speeches · January 15, 1981
Speech
Lawrence K. Roos · Governor
WHY CANT THE FEDERAL RESERVE CONTROL INTEREST RATES?
Address by
Lawrence K. Roos
President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before the
Third Annual Business Forecast Conference
Chapman College
Orange, California
January 16, 1981
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For much of last year, one single question occupied the minds of over 80 million
Americans. That question, the product of a fantasy created in large part by the Southern
California entertainment industry, was . . ."Who shot J.R.?"
Today, Americans are asking another question. This question is motivated by the
disappointments and frustrations of millions of people as they assess the current economic
conditions in this country. The question on their minds these days is ... "Why can't the
Federal Reserve control interest rates?" This is a critical and, in my opinion, a deeply
disturbing question. Not because it is difficult to answer ... in fact, the answer is both
simple and straightforward.
The problem with this question is that, like the question about J.R., it is based on
fantasy. . . in this case, a fantasy that has been created over the years by financial market
participants and, on occasion, by members of the Federal Reserve itself. It is the fantasy
that the Federal Reserve can and should control interest rates, and that when interest
rates get uncomfortably high, as has been the case in recent weeks, the Fed should take
action to lower them.
I hope to convince you, this afternoon, that the Federal Reserve cannot control
interest rates. And that asking it to do so demonstrates a basic failure to understand the
Fed's role in our nation's credit markets. Moreover, I also hope to demonstrate that the
Federal Reserve should not attempt to control interest rates . . . that increased govern
mental interference in credit markets will only produce adverse effects similar to those
that have occurred in other markets when government has become involved. And finally,
that the popular misconception that the Fed controls interest rates has often generated
pressures on the central bank which in themselves have produced many of our current
economic problems.
To begin, we should note that an interest rate is nothing more or less than a specific
price, in this case, the price of credit. Consequently, interest rates are determined by
various demands and supplies of credit in our society. A determination of whether the
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Fed can influence interest rates requires assessing the Fed's impact on the demand and
supply sides of the credit market.
On the demand side, there is little that the Fed can do directly to dictate or control
how much credit is desired at any particular time. The demand for credit arises from the
decisions of millions of individuals, thousands of businesses, and large numbers of state
and federal governmental agencies that borrow daily in the nation's credit markets. To be
sure, their behavior is influenced by their expectations of the consequences of Fed's
policies, but quite clearly the Fed exerts virtually no direct control over their decisions.
On the other hand, the Federal Reserve can exert a direct influence on the supply of
credit. Much of the supply of credit, of course, comes from individuals and corporations
that wish to lend their savings to others, either directly or indirectly through various
financial institutions. The Federal Reserve can influence the lending activity of banks
and other financial institutions that are subject to Federal Reserve requirements by
affecting the amount of excess reserves they hold ... that is, their reserves over and above
the amount they must hold behind their deposits. Put in its simplest form, when available
excess reserves increase, financial institutions expand their lending activity; when excess
reserves decline, they reduce their lending activity. In this way, changes in excess reserves
directly affect the available supply of credit.
There are only three ways by which the Federal Reserve can affect the excess reserves
of financial institutions: It can change the discount rate, i.e., the rate at which financial
institutions can borrow reserves from the Fed; it can change their reserve requirements,
i.e., the amount of reserves that they must hold per dollar of deposits; and it can buy and
sell securities in the open market.
An increase in the discount rate raises the cost of borrowing additional reserves from
the Fed and thereby reduces the incentive for financial institutions to borrow. A re
duction in the discount rate makes borrowing reserves less costly and, consequently,
encourages financial institutions to increase their reserves through increased borrowing
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from the Fed. Although changes in borrowed reserves resulting from changes in the
discount rate have some impact on the supply of credit, such changes are relatively
insignificant because they involve only a small portion of the funds banks use for lending.
For example, the level of reserves borrowed by member banks from the Federal Reserve
last year varied from less than $.5 million to about $3.5 billion and is now about $1.5
billion. This is a drop in the bucket when compared with total bank reserves of $50
billion and total bank lending of $886 billion. Moreover, it is difficult to predict the impact
of discount rate changes on the volume of borrowing from the Fed. Consequently, this
method of affecting the supply of credit is not a very useful policy instrument. Thus,
contrary to popular opinion, changes in the discount rate are of relatively minor policy
importance; in fact, discount rate changes typically lag behind movements in other
interest rates, rather than leading them as you would expect a policy instrument to do.
