speeches · November 18, 1980
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
1:00 P.M., E.S.T.
Statement by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy
of the
Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
House of Representatives
November 19, 1980
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Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee:
I very much welcome the opportunity to review with you
the events of the past year in the area of monetary policy,
and to outline our basic intentions and some of the key problems
as we approach the future.
As you well know, this has been a turbulent year in the
national economy and in financial markets. Partly because
inflation and inflationary expectations are profoundly changing
behavior patterns, economists and forecasters have been repeatedly
surprised by developments in both the real and financial markets.
Businessmen, consumers, and financial intermediaries have had
to cope with more than usual uncertainty amid sharp fluctuations
in sales, employment, and interest rates. Understandably, there
has been a sense of frustration and disappointment, combined, I
believe, with growing recognition of the fact that deeply seated
economic problems building over a long period of years will take
strong measures to solve.
Under the circumstances, Federal Reserve policy has under-
standably been the focus of a great deal of scrutiny. Some has
concentrated on the techniques of policy implementation normally
of concern only to specialists. Most commonly, the public
discussion reflects broad concern about the fluctuations in,
or level of, interest rates and their relationship to both
inflation and sluggish economic performance. Constructive
dialogue on these problems is always helpful — and this
Committee has contributed to it.
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I hope that a common understanding can emerge from this
discussion that monetary policy indeed has an indispensable
role to play in the effort to restore a stable, vital economy.
That role requires that the Federal Reserve apply the measured,
persistent restraint on growth in money and credit that is
necessary to drain the momentum from inflationary forces in
the economy and to encourage a return to stability in prices
and unit costs. Misperceptions of the Federal Reserve's
intentions in that respect can only detract from the effectiveness
of our actions. At the same time, fully effective results will
require concerted, complementary efforts from other directions
as well.
Our focus on the objective of dealing with inflation
recognizes that inflation has been the single most disruptive
element on the economic scene. Inflation places tremendous
pressures on the budgets of many households, distorts spending
and saving decisions, inhibits productivity-expanding business
capital formation, erodes the foundations of the domestic and
international financial systems, and in the process saps con-
fidence at home and abroad in our future. More specifically,
unless there is a sense that inflation is decelerating, there
can be, in my judgment, little hope of bringing about the
sustained, balanced growth of production and real income that
we seek. That deceleration requires that excessive monetary
expansion must be avoided.
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That basic tenet of economic policy, on which economists
of almost all schools can agree, is reflected in the broad
concepts of monetary "targeting" that the Federal Reserve
has adopted in recent years, a concept that looks toward a
reduction in monetary growth over time, and which the members
of this Committee and many others have strongly supported. I
recognize that concept does not in itself resolve important
questions about the precise magnitude of the targets or about
the techniques of monetary control, matters about which, in
fact, there are many differences of opinion. Nor does it offer
exact guidance about how to react to new developments, sur-
rounded as they inevitably are by uncertainty in interpretation
and conflicting considerations.
The Federal Reserve's approach toward these problems can,
I believe, best be clarified by reviewing the change in operating
procedures introduced about a year ago and developments since
that time. To that end, I am attaching to this testimony a
statement reviewing our experience with the new operating techniques<
In reviewing that record, I trust that understandable questions
and concerns about particular actions and techniques will not
obscure the basic order and consistency in our efforts to control
the growth of money and credit. Uncertainty on that point would
be unfortunate. Let us recognize that slowing growth of money
and credit in an inflation-prone economy, at best, is not a
simple, painless job. Let us also recognize it must be done.
At least as important, we should be aware of the limitations
of purely monetary actions. Acting on the basis of those
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understandings, we should be able to change expectations, to
develop consistent policies to share the burdens, and look
forward to the ultimate success of the effort.
Looking at the most recent situation, I believe it should
be unambiguously clear that the Federal Reserve has been leaning
hard against excessive monetary growth, and that we mean to
maintain firm control as we look ahead.
I believe that our new approach has, over the year as a
whole, helped avoid excessive monetary growth. But I am sure
you agree that we should learn all we can from our experience.
To assist in that process, I initiated in September, roughly
a year after the change in technique, a systematic study of our
recent experience, drawing on staff throughout the Federal
Reserve, so that we do not neglect opportunities to achieve
further improvement in operating techniques and can better
address broader policy issues. We are also acutely conscious
of the fact that implementation of the Depository Institutions
Deregulation and Monetary Control Act is itself altering the
institutional framework of our activities, raising some new
questions that must be carefully considered, particularly in
connection with the introduction of NOW accounts nationwide.
We expect to take advantage of these studies in the review of
our 1981 targets required early next year and will, of course,
share any relevant results with you at the time of our regular
"Humphrey-Hawkins" testimony. Whatever further insights we can
gain from that systematic study, I believe certain points are
worth emphasizing now.
