speeches · November 10, 1981
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
10:30 AM CJT (11:30 AM EST)
Wednesday, November 11, 1981
Remarks by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
University of Nebraska-Lincoln
The E.J. Faulkner Lecture Series
Lincoln, Nebraska
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I am delighted to be here at the University of Nebraska.
I assume that when you invited me to speak many months ago, you
all knew we would be meeting in an anxious period — a lot of
momentum has been generated, but nobody is going to feel comfort-
able until after the Oklahoma game!
In economic policy, the action is more continuous, the
Scoreboard at the moment is much more ambigious, and success
or failure isn't going to be decided in two weeks. But there
isn't much doubt that we are in the midst of a crucial economic
season. The results are not going to determine who goes to the
Orange Bowl, but they are going to have a lot to do with the well-
being of the country for years ahead.
I won't surprise any of you by asserting that our
prosperity and growth can only be assured in a framework of
greater price stability. For too many years, the trend has
been in the other direction. Next year's incoming freshmen
will have lived with nothing but inflation, and even graduate
students in economics have to turn to the history books or
economic journals, rather than to their own experience, to
learn about price stability. In the circumstances, it's no
wonder that so many have come to accept inflation as the "norm,"
and, in their personal and business decisions, have even come
to "count on" its continuing.
At the same time, it is evident that these years of
inflation have culminated in a period of slow growth, sagging
productivity, and higher unemployment — and that there has
been a close connection between the rising inflation and poor
economic performance. That is a basic reason why I believe
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that we, as a nation, must give priority to restoring price
stability to our economy. That effort has, and will continue
to place, a heavy responsibility on monetary policy and the
Federal Reserve. More specifically, there will be a continuing
need to restrain growth in money and credit to amounts consistent
with the needs of the economy at stable prices. I would like
to spell out today a little more fully some of the implications
of that effort for the health of our economy.
With inflation so deeply ingrained in thinking and
behavior -- so embedded in pricing and wage policies, in
financing patterns and in investment behavior -- the notion
of a quick and easy victory seems to me an illusion. The
trend of monetary and credit growth has been reduced for more
than two years. We can point to signs of progress against
inflation. But we are also compelled to report that, outside
the area of sensitive commodity prices, most indexes of prices
and wages show rates of increase so far this year only slightly
below last year's pace. Moreover, some of the progress has
come in areas in which the relief may only be temporary -
good harvests have held down food prices, and surpluses
in oil markets led to actual declines in gasoline prices during
the summer and fall. Lower rates of wage increases have been
largely limited to the manufacturing sector.
More broadly, we need to be able to sustain progress
toward price stability in a context of balanced growth, not
of recession and excessive unemployment. As you well know,
the intense pressures on financial markets during much of 1980
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and 1981 have been reflected in heavy stress on credit-
sensitive areas of the economy, such as homebuilding, farming,
automobiles, and small businesses. Strains on the financial
structure -- most notably in the thrift industry — have
intensified. Over recent weeks, economic activity generally
has turned down. As it has done so, interest rates have fallen
sharply, with some short-term rates as much as six percent below
the peaks of the summer. That respite is welcome, and should
help cushion the recent decline in business. But a lasting
solution to our inflationary and financial problems plainly
cannot be dependent on "special factors11 or a slack, under-
employed economy.
In short, a fair appraisal of the current situation
suggests that the battle against inflation has been fairly
joined, but it is far from over. Success will be dependent
on sustaining consistent monetary, fiscal, and other policies.
As we do so, we can look forward to fundamental changes in
expectations and in behavior that will, in turn, reduce cost
pressures, enhance productivity, and unwind the inflationary
process. In those circumstances, we could indeed look forward
to sustained growth for years ahead.
The current inflation, as I see it, has been with us
so long that it can be said to have a "history.1' And Santayana's
dictum -- that those who would not remember the past are condemned
to repeat it -- is as apt in this policy area as others.