The Federal Reserve also has the authority to prescribe the level of required reserves
of financial institutions. A change in reserve requirements, say an increase, has the effect
of requiring banks and other financial institutions to hold more reserves behind their
deposits, and this reduces their ability to extend credit. However, increasing or decreasing
credit by changing reserve requirements is seldom used for monetary policy purposes,
because even very small changes in reserve requirements produce enormous changes in
the amount of excess reserves available to financial institutions. As a result, wide and
erratic swings in credit supplies and interest rates would accompany even minor changes
in reserve requirements and would cause considerable instability in credit market con
ditions. In fact, to avoid the jarring impact of reserve requirement changes, the Fed has
typically acted to offset the effects of such changes through the use of open market
operations.
This brings us to. the third method, the buying and selling of securities in the open
market through the Fed's open market operations. When the Fed purchases securities,
it pays for them by creating additional reserves. When it sells securities, it reduces reserves.
Both the timing and the amount of these reserve changes can be handled in a precise
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manner. This is, in fact, why open market operations are the primary policy instrument
that the Federal Reserve uses to affect the supply of credit to the banking system.
Now if I were to terminate this analysis at this point, you would probably conclude
that the Fed can, indeed, control interest rates. You might think that all that is required,
regardless of the demand for credit, is for the Fed, through its open market operations, to
supply the proper amount of reserves, and financial institutions would supply the proper
amount of credit at whatever interest rate the Fed desires. The only problem with this
reasoning is that it is totally and utterly false. It is false, because it ignores one other
crucial factor that influences interest rates.
What is generally overlooked in assessing the Fed's impact on interest rates is that,
when the Fed changes the reserves of financial institutions through its open market
operations, it also causes changes in the money supply. When reserves rise following the
Fed's purchase of securities, financial institutions are able to expand their lending activities
by creating new checkable deposits. This, in turn, increases the amount of money available
for spending. Such changes in the money stock frustrate the Fed's ability to control
interest rates.
Suppose, for example, that the Federal Reserve decided today to reduce interest
rates by purchasing securities in the open market, thereby increasing reserves to financial
institutions. As banks and other institutions, fueled by the additional reserves, expanded
their lending activity, both the supply of credit and the supply of money would increase.
Now a funny thing happens to interest rates as a result of this. While the increase in the
supply of credit has the effect of temporarily holding down short-term interest rates,
the faster growth of money increases the public's expectations of inflation. This, in turn,
tends to counteract the changes in interest rates arising from the changes in the supply of
credit alone and results in effects that are the opposite of what was originally intended.
Whenever the Federal Reserve, as it has done over the past six months, "eases"
monetary policy by permitting credit and money to grow at relatively high rates, interest
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rates rise not decline. This is because the public quickly perceives that such a policy
r
portends increased inflation in the future. If the Federal Reserve "tightens" policy by
slowing the rate of money growth; interest rates tend to fall, because inflationary ex
pectations are reduced.
It is surprising how often observers misinterpret the causes of interest rate move
ments. In recent months, high interest rates have been attributed to "tight money policies
of the Federal Reserve." Nothing could be.farther from the truth. In the period from
June to 'December 1980, the basic money supply grew at 14%, well above the Fed's
announced target ranges and far in excess of the inflation-generating rates of growth that
have occurred over the past several years. The present high interest rates are not caused
by "tight" credit policies, but rather by overly expansive monetary policy, prospects of
a sizable budget deficit in 1981-1982, and a strong demand for credit.
