speeches · October 6, 1981
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
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mm AM PDT (11:30 AM EDT)
Wednesday, October 7, 1981
Banking: A Framework for the Future
Remarks by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
Annual Convention
of the
American Bankers Association
San Francisco, California
October 7, 1981
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It is always a particular pleasure for me to have the
opportunity to address the bankers of this country. Our interests
are inevitably intertwined. To achieve our objectives for
monetary policy, we in the Federal Reserve must work through
our banking and financial intermediaries. That, together with
your key role in the economy generally, justifies -- indeed
requires -- a certain amount of regulation, You in turn, have
?
a natural interest that the process of regulation not be stifling ~-
that monetary control, or concern over banking stability, not
place you in a competitive straitjacket, at the expense
of growth and profitability. The fact is our common interest
coincides: that the nation's banks -- your banks ~ be efficient,
compe ti t ive, and strong*
It is in that context that I want to discuss with you
some personal thoughts on steps we can take to support that
common purpose. The challenge is particularly demanding at
a time of unprecedented innovation in the financial
sector, and particularly severe pressures on financial markets.
You are all acutely aware of the changes in the financial
environment forced by irreversible technological change -- change
iefleeted both in the development of new institutions and a
breaking down of traditional geographic or institutional barriers
to competition. Old concepts of what is banking and what is not
are blurred, and even national borders are losing their significance.
The extraordinary level of interest rates has itself created
powerful new incentives for innovation and competition.
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Today, we have an array of financial institutions and
instruments that were simply unknown a decade or two ago. The
typical customer no longer feels so dependent on his local bank
for financial services. But at the same time, financial trans-
actions are still all ultimately settled through the banking
system. There has been an enormous increase in the volume of
these payments, which flow ever more quickly through a relatively
narrower base of demand deposits and reserves.
In the circumstances, it is no wonder that many bankers
are concerned about the place of their individual institutions.
the relative position of their industry, and whether they can
compete effectively in the future. But it would be hard to
argue that the stability and strength of banks and banking
are not also a legitimate,continuing concern of public policy.
In striking the necessary balance in regulation, let
me establish one point at the outset: the facts do not warrant
a sweeping conclusion that commercial banks have become a
shrinking element in financial markets, marked for extinction
by a steamroller of regulation. Contrary to the impression of
many, there is simply no clear evidence that the relative
importance of commercial banks to the credit markets has trended
down. The share of total credit extended in the United States
by commercial banks is just about the same now -- roughly 30
percent -- as it was three decades ago; indeed, it has shown
little distinct trend since the turn of the century.
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Nor is there evidence that banking has become
appreciably more concentrated in the U.S. during the postwar
period. In fact, the largest 50 banks accounted for a slightly
lower share of total banking assets, about 37 percent, in 1980
than they did in 1960.
What is true is that some other financial intermediaries
have grown relatively faster -- but at the expense of direct
purchases of securities or extensions of credit by individuals
and businesses. In other words, financial intermediation as a
whole has grown. As a result, banks, large and small, find
themselves challenged by more institutional competitors, fre-
quently large and strongly capitalized, offering a range of
financial services. Within banking, foreign-owned institutions
now have a significant share of the market. But, the large
U.S. banks have, conversely, greatly expanded their activities
abroad.
What statistics cannot adequately reflect are quali-
tative changes within the banking world. The great depression
nurtured a highly conservative and disciplined attitude toward
lending, liquidity and leveraging. These conservative attitudes
were often reinforced by public policies -- policies which also
provided banks with special protection, such as deposit insurance
and protected markets.
The conventional wisdom of those years -- and it carried
well into the postwar period -- has perceptibly changed. Part
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of the change reflects the stronger competitive pressures
induced both by public policy and the natural workings of
the marketplace. The attitudes of bankers and supervisors
alike have also reflected the general environment of unprece-
dented growth and stability. Risks are judged differently by
a generation never faced with general economic adversity and
accustomed to deposit insurance and "activist" governmental
intervention in the event of stress. Perhaps most insidiously,
inflation gradually came to be looked upon as both "normal"
and the potential solvent for financial difficulty.