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After the searing experience of the Great Depression
and with the post-World War II emphasis on growth and employ-
ment, policy makers came to accept the proposition that inflation
was a lesser evil -- that, indeed, it was both appropriate and
possible to "trade-offfl more growth and employment against
inflation. When inflation was low, it didn't seem very dangerous,
Moreover, so long as inflation was not expected to continue,
it may well have acted as a kind of mild "pep pill.11 But over
time, our experience with inflation has been different. As
inflation is sustained and anticipated, it undermines normal
incentives to produce, to save, and to invest; growth in real
income and employment deteriorates.
We have learned, too, that once inflation is built into
behavior and expectations, it becomes increasingly difficult
to reverse; left to it's own devices, it tends to accelerate.
The history of this inflation has been marked by repeated
attempts to bring it under control. The lack of success of
the earlier efforts was not entirely, or even largely, a
function of faulty policy conception. Rather those efforts
failed when the commitment to restraint wavered or vanished
as they appeared to conflict with other objectives. In the
end, we were left with both more inflation and less growth.
The failure to carry through at critical junctures conveyed
an unfortunate lesson of its own -- to businessmen, to financial
markets, and the public at large -- a deep-iseated skepticism
that price stability could or would be restored.
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Partly because of the recurrent efforts to deal with
it, the inflationary pattern of the last 15 years has not been
anything like a simple straight line on the charts. Rather,
there has been a pattern of surges and ebbs -- but with a clear
ratcheting to higher levels. Each new wave of inflation brought
a new peak; each upswing was followed by some easing in the rate
of price increase — but it was never reduced to the previous
low point.
This experience is new to American history. When we
have had severe inflation before, it was typically during war-
time. Those episodes were relatively brief, and, except after
World War II, they were followed by a period of price decline.
In this country^ unlike many others, there has been no collective
memory or fear of really severe, sustained inflation; our attitudes
and institutions were built on a presumption of price stability
and low interest rates. And when that perscription was questioned,
the economy just didn't perform well.
The current inflation started relatively slowly. From
1965 to 1970, when the economic stimulus from the Vietnam War
was heaped on an economy already operating at high capacity
rates, consumer price increases went from Ik to nearly 6 percent,
but then subsided to 3% percent by 1972» Even that was considered
disturbing, and for a time, we resorted to the crutch of wage
and price controls. But, with the benefit of hindsight, the
country did not sustain the financial discipline necessary to
keep inflation in check. In the face of a worldwide economic
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boom and poor harvests, inflation accelerated. The first
floil shock11 soon gravely aggravated the situation, and we
had our first taste of double-digit inflation since the
aftermath of World War II. Even the deepest postwar recession
in 1974 and 1975 left the inflation rate close to 6 percent.
By 1977 prices began to accelerate again and last year rose
by more than 13 percent as measured by the consumer price
index.
In an economy like ours, there is a great deal of
inertia in wage and price trends. It took time for the
first inflationary impulses to be reflected in multi-year
labor contracts, or to ripple through to prices of consumer
goods and services. It was easy to fool ourselves for a while -•
budgetary and monetary restraint didn't seem so urgent when wage
and price trends were showing relatively little change. More-
over, while interest; rates tended to rise, borrowers and lenders
for a time continued to act on the presumption that inflation
would in time subside. During much of the 1970fs, interest
rates — even before taxes -- provided little or no return
after inflation.
But the same inertia and expectational factors tend to
keep inflation going -- or to accelerate it -- once the process
is fairly underway and sustained for years. Workers na ••rurally
aim for, and expect, wage gains that will keep up with past
inflation and protect them from future price increases. Firms
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try to set prices above anticipated rising costs, and they
sometimes succeed. Lenders begin to demand real returns,
and borrowers are willing to pay much higher interest rates
as they anticipate higher prices later for the things they
buy.
The harsh fact is that our present inflation -
looking at both its duration and extent -- is the most
severe in our history since the Continental Dollar was
inflated out of existence. Consumer prices have risen
more than 160 percent over a span of 15 years. Is it any
wonder that so many -- from the average citizen to the Wall
Street investor -- have sought to protect themselves from
rising prices, have often become more interested in speculation
than in production, and want to be "shown" conclusively our
commitment to a sustained anti-inflation policy?
