speeches · October 14, 1981
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
Thursday, October 15, 1931
2:45 PM CUT (3:45 PM EOT)
Remarks by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Caper ton Lecture
Owens Graduate School of Management
Vanderbilt University
Nashville, Tennessee
October 15, 1981
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I am delighted to be here at Vanderbilt University
and to deliver the Caperton Lecture. My talk today
focuses on what I believe must be a wide-ranging attack
on the Nation's primary economic problem -- inflation. I
am convinced that success in this effort is fundamental to
solving our longer-range problems of slow growth and poor
productivity. While we have begun to see signs of progress
in recent months in the form of some easing in a number of
price measures, the battle is far from won. Indeed, I believe
we are just entering the most crucial stages.
As we explore this issue, let's be clear about what's
at stake, and realistic about what's required for success.
We are dealing with an inflationary momentum, and patterns
of thinking and behavior, that have developed over decades.
Something like half the working population -- those under age
35 -- have never known price stability in their working and
consuming lifetimes. In the circumstances, it's perhaps under-
standable that so many have come to "count on11 inflation --
pricing policies, salary demands, financing patterns and invest-
ment behavior have all come to be set on that assumption.
At times, we have seen efforts to combat inflation, efforts
launched with sincerity and real concern. Unfortunately, we have
also seen these efforts defeated, or abandoned, in whole or in
part when they seemed to conflict with other objectives. The
whole inflationary process gained momentum in the mid-1960's
when, as a nation, we tried both to fight a war and introduced
aftgreat society" without facing up to its cost. Policies of
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restraint in the late 1960's were not pressed for long.
By 19 71 we turned to mandatory wage and price controls. The
apparent gains from that program were washed away in good
part because our fiscal and monetary actions were not adequately
disciplined. There were later examples of policy responses to
inflationary concerns, but the hard fact is they were not pressed
long enough or hard enough to turn the tide. Instead, the con-
viction grew that each cycle of economic activity would leave
us with a residue of still higher prices.
But it was also true that, by the late 19 70's, the
costs were becoming more apparent. Inflation, after it has
been around awhile, tends to feed on itself — the expectation
of inflation, strongly enough held, produces behavior that
perpetuates and accelerates the process. As that happened,
the effects — in higher interest rates, in reduced emphasis
on productive activity and more emphasis on speculative activity,
in lower productivity — became noticeable. And a lot of people
also noticed that, contrary to much earlier doctrine, as inflation
continued, unemployment tended to rise and economic growth to
slow.
I believe over the past year or more we can sense a growing
commitment among the American people that the time has come to
deal decisively with inflation. And I believe there is a realistic
appreciation that sudden, painless solutions are not possible,
but that failure to face up to the job would ultimately entail
much heavier costs*
Economists, too, have begun to realize that a little
inflation is not always a good thing -- a benign kind of "social
solvent" useful in resolving competing claims on a limited amount
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of real output. Instead, they now recognize that the efficiency
of our economy is impaired by our inability to distinguish
relative price changes from movements in the overall price
level, by the greater uncertainty about the future course of
price changes, and by the loss of our most important financial
yardstick—a stable dollar. And, when inflationary expectations are
high, adding extra money to the economy—rather than promoting
growth and real activity—may simply inflame the inflationary process.
Building on that understanding, I believe we have come a
long way in putting in place the essential elements of an
effective program to deal with inflation. To be sure, much
remains to be done to implement that program. In political terms,
those elements—especially carrying through on spending restraint—
may be among the most difficult. Meanwhile, the strains, pressures,
and pains in some sectors of the economy are only too evident. The
extraordinarily high interest rates we face today are a particularly
heavy burden on the credit-dependent sectors of the economy--the
homebuyer and builder, the car dealer, and many small businesses
and farmers. Financial markets are distorted, bond financing is
impaired, and part of our institutional structure is under heavy strain,
At the same time, we can see some signs of progress. We
can see the beginnings of a change in direction—and if we
persevere, recognizing that the problems of decades will not be
cured overnight, we can lay a solid base for a prosperous 1980s.
One crucial element in "carrying through" is persistence
in monetary policy, and that, quite naturally, is where I turn
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first. Economic theory and historical experience alike support
the proposition that inflation will not subside unless we restrain
the growth of money and credit over time to amounts consistent
with the potential growth of real output at stable prices.
As many of you know, the Federal Reserve two years ago
adopted new operating procedures in order to focus our control
more directly on the growth of money. Those procedures place
emphasis on the growth of bank reserves, which in turn is related
to growth in money and bank deposits — particularly so-called
transaction balances, measured by M-l. While many other factors
have influenced markets, that change probably contributed to more
volatility in short-term interest rates, particularly in 1980.
At times, the money supply has also fluctuated sharply. A good
deal of volatility in the money supply from month-to-month
and quarter-to-quarter is probably inevitable, and should not
be of consequence. Of course, there will always be debate about
the significance of the most recent data and whether the Federal
Reserve is leaning marginally too hard in one direction or another*
Today is no exception. For instance, there are questions as to
which monetary aggregate is the best indicator of policy at the
present time, the extent to which financial innovations are
changing the money-holding patterns of Americans and the like.