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As I have already indicated, 1980 has been an unusually
turbulent and difficult year. Deeply embedded problems of
inflation low productivity and investment, the weakened
f
competitive position of some key industries, and dependence
on imported energy have made the economy vulnerable to non-
monetary "shocks" and extremely sensitive to indications
of changes in price trends, while impairing growth prospects.
Expectations are highly volatile, and there is a sense of both
impatience and confusion about setting the economy right.
All of this puts a special burden on those of us developing
and implementing policy to "get it right," to communicate our
purposes and intentions effectively, and to persevere with
needed policies.
In that context, I am satisfied that the greater emphasis
we have placed on monetary targeting in recent years, sup-
plemented by the change in operating techniques, has assisted
both in communicating what we are about and achieving the
internal discipline necessary to act in a timely way. One can
argue about the precise timing and degree of particular decisions<
But the need for strong action last winter, prompted in part by
growth in the aggregates, to head off an almost explosive rise
in inflationary sentiment seems to me incontestable. Contrary
to most expectations, the ominous "free fall" in economic
activity during the spring quickly ended, in substantial part
because our operating techniques led to a rapid "opening" of
credit markets. And, while the episode is clearly not over,
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we have acted more quickly to rein in recent excessive monetary
growth than would have been at all likely under the previous
operating techniques.
The record shows, unambiguously, that we do take the
targets seriously. But it also strongly suggests that no single
target can reasonably be interpreted in isolation, and that the
lower order aggregates, M-1A and M-lB, can be extremely volatile.
All of them — and the interrelationships among them — are
affected by institutional change in a way that cannot be quan-
titatively pinned down in advance.
A clear case this year is the relationship between M-1A
and M-lB. The half-point difference in the ranges for these
two aggregates set almost a year ago reflected an assumption
that growth of ATS, NOW and similar accounts would be limited;
those new types of account make up the entire difference
between M-1A and M-lB. As the year wore on, NOW and ATS accounts
have grown more rapidly than anticipated, perhaps because passage
of the Monetary Control Act prompted commercial banks with the
authority to do so to market those accounts more aggressively
before their power was extended to potential competitors. As
a result, we now know the difference between M-1A and M-lB will
be more like 2 percent rather than the 1/2 percent we earlier
assumed. What we cannot know with any accuracy is the extent to
which ATS and NOW accounts were fed by flows from savings deposits
or other funds not counted in M-lB, and how much reflected shifts
from demand deposits, depressing M-1A. Put differently, if we
arbitrarily assume NOW and ATS accounts substitute for savings
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deposits and demand deposits in roughly equal proportions,
M-1A has been "artificially" depressed by 3/4 percent, and
M-1B increased by about the same amount, relative to the
targets set at the start of the year.
I make the point at some length because these shifts
are expected to be much larger in the year ahead, when we
will have nationwide NOW accounts, and will raise important
questions of interpretation of both M-1A and M-lB. In essence,
it is wrong to view either in isolation.
Other examples of institutional change abound, some of
only negligible importance in interpreting the data but others
significant. For instance, the explosive growth of money market
funds earlier this year drew money into M that otherwise would
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have been lodged in market instruments counted in none of the
M'S.
Without allowing for these institutional influences,
the charts attached to this statement illustrate that the
various aggregates now are running a little below or a little
above the upper end of the ranges set almost a year ago.
Obviously, for more reasons than pictorial or presentational
nicety, I would be delighted to see the data gravitate more
toward the mid-points of the established ranges as we receive
data for the final two months. But I would warn you against
attributing unwarranted importance to statistical precision
in hitting the target in any given period. For one thing, a
"bullseye" for one aggregate can imply a miss for another as
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relationships evolve in the course of a year. More funda-
mentally, experience here and abroad strongly points to the
fact that relationships of monetary targets to income, inflation,
and interest rates — the variables we really care about —
are not known with precision* Shifts in technology, regulation
(such as deposit ceilings), and market incentives are all
important at times. That is why it seems to me the better
part of wisdom to think in terms of reasonable ranges.
In essence, I believe monetary targeting has been, and
should remain, an invaluable discipline, a means for com-
municating our intentions, and a benchmark for performance.
Whatever the debate about technique and the significance of
possible "misses11 over the course of the year, the broad
thrust of our policy has plainly been one of restraint, working
against the strong inflationary momentum. I take satisfaction,
limited as that satisfaction must be, that the inflationary
process has not gained fresh momentum, despite the strong
"shocks" from energy and (more recently) food prices, the
rigidities and strong momentum built into wages and prices,
and the trend of government spending and deficits. The restraining
effort has been accompanied by strains and instability in financial
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and other markets. But I believe we have steered away from
more treacherous inflationary storms — storms that would
have brought in their wake much more severe financial and
economic dislocations.