Whatever the mixture of causation, profit margins of the
larger banks have tended to narrow and return on capital has
been maintained only by greater leveraging, even as most con-
ventional indicators of credit risk have increased. Narrow
margins help drive a search for volume, and aggressive lending
policies are maintained during periods of monetary "ease" and
"stringency" alike. Internal liquidity has been depleted, and
"liability management" substituted. Banks properly minimized
the risk of that shift by resorting to floating interest rates
on their loans and greater attention to matching maturities on
assets and liabilities. But the result has been to push more of the
risk of interest rate volatility on the customer -- a risk that
now needs to be taken into account in credit judgments.
Through all of this lies the sense among bankers that
they are caught up in competitive forces beyond their control —
among domestic banks, with foreign banks, and increasingly, with
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nonbanking institutions -- and that, in meeting the competition,
banks must labor under the handicap of excessive and unfair
regulation.
The agenda before us in banking and financial regulation
is, in essence, simple enough. We, as a nation, want to preserve
and nurture the strong competitive forces that assure our financial
system remains the most efficient and innovative in the world*
We also want to maintain the discipline necessary for the
strength and solidity of our banking institutions -- institutions
that are the essential nucleus of the financial system. The
question is: how do we combine the two?
In its specifics, the details of designing a regulatory
roadmap for the future are enormously complex and controversial.
We have more than a taste of that in the deliberations and
decisions of the Depository Institutions Deregulation Committee;
the ultimate goal is clear enough, but the pace and particulars
of the effort need to take account of the severe earnings
pressures on thrifts and on some commercial banks. For some,
the process of phasing out interest ceilings is too fast; for
others it is too slow; and for all -- myself included — it
seems too complicated and cumbersome. Given all the vocal
particular interests, perhaps it is inevitable no one group
will be entirely happy.
But perhaps that process is also illustrative of the
nature of the difficult transition to a new regulatory structure.
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That transition requires a hard look at reality; a willingness
to discard what is no longer workable or necessary; an insistence
on preserving that which is essential; and above all, a coherent
vision of the future.
It is in this context that it may be useful for me,
from my viewpoint as a central banker, to set out a frame of
reference for approaching the issues. My comments fall under
five points:
(1) While the scope of commercial banking services
needs to be redefined, a basic dividing line
between banking and commerce should be retained.
(2) The same regulatory ground rules should apply to
functionally equivalent services provided by
different institutions -- the much discussed "level
playing field."
(3) The regulatory system must be cost-sensitive,
recognizing that excessive costs simply drive
business elsewhere.
(4) A climate should be provided in which a variety
of institutions -- large and small, urban and
rural, generalized and specialized -- can
flourish.
(5) The regulatory framework must promote the funda-
mental strength and soundness of our banking
institutions.
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In approaching this agenda, there may be a few who, out
of frustration, would propose a wholesale dismantling of the
present legal framework. There is some justice in the pro-
position that a structure inherited from the financial cataclysm
of the 1930fs is outdated -- outdated by both the growth of
competition with nonbanking institutions and by the revolutions
in technology.
As my first point suggests, however, the laws and
traditions of this country embodying a separation of banking
and commerce still seem to me fundamentally valid. That
tradition rests on concepts that concentration of economic
power can be dangerous, that the potential for conflicts of
interest in a service so vital as the extension of capital and
credit should be minimized, and that there is a special public
interest in the safety and soundness of our banks. In some
respects, those concerns are reinforced by technological
changes — the advances in communications and data analysis -
that so enhance the capacity and reach of financial institutions.
While retaining the division of labor between banking
and com^rce, ^ also recognize the line between banking and
orher fin§5£i§2 services has become blurred. It needs both
redefinition of the appropriate border, and clear recognition that
some substantial overlapping in the provision of services by
different types of institutions—bank and nonbank--can enhance
competition.
The field for possible expansion is broad indeed, including,
for example, some forms of insurance, management consulting,
travel services, at least some securities activities, money
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market funds (and comingled agency accounts), and data processing
and transmission. I will not attempt to suggest here precisely
where the lines should be drawn, but only the scope of the
debate. For instance, the question of commercial banks selling
commercial paper or underwriting of municipal revenue bonds,
which the Federal Reserve Board has long supported, seems to
me quite different from underwriting corporate stocks, where
questions of ownership, potential conflicts of interest, and
risk are much greater.