The answers to these questions, in the end, are matters of judgment.
I will not take the time now to review all the evidence,
but I will assert that viewed over a reasonable period of time,
there is now a firm basis for concluding that we mean
what we say — that we are bringing down the growth of
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money and credit. Moreover, I believe that this approach commands
broad support as a crucial element in anti-inflationary policies.
Moreover, as I suggested earlier, we can now begin to see signs
of progress in the fight against inflation; the rates of increase
in most overall price measures have slowed over the past year.
But we have also seen exceptionally high interest rates -- far
higher than consistent with a strongly growing economy -- and,
in recent months, a sluggish economic picture overall.
All of this emphasizes that, while slower growth of
money and credit must be a cornerstone of a successful anti-
inflation policy, the process will be unnecessarily painful
unless monetary restraint is supported and complemented by
other policies. One clear priority in that respect must be
to relieve the pressures on financial markets from the actual
and anticipated federal deficits -- no other action would go
so far toward reducing the burdens on our most vulnerable
economic sectors.
Only a few months ago, the Administration and the
Congress adopted a far-reaching fiscal plan, designed to
reverse the trends of the past decade. Over the last 10
years, federal outlays have increased from 20-1/2 percent of
our GNP to over 23 percent, and government revenues have shown a
comparable rise. Three percent of our GNP may not sound so large, but
it is equivalent to almost $90 billion -- more than our spending
for new cars this year. The increase in effective tax
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rates that characterized the last decade understandably met with
resistance, not just politically, but in terms of impairing
economic incentives and efficiency.
In response, an enormous tax reduction program has been
put in place, extending over a number of years and promising
improved incentives for businesses and individuals alike for
investment, savings, and productivity. That can obviously
be constructive — providing the loss of revenue does not entail
massive and continuing deficits. Under those circumstances
the positive beneficial aspects of the tax program would likely
be undercut by recurrent strong pressures on credit markets and
interest rates, a sluggish economy, or both. We have had a
taste of that in recent months.
I recognize "that when enacting the tax cuts, the Administration
and the Congress also took a sizable bite out of the rapidly rising
trend of government spending — indeed that effort exceeds
anything I have seen in my Washington experience. But the
hard fact is that the achievement of a balanced budget in a
reasonably prosperous year — such as projected for 1984 in
the Administration's budget planning — will require a substantial
decline in the ratio of spending to GNP. The spending cuts
actually put in place so far would not go nearly far enough to
achieve the goal. No doubt, skepticism about the willingness
and ability of the nation, and more particularly the Congress,
to follow through on spending actions of the magnitude
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required to produce budgetary balance lies behind much of the
recent financial market behavior.
In this sophisticated academic setting, I don't want
to imply that there is any simple correlation, year by year
f
between deficits and inflation, or between deficits and interest
rates. The significance of a federal deficit in any given year
depends upon the general state of the economy and a number of
more particular factors, including our potential for saving
and competing demands for credit. In a period of high actual
or potential saving, falling demand for business and residential
investment, and low interest rates, there may be little risk
of the sale of securities by the Treasury "crowding out" invest-
ment. Temporary losses of revenue as a result of sluggish
economic activity need not provoke offsetting action, even though
the deficit is affected. But in today's world, where we have
repeatedly seen competing demands for credit clashing in the market,
and with a chronically low pattern of savings in the United States,
it is critically important that we do move toward restoring
balance and a surplus in the budget as the economy grows. Our
deficit is not simply cyclical but structural. And so long as the
structural deficit is so large, we make the goal of sustainable
low interest rates and growth in the private economy much more
difficult.
Let me give you a few numbers to illustrate my point.
In the fiscal year just ended, the economy generated about $185
billion of net savings (that is, gross savings minus the amount
necessary to maintain the present capital stock). Of this
available savings, the Federal Government preempted aroung $80
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billion to finance the budget deficit and off-budget activities
Consequently, only a little more than half of our savings was
available for adding to plant and equipment, to inventories,
and to our stock of housing.
The point is often made that, in relation to our GNP,
our federal budget deficits are relatively small by inter-
national standards. For instance, Germany and Japan, to take
two examples, have been able to finance comparable or even sub-
stantially larger, central-government deficits -- relative to
the size of their economies -- without the same' pressure on
financial markets. What is usually overlooked is the other
side of the equation -- they also save much more -- and it is
the relation between the two that counts. In the 1975-79
period, net savings in the United States averaged around 5
percent of our gross domestic product. The saving rate in
Germany in that period was close to 12 percent, while the
Japanese rate reached 19 percent. They could finance large
deficits and a lot of investment, too. We can1to
In the abstraction of economic textbooks --at least
some of them --a reduction in monetary growth will itself
cure inflation in time, and little more need be said on the
subject. The more eclectic texts will go on to say the
process will be assisted, and strains on financial markets
reduced, with appropriate coordination of fiscal and monetary
policies. But the analysis should not stop there.
