speeches · September 9, 1980
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
10:00 A.M., E.D.T.
Statement by
Paul A* Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Committee on the Budget
House of Representatives
September 10, 1980
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I am pleased to respond to your invitation to participate
in this hearing to help clarify, as best I can, the issues
before you and the Congress in setting budgetary priorities
during a period of economic uncertainty.
As you are well aware, the current recession developed
much later than the great majority of economic forecasts had
suggested, and then broke with more force than had been generally
anticipated. Indeed, the abrupt fall in output this past spring
about matched the record postwar decline that occurred in the
first quarter of 1975 and was about as large — in percentage
terms — as we have typically had over the course of an entire
recession. More recently, the rate of decline in economic
activity has moderated. Some indicators can even be interpreted
as suggesting the recession could be relatively short-lived.
However, the recent record of economic forecasting is
warning enough of the uncertainties inherent in judging with
precision fluctuations in economic activity. We do know that,
whatever encouragement we can draw from some of the most recent
data on the near term outlook, the fundamental forces accounting
for some of the persistent problems of the economy remain —
poor productivity and low savings, adjustments to sharply higher
costs of energy, and most importantly, the uncertainties and
distortions associated with strong underlying price pressures.
It is the strength of those forces that seems to me to dictate
the main outlines of economic policy.
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I understand and share the immediate concern about
recession. But I am even more concerned that we shape policies
that also look toward the medium and longer term needs of the
economy, lest we inadvertently extend and repeat the pattern
of low productivity, rising inflation, and economic instability.
In that connection, I am convinced the stability and vigor
of our economy will not be restored over time unless the ominous
cycle of rising levels of inflation in successive periods of
expansion can be brought to a halt. We would neglect that prime
objective of economic policy at our peril. For that reason, the
Federal Reserve has been, and will continue to be, guided by the
need to maintain financial discipline, a discipline reflected in
reduced growth over time of the monetary and credit aggregates.
As recently as July, the Federal Reserve reaffirmed its
ranges for the monetary aggregates that call for a deceleration
of money growth in 1980 from the pace during the preceding year.
The tentative monetary ranges established for next year specify
slightly lower growth. I am glad to say that this approach was
supported by the relevant Congressional committees.
In general terms, the targets for growth of the monetary
aggregates are designed to encourage progress toward price
stability. At the same time we would, of course, like to see
resumption of sustainable economic growth. In the short run,
monetary policy alone cannot guarantee that happy combination
of events. Technically, the supply of money tends to be related
to nominal GNP, and our targets are consistent with a number of
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possible combinations of real growth and inflation. If inflation
tends to decline, the prospects for satisfactory growth consistent
with the targets will be greatly improved. Conversely, to the
extent other policies and behavior — public or private — are
tending to reinforce inflationary pressures and credit demands,
more of the available money supply would be absorbed in financing
price increases rather than real activity. Inflationary expectations
would tend to keep interest rates higher than otherwise.
We cannot escape that problem by simply increasing the money
supply to accommodate a higher rate of inflation. The result
could only be to prolong and intensify the inflationary process,
in turn undermining the recovery and setting the stage for inten-
sification, rather than resolution, of our economic problems.
That is why I believe it so important that all our policies take
account of the need to break the insidious pattern of rising rates
of inflation in successive cycles — a pattern that, I would remind
you, has been accompanied by higher levels of unemployment rather
than lower.
During the spring and early summer, we began to see some
slowing of price increases from the exceptional pace of earlier
this year, and a zero inflation rate was reported for July in
the consumer price index. The concerns over a virtual explosion
of inflation rife last winter have rightly receded, an important
factor in the sharp declines in interest rates in the spring.
Nevertheless, we have to recognize the improvement so far has been
related largely to transitory or short-term factors — a softening
in markets for energy and some industrial commodities, favorable
supply conditions for food in the spring, and the easing of mortgage
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interest rates. As you know, food prices have more recently
turned up again, and the last reported producer price indexes
make less happy reading.
More important than these short-term fluctuations, which
are part of the normal dynamics of our complicated economy and
reflect in part weather and external developments, the "underlying"
or "core" rate of inflation — which is roughly determined by
trends in compensation and productivity — has tended to rise in
recent years. With no productivity gains to offset wage increases,
that core rate appears to be in a 9 to 10 percent range; if anything,
the growth rate of labor costs appear to have drifted higher in
the first half of this year. There is no doubt that concern about
this inflationary performance, and fears of the future, are a
powerful force holding interest rates up at present.
One important means of dealing with these wage and cost
pressures is to improve productivity. Productivity gains can
directly offset cost pressures; over time, moreover, productivity
gains are the only lasting source of increases in per worker real
income, and rising real income should in turn reduce the pressure
for "catch up" wage gains or anticipatory pricing. In that
connection, a strong case can be made for tax reduction as a means
of increasing investment and productivity. Federal taxes already
account for an historically large proportion of income, and in 1981,
this ratio could be pushed sharply higher as a result of sizable
increases in taxes for social security, the windfall oil profits
tax, and the inflation-induced bracket creep in the individual
income tax. In my view, the size and the composition of the tax
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burden do have adverse implications for business investment,
for costs, and possibly for incentives to work and save.