Now we are opening a crucial new chapter — the challenge
of restoring growth, productivity, and employment while visibly
reducing inflation. As we look ahead to that challenge, you
should be aware that targets and performances for monetary
growth in the general area in which we have been operating,
or lower, seem bound to be restrictive so long as the momentum
of inflation remains strong. If we are to deal with inflation,
I see no alternative. At the same time I have spoken before
about the potential for collision and conflict between restrained
monetary growth and the financial needs of an expanding and
inflating economy. Recent developments provide a taste of the
potential problem.
The point is sometimes made that, in theory, monetary
restraint, sustained strongly enough and long enough, can alone
do the job of restoring price stability. Perhaps so — in the
long run. But over what period of time and at what unnecessary
cost, in recurrent pressures on financial markets, in inhibiting
investment and dampening productivity, in lost output and deferred
growth? The alternative of trying to accommodate real growth
while living with inflation by freely creating money is ultimately
even more threatening. Expectations of inflation would roar
ahead, the whole process of inflation would quickly accelerate,
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and (I fear sooner rather than later) the growth and investment
that is sought would crumble away, leaving us With an even more
difficult situation.
These basic dilemmas and conflicts cannot be painlessly
escaped by some technical change in monetary technique. I
welcome informed debate on those matters — after all they
are part of our job and we want to draw on all the wisdom and
evidence we can get to do our job better. But the world at
large — the real world of huge prolonged deficits, of wage
bargaining building in rising costs for years ahead, of enormous
pressure to protect established competitive positions and
living standards even when productivity cannot support them —
will not focus on the technicalities of the various M's,
the precise targets, or short-run fluctuations about those
targets. What we must do is convey a general sense —- and make
good on that message — that excessive money and credit creation
will not underwrite the inflationary process. Taken alone, as
I have suggested, that commitment implies an extraordinarily
heavy burden on monetary policy. So equally, we need the
perception and the reality that essential monetary restraint
will be combined with persistent and effective policies in
other directions so that monetary restraint can be tolerable
and sustainable.
In particular we must not flinch from the budgetary
discipline necessary to complement the tax relief so desirable
to foster incentives, investment, and increased productivity in
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our society. We must seize other opportunities to deal with
price and wage rigidities and to promote productivity. We
need to face up to the hard job of achieving valid regulatory
objectives at less cost. We need to keep our markets open to
competitive forces at home and from abroad.
It is a difficult agenda for action. But the rewards
are enormous, for along that road lies the opportunity for
achieving growth as we restore stability. I know of no other,
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Supplementary Statement - The New Operating Procedures
The new operating procedures announced on October 6, 1979,
were described at the time as placing "greater emphasis in day-
to-day operations on the supply of bank reserves and less
emphasis on confining short-term fluctuations in the Federal
funds rate."* The change was introduced at a time when
inflationary expectations were rising dangerously and the
expansion of credit and money supply was exceeding objectives.
The point was to underscore, in terms of public perception
and debate, the central importance of maintaining control over
monetary growth and bank reserves to deal with inflation, and
to better discipline our internal policy-making with respect
to monetary and credit growth, thus enhancing our ability to
achieve our objectives. Earlier, policy judgments typically
took the form of action to influence changes in money market
interest rates in the direction and amounts deemed consistent
with money supply or other objectives and, in the short run,
efforts were made to constrain those interest rates within a
^Federal Reserve announcement of October 6, 1979. The new
operating procedures are described more fully in Appendix B of
the Federal Reserve's Monetary Policy Report to the Congress,
February 1980.
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rather narrow range. However, in a changing inflationary
environment, judgments about the appropriate level of money
market rates had, at least within very broad limits, become
increasingly unreliable as a gauge or guide to policy, and in
the then existing market circumstances, perceptions (right or
wrong) that changes in money market rates would be limited
seemed to be encouraging banks and other lending institutions
to aggressively market credit.
Obviously, the change in technique reflected the
significance we attach to monetary growth targets, and we
felt the change enhanced our prospects for hitting those
targets over a period of time. But I must also stress that
no change in operating technique:
can resolve the issue of what the appropriate
growth targets should be;
can eliminate the looseness — indeed the in-
stability, evident particularly in the short run —
in the relationship between changes in money,
economic activity, and inflation;
can avoid judgments about the appropriate
definition of "money" during a period of rapid
institutional change and inflationary distortions; or
can substitute for ongoing appraisal of the
significance of changing economic and financial
conditions for monetary growth.
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Certainly, experience over the past several years
suggests the relationship between the growth of the various
money stock measures, as best we can measure them statistically,
and the performance of the economy is not tight or immutable
over relevant periods of time. In other words, we have to be
prepared for, and analyze the significance of, changes in the
turnover or velocity of money.