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Monetary policy — or financial policy generally —
has the effect of imposing a kind of rough ceiling on the
dollar volume of transactions that can be financed — reflected
in the nominal GNP. The direct effect on prices is limited;
although strong financial pressure can induce price cutting for
inventory liquidation, those effects are likely to be temporary.
Over time the division of nominal income into inflation and real
growth depends largely on the way individuals and businesses
approach the problem of setting wages and prices. If the
momentum of large cost and wage increases is maintained, then
higher prices will eat up much or all of the available dollars
and little or no room will be left for real growth. This may
seem an abstraction/ but it can be translated quite readily
into losses in profits,jobs and real income.
I have alluded several times to the signs of progress
on the inflation front; for example, the rate of increase in
consumer prices slowed from around 12 percent in 1979 and
19 80 to 9-1/2 perceiit over the first eight months of this
year. But I do not delude myself about our progress. Much
of the relief this year is due to factors that we cannot count
on to recur — stable or falling energy prices, good weather
for growing corn and wheat, the immediate pressures of "tight
money" and high interest rates on commodity and house prices,
and the sharp rise in the foreign exchange value of the dollar.
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Relatively little improvement has been evident in some under-
lying cost trends that reflect a combination of wages and
productivity, and some governmental policies continue to have
the effect of ratcheting up costs.
The stubbornness of our inflation in large part reflects
the adaptation of our economic and social institutions to per-
sistently rising prices. The process is embedded in a whole
pattern of economic, social, and political behavior that tends
to sustain -- and intensify -- its own momentum. We see the
process at work in contracts that extend over a period of time:
in the pattern of three-year wage bargaining, building in past
or anticipated rates of inflation into future costs; in attempts
to protect one's own purchasing power by indexing, usually to
a consumer price index that is itself distorted, even when
the growth in productivity and output canot support higher
real incomes; in demands for inflation "premiums" in financial
markets and interest rates.. We see the same process at work
;
more informally, when we buy houses for "investment11 as well as
shelter or consumer satisfaction; when we anticipate, in our
pricing, that others will be raising their prices; when we
are more preoccupied with how to make capital gains than how
to produce.
Sooner or later, starving an economy for money will
change that behavior. But the question is -- at what un-
necessary cost and strain? Qr, to put the point more positively,
the more quickly we adapt our behavior to the reality of
financial restraint, the more rapid the return to price stability
and growth.
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The most critical area — inevitably, because it
accounts for some two-thirds of all costs — is the trend
of wages and salaries. The evidence today is mixed. We
can find signs of restraint in some areas, particularly in the
important manufacturing sector. But we see other areas where
a kind of "business as usual" attitude prevails, continuing
to build past inflation trends into future contracts.
1982 will be a crucial period in turning the inflationary
trend firmly downward. Unlike this year, it is a major wage
bargaining year for pattern-setting industries, beginning with
refinery workers and truckers in the winter and spring and
running through the auto industry in the autumn. That
bargaining is, of course, immediately important for future growth,
profitability, and jobs in key industries — steel, autos,
electrical and tire manufacturers, and others. But those
highly visible negotiations — and the signals they
send — will be important far beyond the industries immediately
affected. What is at stake is how quickly, and how convincingly,
we can look toward a sustained unravelling of the inflationary
process, consistent with vigorous growth* Paradoxical as it
may sound, pricing and wage restraint can oflly enhance the
prospects for sustained economic growth, and for increases in
real wages and real profits for the economy as a whole.
We cannot achieve that result by fiat or by rhetoric. What
we can do is remove impediments placed by government itself on
competitive forces in the marketplace, and we can certainly
avoid new restraints on competition, from at home or abroad.
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We are entitled to point out that restraint in private behavior
should "pay off" in more production and more jobs—that, conversely,
rapid increases in costs and prices pose greater risks to jobs
and profits.
But all of that will sound hollow unless we in the
Federal Reserve, and the government generally, do our job.
We need to maintain the financial discipline—and particularly
restraint on the creation of money and credit—essential to
turn back inflation and restore price stability. And we need to
maintain that course, convincingly, not just for a few months
but for the long pull ahead.
I recognize the exceptional strains on financial markets
and on some parts of the economy that discipline has seemed to
imply. As I have emphasized, we can help enormously in dealing
with those strains by speeding the return to budgetary balance.
And, as we see more progress against inflation, and as behavior
and expectations reflect that progress, then we will have the
base for much lower interest rates—and for keeping them low.
What we must not do is retreat from a course well-
started. Too often, that has been the record of the past.
And failing to "see it through" has produced the problems --
and pain --of today.
It is that simple lesson of experience that must be our
guide today, and in the months and years ahead. I can only
be encouraged by the fact that, that lesson is now so widely
understood. And, I believe, you can count on the Federal
Reserve to do its part.
• * * • * **
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1981, October 14). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19811015_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19811015_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1981},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19811015_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}