Nowhere have the demands for inflation "premiums11 been
more characteristic than in financial markets and interest rates.
Instead of the negative or low interest rates in real terms that
have characterized most past inflationary periods, interest rates
have in fact moved well above the current inflation rate. Even
in recent months, as short-term rates began to fall substantially,
long-term rates continued to rise for a while to new peaks.
In the past week or two, those interest rates have fallen sharply,
but they remain extremely high historically.
The most recent developments bring us to a new stage
in the fight on inflation. Weakening in business activity is
being reflected in softening private credit demands. Interest
rates -- as I just noted -- have been declining, and further
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reductions in the inflation rate would be a natural response
to economic slack. But a temporary respite in the face of
economic adversity won't be good enough. We need to build
policies that will change the inflationary trend for the better
so that progress toward price stability can be compatible with
growth -- indeed, will help sustain that needed growth.
Monetary policy is central to that effort. Economic
theory and historical experience alike support the proposition
that inflation will be brought under control, and stability
maintained, only if we restrain the growth of money and credit
over time to amounts consistent with the potential growth of
real output at stable prices.
As many of you know, two years ago the Federal Reserve
adopted new operating procedures in order to focus its control
more directly on growth of money. These procedures emphasize
control on growth of bank reserves, which in turn are related
to growth in money and credit.
In concept, that sounds simple and almost mechanical.
In practice, it is neither.
In a rapidly changing institutional setting, the definition
of money itself can be slippery, and there will always be debate
about which of several available measures of money is the most
reliable indicator and about how the latest data should be
interpreted. The statistics bounce around from week to week
or month to month in the best of circumstances, and there is
slippage between our control of reserves and the money supply
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by any definition. And, in the short-run, more aggressive
control of money can be reflected in more interest rate and
exchange rate volatility, which presents problems of its own.
We do not have the time to explore all those operational
questions today; in the end, we cannot escape matters of judgment,
But, standing back and viewing the evidence over a reasonable
period of time, I would assert that our actions reflect our
stated intention --we have slowed down the growth of money
and credit.
There are some who would assert that monetary restraint
is not only necessary to restore price stability, but that such
restraint is the end of the story so far as inflation is con-
cerned, That may be a nice textbook theorem -- but it is not
a proposition that seems to me applicable to the world in which
we live. We should be, and we are, interested in finding ways
to ease the process of disinflation, without unnecessary stresses
on the economy as a whole, on particular sectors, or on financial
markets or institutions. The need for a sustained approach
implies the need for a balanced approach.
Monetary policy is the responsibility of the Federal
Reserve. But financial markets and the economy as a whole
are affected not just by monetary policy, but by the inter-
action of all policies.
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The clear opportunity exists to relieve the pressures
in financial markets arising from actual and projected federal
budget deficits. A few months ago, the Administration and
the Congress moved toward a far-reaching fiscal plan designed
to reverse the ominous trends of the past decade — higher
effective tax rates, higher expenditures relative to the size
of the economy and persistent deficits. This year federal tax
receipts will be more than 21 per cent of GNP, a peacetime
record, and in the absence of tax law change were headed still
higher. Expenditures were, of course, still larger.
A significant reduction in federal taxes relative to
national income, one major element of that plan, has already
been enacted; the tax take relative to GNP should be reduced
to about 19 per cent by 1984. Over the course of the next
couple of years, the tax cuts to individuals and businesses
have the potential to improve incentives for investment and
savings.
There is a danger, however, that congestion and pressures
in financial markets could counter the beneficial effects.
The net fiscal position of the government — that is the
burden on the financial markets from the federal deficit —
will have a direct bearing on that question.
In other words, both the expenditure and tax side of
the budgetary equation are relevant. The Administration and
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the Congress recognized that reality by undertaking a sizable
reduction in outlays when the tax bill was enacted. The size
and range of that effort was unprecedented in my experience
in Washington. But it is equally true that, in the perspective
of the huge tax cuts, the defense program, and the inexorable
rise in so-called "entitlement programs," those cuts fall far
short of what would be needed to balance the budget in any
reasonable time frame. Indeed, as things stand, action will
be required to prevent the deficit from rising in absolute
terms or relative to GNP. Doubts on that score have already
had a profound effect on financial markets. While interest
rates have recently been declining, the stubbornly high level
of long-term rates is influenced by concerns of heavy federal
financing extending into a period of business expansion.