I know of no substantial body of economic analysis that
suggests that fluctuations in monetary growth over a monthly,
quarterly, or even somewhat longer period — if they are
subsequently reversed — are significant in terms of the
evolution of economic activity or inflation over a period of
time. Indeed, all the evidence suggests that the economic
effects of developments with respect to the money supply are
spread out over considerable time; there is a kind of natural
smoothing process in the transmission belt. The simple fact
is that the short-run movements of the measured monetary
aggregates are characterized by a considerable amount of
"noise"; ironing out these fluctuations would be extremely
difficult technically.*
*These short-run fluctuations, here and abroad, are
more pronounced in the narrower (M^) definition of the
money supply. Indeed, the evidence suggests the short-
run instability of M]^ has generally been considerably
more pronounced in other countries.
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Our current operating techniques automatically "lean"
against deviations in money growth to help ensure they do not
cumulate in one direction or another. Even so, short-term
fluctuations in money growth (or in other related magnitudes
such as reserves or the monetary base) can sometimes raise
questions about our basic policy intentions, and thus influence
expectations about market developments and the economy among
those constantly probing for clues as to a change in our
objectives or in the economic and financial market outlook.
Unwarranted "expectational" effects, which can for a time
influence market attitudes and behavior, can perhaps only be
worn away by experience over time. That seems to me the
likely result if we can successfully demonstrate that we do
indeed take seriously our monetary goals and those goals are
appropriate to our economic circumstances and objectives. The
change in our operating procedures, combined with established
procedures for the formulation and explanation of our monetary
targets, have been designed to those ends.
More specifically, the procedure adopted in October 197 9,
emphasizing reserve "paths" and "targeting," offered the
prospect of avoiding persistent "over" or "under" shoots of
money and credit growth. In that sense it complemented steps
taken earlier to end the practice of shifting the base for
monetary targets forward every quarter. In simple terms, our
present operating procedure involves, in the first instance,
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directing the Manager of the System Open Market Account to
buy and sell securities with a view to providing the volume
of nonborrowed reserves (the only portion of reserves subject
to close short-run control) thought consistent with the targeted
level of the money stock.
If the money stock (particularly Mi, to which most
reserves are directly related) begins to move off the targeted
path, banks will find it necessary to borrow more or less
reserves through the discount window to meet their reserve
requirements. Because banks are encouraged administratively
to seek out other sources of funds before turning to the
discount window, these variations in pressures on their reserve
positions will affect money market interest rates and, in time,
their lending or investment policies and the money supply. If
money growth nonetheless moves more clearly "off course,"
action can be taken to speed the adjustment process by further
constricting or expandinq the supply of nonborrowed reserves.
Because there is a large amount of day-to-day variation
in the supply of and demand for reserves, owing to such un-
controllable factors as variations in float or shifts of deposits
within the banking system, it is inevitable that there will be
greater short-run variability in the federal funds rate than
was the case when the basic approach entailed constraining
movements in that rate within a narrow band. Movements in the
funds rate over somewhat longer periods might also have been
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expected to be sharper under the new operating procedure
because they are no longer dependent on a "policy" decision
as to the "appropriate" rate level, but rather reflect the
tightening or easing of bank reserve positions that occurs
when the monetary aggregates (and therefore the demands for
reserves) deviate from their short-run targets. This does
not mean that the federal funds rate — and, more important,
interest rates on instruments of longer maturities which are in
any event beyond the immediate influence of the Federal Reserve —
would necessarily be expected to exhibit wider "cyclical" swings.
With less likelihood of cumulative divergences of monev from
desired paths, there could be reason to look forward to milder
cyclical swings in the economy and perhaps in interest rates as well,
Of course, what we have actually experienced in 1980
is substantial short-run volatility in both money and interest
rates, combined with unusually sharp movements in economic
activity and inflation, as measured or anticipated. These
developments have been interrelated in complex ways. However,
it seems to me to associate those developments primarily with
the new operating techniques would be wrong. The past year
has been one of extraordinary instability in the economic
environment in which monetary policy is conducted. Dangerous
turmoil in the Middle East, another tremendous surge in
energy prices, the shifting prospects for the Federal budget,
the temporary imposition of credit controls, short-term swings
in the direction of economic activity that confounded forecasters,
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substantial variations in the rate of increase in major price
indexes, and recurrent swings of sentiment about inflation and
the economic outlook all left a strong mark on financial markets«
Against this backdrop of unsettlement, and the associated
volatility of expectations, it would be unreasonable to expect
that either interest rates or the demand for money would exhibit
great stability. I recognize that fluctuations in money growth
and interest rates did, on occasion, raise questions about our
intentions, in that sense contributing to financial market un-
certainty. But I must also note the expressed concerns, more
often than not, have been inconsistent. For instance, during
the spring, when the narrowly defined money supply and interest
rates were both falling sharply, some interpreted the interest
rate decline as indicative of a "retreat" by the Federal Reserve
from the fight on inflation. Others interpreted the money
supply decline as aggravating recessionary forces. Under the
conditions existing, it seemed self-evident that more aggressive
action to increase monetary growth would have tended to reduce
interest rates still further, or vice versa. Yet, so long as
observers from different schools of economic thought differ in
their interpretations, concerns of the sort voiced seem bound
to arise.