My second point -- the level playing field --of course
implies that banks entering new service areas will have to meet
appropriate regulatory standards applying to other providers of
those services. More relevant to most of you is the corollary--
that institutions providing banking services should be subjected
to regulation comparable to that on banks.
Reserve requirements are a case in point. If you assume,
as we do, that monetary policy must be able to control the siipply
of money through reserve requirements, we should be able to reach
those instruments that are functionally similar to transaction
balances in banks, whether or not they happen to be located in
an institution called a "bank" or a "savings and loan" --or
a money market mutual fund. But in other cases, where the
regulation may have no clear purpose, competitive equality
demands it be removed; for instance, the most powerful argument
for eliminating ceilings on interest paid by d^osrtory
institutions is the competition fromiti&Qii-regulated institutions,
and the open market itself.
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Reserve requirements may also provide an apt example
for my third point -- cost-sensitive regulation. As you well
know, the cost and competitive implications of reserve require-
ments applying to member banks alone forced adoption of compulsory
reserve requirements for all depository institutions. But with
the incentive of high interest rates, we can a£so now observe
a proliferation of new instruments, within and outside banks,
that serve the functional purpose, of transactions balances but
escape the reach (and cost) of reserve requirements. While we
should keep the reserve requirements to the lowest levels
practicable, the scope for reduction may be limited, given
both the needs of monetary policy and the enormous volume of
payments flowing through reserve accounts each day. In the
circumstances,>logic points toward the possibility of paying
interest on required reserve balances. Implications for Treasury
revenue, as you know, have deferred consideration of that approach,
but over time reliance on reserve requirements as a source of
government revenue seems to me questionable,
When regulation ±s_ necessary, we need to consider more
vigorously the practical application of what might be called
"regulation by exception" as a means of reducing costs. The
banking regulators have taken some steps in this direction by
relating the intensity or frequency of examinations to the past
performance of the institution, and in the examination process
itself. We in the Federal Reserve are now exploring whether
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more can be done to reduce the time-consuming process of
approving mergers, take-overs, or new activities for banks
and bank holding companies.
Several recent court decisions bearing on bank
acquisitions point up the problem. On the one hand, the
decisions would seem to suggest more liberal standards for
approval -- that is, the Federal Reserve should not consider
competitive factors going beyond general antitrust standards:
on the other hand, those same decisions would apparently require
an even more intensive "antitrust-type" investigatory effort and
analysis as an essential part of the decision-making process.
An approach in merger cases that we are exploring
internally to deal with this situation would be to establish
clearer general guidelines, based largely on statistical measures
of concentration, to establish a presumption for approval or
disapproval. In this framework, more merger proposals could
be reviewed in a simple, speedy regulatory process, with a
presumption of approval for proposals within the
guidelines., assuming the institutions are in a satisfactory
financial condition. Only applications exceeding the general
guidelines would be subject to rigorous, and necessarily more
prolonged, review. The practicality of this approach has not
been tested, and before adopting it we would want to provide
you with an opportunity to comment. But we do want to be alert-
to opportunities for ''regulation by exception11 as they arise
in our regulatory activities.
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My fourth point looks toward diversity in the provision
of financial services. Traditionally in the United States,
this concern has provided much of the rationale for geographic
limits on banking, and for a separate legal arid regulatory-
structure for banking and thrifts. Both technology and market
incentives are breaking down those legal restrictions. The
question at issue is not whether we want interstate banking
or active competition between banks and thrifts; in the market-
place, we obviously have it in very large measure. Moreover,
depository institutions are competing every day with other, non-
bank providers of the same or similar services., The issue, it
seems to me, is how the strong forces for further change can
be channeled most constructively, permitting time for adaptation
and fair opportunities. In the process, as I suggested to you
last year, there should be opportunities for greatly simplified
regulatory procedures for the smaller institutions.
The present strains in the thrift industry have required
us to face some of these issues without delay. In the area
of inter-industry and interstate acquisitions, we have sought
a limited answer, consistent with time for adaptation and
adjustment, through specific legislation authorizing the
regulators to arrange such acquisitions only in failing insti-
tution situations. The only alternative in some instances
would be to use our existing and broader powers to permit
bank holding companies to take over thrifts, potentially
leading to more rapid and radical change. I urge your support
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for the so-called Regulators Bill, which in a real sense
provides time for the thorough review and analysis that
proposals for more fundamental change deserve.