Public misunderstanding of circumstances such as these compounds our problems
because it leads to pressures on the Federal Reserve to act in a manner which further
destabilizes the economy. For example, when the housing industry suffers because of
high mortgage rates erroneously attributed to "tight control of credit" by the Fed, we
are inevitably called upon to attempt to lower interest rates by injecting additional credit
and money into the economy. As we have seen, however, this does not lower interest
rates; it heightens inflationary expectations and leaves us with higher rates of inflation
and higher interest rates. Or at times when the international value of the dollar is falling,
the Fed is often called upon to prop up interest rates by reducing the growth of credit
and money. Consider, however, the cost of such action. Whenever the Fed slams on the
monetary brakes and dramatically reduces the rate of money growth for a quarter or
more, it precipitates a recession. In response to recessionary conditions, the Fed tends to
reverse policy and inject additional credit and money as a means of reducing interest rates
in order to stimulate economic activity. The resulting monetary expansion merely leads
to more inflation and higher interest rates.
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The moral of this story is that attempts to control interest rates have perverse and
destabilizing consequences. They lead to lower output growth, higher unemployment,
higher inflation and higher interest rates.
There still remains, however, the issue of whether the Federal Reserve should have
the authority-which it does not have now-to fix interest rates by decree, or quantitatively
to control credit markets. This issue directly concerns the extent of economic power that
we, as citizens of a free nation, wish to give to the central government. It has always
amazed me that people who are only too willing to provide numerous examples of
inequities and inefficiencies that arise when government steps in to regulate economic
behavior, are often the very same individuals who want the Federal Reserve to control
interest rates. To see what would happen if the Federal Reserve could control interest
rates directly, all we need do is observe what actually occurs in other nations.
All countries have central banks which are empowered to create and destroy money,
in some countries, the central bank can also legally set interest rates. Where this author
ity exists the efficiency of financial markets has inevitably been impaired and the eco
nomic welfare of their citizens reduced. In others, where the central bank is closely
tied to the government and is required to buy all or some government debt, accelerating
inflation has inevitably resulted. We are fortunate that the Federal Reserve System is
among those central banks that have no direct control over interest rates or credit allo
cation.
Now, this is not to imply that the Federal Reserve does not have an extremely im
portant role to play in conducting monetary policy. It can bring about lower interest
rates, it can help reduce inflation, and it can help restore stable economic conditions. But
not by attempting to control interest rates! Instead, the Fed must concentrate on doing
what it is capable of doing - controlling monetary growth.
The best way for the Federal Reserve to perform the task for which it was created is
to establish a long-range target for the gradual reduction of money growth, publicly
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announce that target and its plans for meeting it, and above all to demonstrate that it
will, indeed, achieve the announced target.
An important step forward in this regard was taken on October 6, 1979, when
Chairman Volcker announced the Fed's intention to concentrate on reducing the growth
of money and credit as a means of achieving a lower rate of inflation. His announcement
was hailed by many as a signal that the Fed was abandoning its disproven practices of
seeking economic stabilization by controlling interest rates, and instead would con
centrate on what it can do best.
After little more than a year's experience, however, no one can say that the Fed's
new program has met with unqualified success. The 1980 targets for growth of the mone
tary aggregates have not been uniformly achieved. During the year the money supply
both overshot and undershot our announced targets to such an extent that some observers
are questioning both the ability and the determination of the Fed to achieve its new
objectives.
I do not believe that the experience of one year is proof of the success or failure of
the Fed's new operating procedures. After twenty years of failure to stabilize the economy
by fine-tuning interest rates, it would be tragic to pass judgment on the feasibility of the
Fed's new procedures after a relatively short time.
We know from the experience of Germany, Switzerland and elsewhere that inflation
can be reduced by controlling the growth of money. We also know that the Federal Re
serve has the capability over a period of time to achieve targets of money growth appro
priate to the reduction of inflation.
So I would hope that the Federal Reserve reaffirms its commitment to its program
of monetary control as announced in October 1979, and revises, if necessary, its operating
techniques in order to enable it better to hit its targets. Above all, in the process of doing
this, it is essential that the Fed resist any tendency to revert to interest rate stabilization.
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The credibility of the Federal Reserve System is on the line. More importantly,
the economic viability of our nation depends on our ability to bring inflation under
control. Surely, a society which has demonstrated its ability to improvise and adapt
through 200 years of unbelievable economic growth and prosperity can meet this latest
test. This, as I see it, is the economic challenge of the 80's.
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Cite this document
APA
Lawrence K. Roos (1981, January 15). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19810116_roos
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19810116_roos,
author = {Lawrence K. Roos},
title = {Speech},
year = {1981},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19810116_roos},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}