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Operations Since October 6, 1979
Looking back now, we can observe three rather distinct
phases in monetary developments during the period of the
new operating procedures: October 1979 to March 198 0, April
to July, and August to the present. These periods roughly
correspond to spans, first, of strong credit and monetary
growth and rising interest rates? second, of felling or
sluggish monetary growth and declining interest rates, and
then again of strong monetary growth and rising rates.
The introduction of the new techniques in October,
coming at a time of strong money and credit growth and
mounting inflationary expectations was accompanied by con-
siderable turbulence in financial markets. However, coin-
cidentally or not, monetary growth thereafter remained well
within our targets and rather stable from month to month until
early February. However, as growth in M, and other monetary
measures picked up sharply in February, member banks needed
more reserves to meet their reserve requirements. (Movements
in reserves are traced monthly on Chart I. Money supply and
bank credit data are on subsequent charts.) Because the path
for nonborrowed reserves had been designed to accommodate only
targeted increases in the narrowly defined money stock, member
banks found it necessary to turn to the discount window in
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larger amounts to obtain the reserves they required. Because
of the reluctance of banks to borrow for significant periods
of time at the discount window, reinforced by our guidelines
limiting access to the discount window, increased borrowings
are normally associated with pressures on short-term market
rates as banks are induced to slow credit expansion.
We took two additional steps in February that served
to reinforce the restraint on monetary and credit expansion.
One of these was to lower the previously established path
for nonborrowed reserves, thereby increasing pressure on
member bank reserve positions and inducing restraint on
their lending and portfolio policies. The other step was
a one percentage point hike in the discount rate.*
The decision to reinforce the pressures arising more
or less automatically from the maintenance of a fixed path for
nonborrowed reserves was based on several considerations. The
first of these was simply the magnitude of the run-up in some
of the monetary aggregates. Bank credit, too, had been growing
at a particularly rapid pace in January and February, with
business loan increases of 20 percent or more at an annual rate,
These deviations from our ranges were of particular concern
*The strongest pressure on reserve positions did not
develop until mid-February and after, partly because of lags
in reporting and reserve accounting.
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because of other developments affecting the inflationary outlook
and expectations.
The preceding few weeks had seen a very serious deteri-
oration in public confidence in the government's ability and
resolve to rein in inflation. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
led to discussion of enlarged defense outlays that might add to
federal budgetary deficits; outsized increases in consumer and
producer prices caused alarm, even though they should have been
largely anticipated on the basis of previous changes in OPEC
prices and mortgage rates; soaring prices for gold and silver
both reflected and reinforced fears of accelerating inflation;
and there was an anxiety in some circles that the traditional
tools of monetary policy might prove inadequate to restrain
aggregate demand pressures. On the last score, many analysts
had been surprised by evidence that sales and orders had reg-
istered strong gains at the turn of the year in the face of
historically high nominal rates of interest.
Perhaps the most dramatic manifestation of the intensi-
fication of inflationary expectations was the disarray in the
bond markets. Bond yields had begun to soar in late January,
even before the money markets (and IVL) had begun to firm. Post-
ponements and cancellations of offerings became numerous and
fears were expressed for the future of the long-term bond markets,
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During the formulation of a revised budget and other
Administration economic measures to deal with the dangerous
inflationary potential, the Federal Reserve continued to
restrain its provision of reserves, and the money markets
clearly reflected the tightening of reserve availability.
Short-term market interest rates rose to record levels,
although bond prices began to stabilize as the market responded
to indications that the government was developing a strong
anti-inflationary program.
On March 14, the President announced a set of measures
to fight inflation, including steps taken in consultation with
Congress to cut Federal expenditures and work toward a balanced
budget. He also authorized the Federal Reserve to employ the
extraordinary powers of the Credit Control Act. As you know
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under the authority of that Act, we took certain measures to
more directly restrain the expansion of credit, including a
special deposit requirement on growth of certain consumer credit
and money market mutual funds, and a tightening of marginal
reserve requirements on managed liabilities of big banks. In
addition the Federal Reserve undertook a voluntary program to
restrain bank lending and added a 3 percentage point surcharge
to the discount rate for frequent borrowing from the discount
window by larger banks.