I have saved for last discussion of a point which seems
to me fundamental to all the rest, because it goes to the
basic strength of the banking system. Banks, of course,
must be free to take risks — and to fail. Through the
years, we have developed an elaborate official "safety net"
designed to prevent the transmission of failure through the
system. That safety net has served us well. But we should
be alert to the other side of the coin — to the extent the
safety net insidiously comes to be viewed as a substitute for
discipline and prudence of the individual banker, we will end
up with a fragile and vulnerable banking system.
Much of what I have said here today suggests new competitive
opportunities and more freedom for banks. But with that oppor-
tunity goes responsibilities that no sound banker can shirk.
Prudence has many dimensions. But I must tell you in
all candor that I am uneasy about the slippage in one key measure
of banking strength -- the capital position of some of our larse
banking organizations over much of the postwar period. The
turbulent financial environment of today, the rapidity of change,
and the risks apparent in even such relatively straightforward
activities as the money transfer business emphasize the importance
of capital adequacy.
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I fully recognize and welcome the conscientious efforts
of most large banks in the past year or two to maintain and
improve their capital in a difficult environment* But my
concern can be illustrated by trends over a longer period.
Since 1970, the capital ratios of the largest banks in the
nation — those over $5 billion in assets ~ have dropped
more than 20 percent. At year-end 1970, equity capital as
a percent of total assets., was 5.34 percent for the largest
banks, close to what was then a postwar low, By the end of
1980, this ratio had dropped to 4*12 percent. There has been,
I am glad to say, no comparable decline among smaller banks *
The Board expressed its concern about capital ratios a
little more than a month ago. We urged banks generally to
avail themselves of every opportunity to strengthen their capital
positions, and emphasized that: "In exercising its responsibility
under the Bank Holding Company Act, the Board will monitor
closely the capital position of large banking organizations
in connection with their future expansion plans."
It is implicit in all I have said that commercial banking
has a crucial role to play in our economy. In some respects,
it has been over-regulated; any vital industry needs te be able
to seize competitive opportunities. At the same time, the
financial strength and stability of your industry is bound tc
be of special concern to your central bank simply because your
responsibilities in our economic life are so great, and because
you are the transmission belt for monetary policy.
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It is in times like these, when pressures and strains in
financial markets are so evident, and when the burdens on
monetary policy are so heavy, that the strength of our banking
system is tested.
It will come as no surprise to you that I believe that
dealing with inflation must be the crucial ingredient in any
successful economic program. With varying degrees of success,
efforts have been mounted against inflation in the past. But
the hard fact is those efforts were not pressed strongly
enough, or long enough, to turn the tide. The result is that
the problem over time has gotten worse -- and along with higher
inflation, our general economic performance has deteriorated.
Now we have a new opportunity. We can begin to see some
encouraging signs of progress against inflation. But I am
well aware that the battle is far from won. Winning that
battle will require maintaining control on the expansion of
money and credit, bringing growth in the monetary aggregates
down to amounts compatible with price stability. With inflation
still high, that process has been accompanied by great strains
and distortions in credit markets, and severe pain in credit
dependent sectors of the economy.
In these circumstances, we all know that the essential job
of monetary policy will be much easier -- with less strain on
interest rates, and on financial markets, on homebuilders and
homebuyers, and on smaller businesses -- to the extent the Adminis-
tration and Congress press ahead with the effort to cut spending and
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balance the loss of revenue from tax reduction. In those
respects, the toughest part of the job remains ahead. In
approaching it, we need to recognize there is no safe, pain-
less alternative to the fiscal and monetary objectives we
have set for ourselves. Indeed, a sense of retreat would
not only aggravate the present problems, but could set back
the prospects for restoring growth and stability for years
to come.
Let me not leave any lingering question in your
minds. The Federal Reserve has no intention of backing
away from its commitment to reduce inflation by restraining
and disciplining the process of money creation. We intend
to see it through.
* * * * * * *
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1981, October 6). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19811007_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19811007_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1981},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19811007_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}