All the talk about balancing the budget in a particular
time frame can be rife with confusion unless we specify the
economic conditions in which the budget can and should be
balanced. The significance of a federal deficit in any given
year depends on the general state of the economy and a number
of more particular factors, including the potential for national
savings and competing demands for money and credit in the private
sector. For instance, in periods when saving is relatively high
or when demand is slack for business credit or in the housing
industry, the Treasury may be able to sell securities without
"crowding out" investment activity. It may not be possible or
desirable to offset temporary losses of revenue as a result of
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sluggish economic activity. Put more generally, purely
cyclical fluctuations in the budget deficit are not at the
root of the problem -- and a substantial part of the fiscal
1982 deficit will be cyclical.
What is a problem is that -- in good years as well as
bad -- deficits have persisted; we have a structural, as well
as a cyclical, deficit. And those deficits work directly
against our objectives when they absorb funds that could and
would be used to meet our investment and housing needs. In
the last fiscal year, the Federal Government preempted close
to $80 billion to finance the deficit and off-budget activities,
an amount close to half of the net available savings in the
nation. That money was preempted at a time when high interest
rates were holding back business investment and homebuying.
The Federal Reserve cannot effectively deal with financial
market pressures stemming from structural deficits in good
business years. If we were to push more money and credit into
the system than is consistent with our longer-run objectives,
it would not be long before any temporary relief to the market
would be swept away by new -- and in those circumstances
legitimate -— concerns about inflation.
The need, instead, is to make progress on both sides
of the savings-deficit relationship. Changes in the tax code,
lower levels of inflation, and positive real interest rates
should all work toward increasing our chronically low savings
rate. But savings patterns, judged historically, are not likely
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to shift dramatically,and we should not count on that alone
to do the job. What we need to do is face up to the need to
cut, and eliminate, the structural deficit at the earliest
opportunity. I cannot avoid one further conclusion --if
spending trends cannot be brought into line with our prospective
capacity to generate revenues with present taxes, then we cannot
shrink from considering new revenue sources.
I have taken a good deal of time to explain what you
should expect from monetary and fiscal policies in the battle
against inflation. A reduced deficit over time and return to
budgetary balance -- in a good business year -- is critical to
avoiding endemic pressures in financial markets and to sustained
growth in the private economy. As for the Federal Reserve, I
want to assure you that our commitment is firm: we need to
persist in the policies of financial discipline that are now
in place.
I also want to acknowledge what is so evident today --
after years of inflation, the transition to greater price stability
is not a simple painless process. The speed of that transition
depends in considerable part on the way individuals and businesses
respond .to what is already happening, and to the policies in
place.
Individually, we always want higher real income, larger
profit margins, or more leisure. And, in a-well-functioning,
growing economy we can have all those things. The paradox is
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that those results will come more quickly and surely to the
extent we collectively restrain our demands for higher prices
and for larger wages.
We cannot expect policies to be successful that ask
duo* citizens voluntarily t^refrain from action they consider
contrary to their individual interests. We can point out,
however, that there will not be enough money and credit to
finance sustained inflation, and that jobs and companies are
risked when costs get out of line. We can emphasize that
ultimately only production and productivity can provide higher
incomes. And we can reasonably claim that, as the trend of
costs and prices subsides, we will have laid a firm foundation
for sustained growth and low interest rates.
From my perspective, there are strong grounds for
optimism. I sense a strong determination among the American
people that, after years of vacillation, the time has come to
deal decisively with inflation. There is a realistic awareness
that the failure to face up to the challenge now would only
leave us in a more difficult situation. The battle against
inflation has been fairly joined, and we can see signs of
progress. We must carry through until the battle is won.
* * * * * * *
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1981, November 10). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19811111_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19811111_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1981},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19811111_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}