Over the second half of March, most market interest rates
rose further, but following the new action perceptible weakening
of money and bank credit soon became apparent. By early April
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interest rates were on the decline. These developments accelerated,
and while the full magnitude of the decline in the money supply
was apparent only some time after the event, the temporary
contraction was large. M-1A, for example, declined at an un-
precedented 17-3/4 percent annual rate for a single month in
April.
By May, the decline ended. Renewed growth in late spring
and early summer nevertheless left M-1A and M-1B low relative
to the FOMC's objectives for several months. Bank credit
continued to contract through June. Meanwhile the broader
aggregates, M and M~, while declining or flat for a time,
2
generally remained within target ranges.
The extraordinary fall-off in M.. and bank credit, reducing
reserve needs, was quickly reflected in the repayment by member
banks of discount window borrowings. As the magnitude of the
decline in the aggregates became apparent, the Federal Reserve
also acted to reverse the earlier reduction in nonborrowed
reserves and to maintain the volume of total reserves. The
rapid expansion in nonborrowed reserves in April and May essen-
tially offset the decline in adjustment borrowing by member banks,
which was reduced to a frictional minimum by late May. Thereafter,
nonborrowed reserves were provided at a rate believed consistent
with restoring over time the narrow monetary aggregates to their
longer-*run target ranges.
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Several characteristics of that period are worth
emphasizing for they bear on questions of both'technique and
policy. First was the fact that only the narrow money stock
measures, M-1A and M-1B, were deviating appreciably from our
longer-run ranges. The narrow money stock is characteristically
much more volatile than the broader measures, not only in the
U.S. but in other countries. Partly for that reason, and
partly because of broader considerations, some students of
monetary policy tend to place more weight on the broader ag-
gregates. Indeed, a number of foreign countries engaged in the
practice of monetary targeting focus exclusively on a broader
aggregate.
The relative weakness in M-lA and M-1B during the early
spring was clearly exceptional in terms of the typical behavior
of transactions balances relative to other key economic variable
To be sure, real GNP dropped abruptly, and nominal GNP came to
a standstill in the second quarter. Such a sharp reduction in
nominal GNP growth ordinarily would be expected to reduce deman
for transactions balances. During the spring, however, cash
holdings fell substantially faster than nominal GNP growth. Th<
velocity of money, instead of falling as it normally does in
recession, rose sharply, suggesting among other things that
rapid repayment of consumer and other debt following the specie
measures of credit restraint led, in the first instance, to
depleted cash balances. In practice, the effects of the credii.
control program cannot be separated from other influences,
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including the strong possibility that earlier record levels of
interest rates induced deposit holders to minimize demand deposits
while searching for more remunerative ways of employing spare
cash.
In these circumstances, matters of judgment arose as to
how aggressively to supply reserves to restore M- to the estab-
lished growth path. On one side, the sharpness of the decline
in business activity itself — which was then forecast to con-
tinue for some time —• might have suggested an effort to restore
M, to "path" as quickly as possible to avoid any risk of exac-
erbating the downturn. But there were powerful considerations
on the other side. Account had to be taken of the probability
that the decline of interest rates itself would tend to increase
money growth later in view of the lags in response in the banking
system and among money holders. Account had to be taken, too,
of the likelihood that special efforts connected with repayment
of debt during the credit restraint program would tend to be
reversed as the public sought to restore depleted cash balances.
If the drop in 3VL turned out to be an extraordinary, self-
reversing deviation from past norms, related to lags and the
credit restraint program, then strong action taken to offset it,
by pressing excess reserves on banks, might have had to be quickly
reversed, leading to a purposeless whipsawing of the money markets,
Conversely, if the change in velocity reflected a more permanent
desire to hold less cash by the public, the existing M targets
would be, in economic effect, less restraining on inflation than
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had been anticipated. Either possibility argued for some caution
in dealing with the ML shortfall.
The other consideration involved more directly the
potential impact of a deeper decline in interest rates, which
would have been the immediate consequence of a more generous
provision of reserves to boost monetary growth. We have, as
you know, emphasized the limitations of using interest rates as
a reliable indicator of the thrust of monetary policy. Nonethe-
less, we had to recognize that, even against the backdrop of a
declining money stock, the already precipitous decline in
interest rates might be misread as a fundamental reversal of
policy — a lessening of our resolve to fight inflation. Such
a false interpretation could only have undermined the ultimate
success of that effort; a perceived weakening in the fight on
inflation would, in turn, ultimately impair prospects for a
sustained economic recovery. The same uncertainty about our
objectives could have complicated our task further by undermining
confidence in the dollar on foreign exchange markets. The
exchange value of the dollar did go through a wide swing over
the first and second quarters, largely in response to the
relative movement of U.S. and foreign interest rates. As it
turned out, however, a cumulative downward movement that would
have reflected eroding confidence was avoided.
