves, the loser can be called on to put up additional cash on short notice.
Since market participants are presumed to have the strongest Interest in
preventing defaults on contracts and the greatest knowledge of what is neces
sary to accomplish this, their judgment is relied upon to set the proper
level of margins.
In securities markets, exchanges set maintenance margin levels to
guarantee performance on contracts, but the Federal Reserve establishes ini
tial margin requirements to further the accomplishment of other objectives.
For example, Congress in establishing the Federal Reserve's authority in this
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area cited its concerns about the diversion of credit from other uses, pro
tecting investors by limiting leveraging possibilities, and preventing specu
lative bubbles in stock prices resulting from credit-financed purchases or
sales to meet margin calls.
To be sure, there are more than just regulatory differences between
futures margins and those in securities markets--especially cash markets.
For example, the former need not normally involve traditional loans, although
they may do so indirectly through borrowing to meet margins or use of bank
letters of credit. But the basic similarities are quite striking. In both
cases the margins serve to limit the size of position that can be taken with
a given amount of resources--dictating how much cash or collateral must be
put up to participate in subsequent price movements of the instrument. And,
by affecting leveraging possibilities they affect the degree of risk assumed
by market participants. The function of margins in the futures and options
markets is especially closely analogous, which is not surprising in light of
the similarity of the two instruments.
This basic resemblence makes it/ essential tthat comparable instru
ments be subject to comparable regulation. Failure to do this will under
mine the effects of the more stringent regulations, frustrating the intent
of the framers, as well as creating artificial competitive imbalances betwee:
markets. The development of such a situation with respect to stocks and
instruments based on stocks would be of particular concern to the Federal
Reserve, which has concentrated its margin regulation on equities markets.
In recognition of this potential the Federal Reserve moved to assert its
authority over margins on futures contracts based on stock price indexes.
Such a contract is in many respects functionally similar to an option, and
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In the absence of Federal Reserve action the leveraging possibilities in
equities would have expanded substantially, undermining to some extent any
success the Federal Reserve's margin requirements were having in meeting
their congressional objectives of protecting stock market investors or pre
venting speculative movements in stock prices. We have not yet mandated a
margin level for futures on stock, since the exchanges have agreed to keep
their margins at what appears to be a reasonable level, but we have taken
steps to begin putting into place the regulatory framework for possible future
action. We are, I assure you, prepared to take appropriate action to pro
tect the integrity of our margin requirements! it would be helpful In t
regard for the Congress to adopt measures clarifying the responsibilitie
of the Federal Reserve with respect to setting margins on equity-related
Instruments, erasing any doubts about this matter.
The Federal Reserve has margin authority over private debt securi
ties, but in general we have not actively exercised it in recent years.
Moreover, we do not have authority over margins on securities issued by the
federal or state and local governments. But there is still federal oversight
in these areas exercised by the SEC, which since 1975 has been empowered to
review the rules of the exchanges and other self-regulatory organizations--
including maintenance margin standards--and to forestall the implementation
of those it feels are inadequate. Congress gave the SEC this veto power to
ensure that SR0 rules were adequate to protect the working of the markets
themselves--to minimize the chance of failure to perform in one part of the
market and to limit the potential for any difficulties that did occur to
spill over to other participants or markets. The decision-making power
remains with the SBOs, but the public Interest in exchange decisions is pro
tected by the SEC review process
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The Congress should consider granting some federal agency similar
powers over exchange margin setting In financial futures. Given the current
structure of regulation, that authority should probably be vested In the
CFTC, to be exercised In coordination with the SEC to assure that the margins
required In various related markets are fair to the participants In those
markets and protect the overwhelming public Interest In sound, smoothly
functioning credit markets.
Remaining Issues
Even with thifc structure of regulation established, many unresolved
questions remain in the area of margin regulation. Congress may wish to
ask the agencies involved to undertake a thorough review of margin regula
tion with a view to redefining Its scope, purpose, and implementation in
various financial markets. With respect to stock margins it might be time
to take a good look at whether they have effectively fulfilled some of those
congressional objectives I enumerated earlier. Depending on the outcome of
such an examination, Congress may want to redefine the purposes of margin
regulations, especially in light of the numerous changes in financial mar
ket practices and regulations since 1934. Such a decision, in turn, might
raise questions concerning the appropriate agency or agencies to administer \
the regulations. If the market protection function of margins were to be
given additional emphasis, for example, initial margins would decline in
importance relative to maintenance margin levels and authority might usefully
be transferred from the Federal Reserve to the SEC, which has responsibility
for reviewing most other rules governing market and investor protection in
securities markets.
In the futures margin area, in addition to granting the CFTC author
ity to review exchange-set futures margins, Congress might want to instruct
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that such a study consider the form In which the margins are held—bank let
ters of credit are now acceptable in lieu of cash--and the way in which the
gains and losses on futures contracts are settled each day. A related area
that might profitably be examined is practices of the clearinghouses in
obtaining margins from their members. The clearinghouses are at the hub of
the futures market; difficulties in one of these might very quickly be felt
throughout the financial markets.
In discussing these issues, I have not intended to prejudge the
results of a thorough-going examination of margin regulations, or even to
define or limit its scope. Indeed, it might be beneficial to expand such a
study to encompass a host of issues related more generally to the regulation
of new types of financial instruments and impact of their growth. It could
address some of the concerns that motivated Chairman Dingall's proposal to
impose a moratorium on stock index futures. Although I understand his con
cerns, I do not think such a step is necessary at this time—no persuasive
case has been made that the financial markets will be harmed by this instru
ment, its trading can be closely observed as experience with it is gained,
and the Federal Reserve stands ready to exercise its margin authority if
appropriate.
The advent of stock index futures and many other new contracts is
moving our financial system in new directions, and I don't think we've fully
comprehended the implications of this. If asked by the Congress, the Federal
Reserve stands ready to join with the other concerned regulatory agencies to
take a comprehensive look at these markets, or we would support the use of
a group of outside advisors for this purpose.
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Conclusion
Your consideration of the proper regulatory structure for financial
futures and related markets is taking place at a time of intense questioning
about the efficacy and scope of government regulation more generally. I
think this is a healthy attitude. The presumption in a market economy ought
always to be that government interference in market decisions requires strong
justification and is open to continuing reexamination. I remain convinced,
however, that there is an important role for federal government regulation
and oversight in financial markets. Because these markets are at the very
core of a modern economic system any problems they experience can have rapid
and major ramifications on the general economic welfare. ,
The extent of regulation of financial markets necessary to protect
the public interest is difficult to define, especially in light of the growth
of new types of financial markets whose implications are not at all well
understood. The study I proposed Ui nty 711 was intended to give guid-
ence to efforts to determine the proper role of government in the workings
of financial markets, although 1 expect there are no definitive answers to
these questions suitable for all times and circumstances. Nonetheless, one
principle seems clear to me: whatever the extent of regulations, they must
be applied in an evenhanded manner--similar instruments and markets should
be subject to comparable and parallel regulations. In many respects, regu
lation of financial markets has been moving in this direction in recent years,
but there is still some distance to go. I urge you to keep this in mind as
you consider the important issues before you.
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1982, April 22). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19820423_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19820423_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1982},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19820423_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}