These considerations remained relevant as some recovery
of the monetary aggregates continued into July. By that time,
the average levels of M-1A and M-1B were only slightly under
the lower bounds of the FOMC's longer-run growth ranges for
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these aggregates, while M~ and M_ were in or moving into the
upper halves of their ranges. At that point/ in testifying
before the Congress, I indicated that, in the light of the
continuing inflationary problem, I did not feel that aggressive
actions to push ML higher were desirable, even though the
business outlook remained cloudy.
Within a matter of weeks, our concerns became quite
different, as a pattern of more rapid monetary expansion
developed. That pattern came to threaten our ability to
achieve our targets for the year.
In retrospect, the persistent high rate of monetary
growth since July appears excessive; however, during much of
the period, as events unfolded, the picture was one of consid-
erable ambiguity. Much of the extraordinary growth took place
in a single week in August when the M, figures juioped by about
$10 billion. We know that weekly figures often are unreliable
indicators of trends, and available projections suggested that
that increase was probably in large part an aberration. Indeed,
data for a few subsequent weeks showed declines, and it was not
until well into September that our growth targets appeared in
any jeopardy.
From our present vantage point, it seems clear that the
early and surprisingly sharp upturn in economic activity in mid-
summer led to more demand for money, importantly accounting for
the sharp rise in the narrower monetary aggregates. The extent
of that rebound in economic activity was not clearly apparent
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until data were received in late September and October. Never-
theless , as soon as monetary growth picked up <3ur operating
techniques "automatically" began to bring bank reserve positions
under mild pressure as use of the discount window increased.
That pressure was reinforced on several occasions by reducing
the provision of nonborrowed reserves. Total bank reserves have,
to be sure, expanded sharply — a mechanical concomitant of the
rise in M, — but banks have had to borrow those reserves from
the Federal Reserve; we have not supplied them on our own
initiative through the open market. The need to exert restraint
has also been reflected in changes in the discount rate as market
rates rose.
Interest rates generally have, as you know, risen very
substantially since August. The restraint on reserve and money
growth has clearly played a role in this rise, but a number of
other factors have also been important, particularly in the
long-term markets. The unexpected brevity of the recession,
the related revival of acute concern about inflation, and the
possibility of substantial tax cuts resulting at least for a
time in larger deficits, led borrowers and lenders to anticipate
higher interest rates.
The past few weeks have seen some tendency for growth
in the monetary aggregates to moderate. It is clearly a matter
of judgment whether actions already taken will maintain monetary
growth precisely within the desired path, but plainly operations
are directed to that end.
* * * * * * **
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Chart 1
Reserve Aggregates
Billions of dollars
43
_ Shaded area is adjustment borrowing
42
41
40
Required Reserves
39
,' Nonborrowed Reserves
(Includes special borrowings)^ 38
37
Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov.
1979 1980
t Special borrowings consists of credit provided to institutions through the discount window to assist them in dealing with rela-
tively severe and persistent liquidity problems. Because there is not the same pressure to repay such borrowing promptly as
exists with normal adjustment credit, the broader economic impact of special borrowing is similar to that of nonborrowed reserves.
• Average of first two weeks of November, 1980.
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Chart 2
Growth Ranges and Actual Monetary Growth
M-1A
Billions of dollars
__ Actual
. Range adopted by FOMC for
1979 Q4 to 1980 Q4
390
380
370
360
Annual Rate of Growth
1978 7.4 Percent
1979 5.0 Percent
1979 Q4-1980 OCT. 5.5 Percent 350
1979 1980
M-1B
Billions of dollars
—_ Actual
.... Range adopted by FOMC for
— 1979 Q4 to 1980 Q4 410
400
390
380
370
Annual Rate of Growth
1978 8.2 Percent
1979 7.6 Percent
360
1979 Q4-1980 OCT. 7.4 Percent
I I i i . . i I I .
1979 1980
Note: Last figure plotted is October 1980
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Chan 3
Growth Ranges and Actual Monetary Growth
M-2
Billions of dollars
Actual
--- Range adopted by FOMC for
1700
"" 1979Q4to 1980Q4
9%
6%
1600
1500
Annual Rate of Growth
1978 8.4 Percent
1979 8.9 Percent
1979 Q4-1980 OCT. 9.8 Percent
i i I i i i i I t t
1979 1980
M-3
Billions of dollars
• Actual
—•- Range adopted by FOMC for
1979 Q4 to 1980 Q4
1900
61/ %
2
1800
Annual Rate of Growth
1978 11.3 Percent
1979 9.8 Percent 1700
1979 Q4-1980 OCT. 9.3 Percent
I , , I
i I I i I j I
1979 1980
Note: Last figure plotted is October 1980
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Chart 4
Growth Range and Actual Bank Credit Growth
Bank Credit
Billions of dollars
——— Actual
9%
—— Range adopted by FOMC for
1979~Q4to 1980Q4
1220
1180
1140
1100
Annual Rate of Growth
1978 13.5 Percent
1060
1979 12.3 Percent
1979 Q4-1980 OCT. 7.1 Percent
I I I I I I i I I I l
1979 1980
Note: Last figure plotted is October 1980
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Chart 5
Interest Rates
Short-term
Percent
20
Prime Rate
16
4-6 Month
Prime Commercial Paper
12
3-Month
Treasury Bills
t978 1979 1980
Long-term
Percent
20
Home Mortgage Rates. 16
Aaa Utility Bond
New Issues 12
Municipal Bond
1978 1979 1980
* Latest figure plotted is week of November 12, 1980
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Chart 6
Economic Activity and Inflation
Economic Activity
Seasonally adjusted, annual rates of change
14
Real gross national product
10
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4
1979 1980
Inflation
Seasonally adjusted, annual rates of change
• Consumer Price Index
H Implicit GNP Deflator
18
15
12
ill
li
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 G3 Q4
1979 1980
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Chart 7
Weighted Average Exchange Value of U.S. Dollar
March 1973=100
105
100
95
90
85
1977 1978 1979 1980
3-Month Interest Rates
Percent
16
12
Weighted Average of
Foreign Interbank Rates*
I
1977 1978 1979 1980
* Weighted average against or of G-10 countries plus Switzerland using total 1972-76 average trade of these countries
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Table 1
Quarterly Variability of Monetary Growth in Major Industrial Countries
Average Variation in variation
Annual Growth around Relative to
Growth Rate Average Rate* Average Growth Sample
(1) (2) (3) = (2) * (1)
Narrow Money
Canada: Ml 8.8 7.1 .80 1973:Ql-1980:Q3
France: Ml 10.4 5.4 .52 1973:Q1-198O:Q2
Germany: Ml 7.6 5.7 .75 1973:Q1-198O:Q3
Japan: Ml 10.7 6.9 .65 1973:Q1-198O:Q2
Switzerland: Ml 4.2 10.9 2.59 1972:Ql-1980:Q2
U.K.: Ml 11.5 8.9 .78 1973:Q1-198O:Q3
U.S.: MIA 5.5 2.8 .50 1973:Ql-1980:Q3
Broad Money
Canada: M2 14.0 3.7 .27 1973:Ql-1980:Q3
France: M2 13.4 3.4 .26 1973:Q1-198O:Q2
Germany: CBM 7.8 2.9 .37 1973:Q1-198O:Q3
Japan: M2 12.3 3.4 .28 1973:Ql-1980:Q2
Switzerland: M2 8.8 8.4 1.00 1975:Q4-1980:Q2
U.K.: fcM3 12.6 7.5 .60 1973:Ql-1980:Q3
U.S.: M2 9.3 3.1 .34 1973:Ql-1980:Q3
*As measured by standard deviation.
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Table 2
Annual Monetary Growth in Major Industrial Countries*
1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 :Most Recent Quarter
Narrow Money
Canada: Ml 2.6 10.4 11.0 4.8 6.3 Q3
France: Ml 11.5 8.9 12.3 10.8 9.6 Q2
Germany: Ml 7.3 9.9 13.3 4.6 1.0 Q3
Japan: Ml 15.2 5.3 12.4 6.9 4.7 Q2
Switzerland: Ml 7.6 5.2 21.9 -0.2 -16.7 Q2
U.K.: Ml 13.5 18.7 15.4 10.9 2.3 Q3
U.S.: MIA 5.5 7.7 7.4 5.0 4.0 Q3
Broad Money
Canada: M2 13.3 12.0 12.4 17.5 16.1 Q3
France: M2 14.6 12.8 13.4 13.5 11.9 Q2
Germany: CBM 9.1 9.4 11.8 6.1 4.5 Q3
Japan: M2 14.6 10.5 12.5 10.8 8.8 Q2
Switzerland: M2 2.2 7.3 7.9 11.1 28.2 Q2
U.K.: fcM3 10.8 7.3 14.0 13.0 17.9 Q3
U.S.: M2 13.7 11.5 8.4 8.9 9.6 Q3
*Growth is measured from the fourth quarter of previous year; the 1980 figure is the
seasonally adjusted growth between 1979:Q4 and the most recent quarter for which
data are available, expressed at an annual rate.
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1980, November 18). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19801119_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19801119_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19801119_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}