For those reasons I welcome the emphasis in recent tax
proposals to deal as a matter of priority with taxes on invest-
ment. But at the same time, tax reduction — whether to assist
productivity or to support purchasing power — has effects on
revenues and the budgetary position that we cannot ignore. If
we try to do so, the adverse effects may more than offset the
good. For that reason, I believe tax reduction must be con-
ditional on progress in restraining expenditure growth.
As you know, I fully supported the strong effort to restrain
expenditures last winter by the Budget Committees in the House
and Senate, and to aim for a balanced budget. With the economy
slumping, a budgetary balance is obviously beyond reach today.
But government spending will probably be smaller as a result of
that Congressional and Administration effort, and the central
point is that restraint must be maintained if we are to have a
credible opportunity to achieve budget balance in a more fully
employed economy.
I am frankly concerned about the size of the expenditure
increases projected in the latest official estimates. I recognize
a sizable part of those increases represent a normal, and potentially
reversible, response to cyclical developments in the economy.
Nonetheless, the trend of our spending, taking account of national
security and other needs, plainly limits the amount of tax reduction
that would be prudent. To the extent that budgetary discipline is
suspended in the face of economic slack, the room for tax reduction
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could shrink, even to the vanishing point- Indeed, programs
and policies interpreted as exacerbating and prolonging the
inflationary process can be counterproductive even in terms of
economic stimulus, in part through the expectational effects on
financial and other markets.
Consequently, I cannot emphasize too strongly, if we are
to plan on tax reduction, the need to exercise strong restraint
over spending and to contain the stresses and strains a huge
deficit could place on the economy — especially on financial
markets. These markets — both domestic and international —
have become so sensitized to inflation and so wary of deficits
that the anticipation of excessive spending and more inflation
can be as damaging as the reality in driving interest rates higher
at home and the dollar lower abroad.
The desirability of tax cuts — particularly those without
clear rationale in terms of investment and productivity — also
is contingent on the general performance of the economy. Our
inability to predict the economic future accurately has been
demonstrated often enough. Experience indicates numerous well-
intentioned programs of economic stimulus have been ill-timed
and excessive. Currently, we are arguably near a turning point.
One of the questions in that respect is whether the pressures of
government financing — or the inflationary outlook generally —
may dampen the recovery of significant sectors of the economy,
such as housing or automobiles. It would be ironic, indeed, if
over-exuberant planning for tax reduction — designed for stimulus
had adverse effects in terms of inflationary expectations and
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financial markets, interfering with the natural recuperative
powers of the economy.
I have made the point in earlier testimony that I would
want to defer any decision about the appropriate scope of the
tax reduction at least until after the election, when, among
other things, we can have a clearer view of the spending priorities
of an Administration and a Congress for a period of time ahead,
a matter that inevitably can only be clarified after November.
I realize you do not have the luxury of foregoing a budgetary
resolution. What seems to me important is that the resolution susta
spending restraint. Conceivably, sufficient restraint could be
achieved to make it prudent to provide room for limited tax
measures aimed at the priority need to stimulate business invest-
ment, reduce costs and enhance productivity growth. However, I
am doubtful at best that that restraint could be carried to the
point of justifying general tax reduction programs at this time,
pending reassessment of the budgetary and business situation
around the turn of the year.
Crucial as monetary and fiscal policies are, many other
elements of public and private policy are directly relevant to
the prospects for moving toward lower levels of inflation as the
economy recovers. With productivity actually declining recently,
and faced with higher energy prices, the hard fact is the real
income of the average worker will decline. That fact cannot be
changed by pushing up nominal wages and prices; the result is
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more inflation, not more real income. The gains and losses
may be reshuffled, but the real performance of the economy
will probably be adversely affected in the process. In the
context of any given set of monetary and fiscal policies, the
end result will be fewer jobs, not more.
Of course, it is much easier to analyze the problem than
to find practical means of slowing the wage-price treadmill
rapidly and effectively, when fears of inflation are so deeply
embedded. I believe it is clear from what I have already said
that the answer cannot simply lie in passively accepting whatever
increase in the money supply would be necessary to accommodate
the inflationary process. To the contrary, I would hope and
expect that firm financial discipline — monetary and fiscal —
can be one factor encouraging moderation in business and labor
behavior. The possibility of relating tax reduction to wage
restraint has occasionally been raised, but it seems to me to
have received less attention than the question may deserve.
I have not been convinced that a formal, detailed program for
linking income restraint to tax reduction, as some have proposed,
is practical. Nevertheless, before sizable reductions in personal
taxes are considered by the Senate and the House, I believe an
opportunity presents itself to explore carefully, with business
and labor, the need for a commitment to restraint in wages and
pricing during this crucial period in the interests of the~economy
as a whole, and their own economic well being.
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I have spoken many times of the need to develop concerted
policies in other areas to help us to achieve and reconcile our
economic goals . We need to reduce our dependence on foreign oil —
a matter not unrelated to tax policy. We need to attack those
elements in the burgeoning regulatory structure that impede
competition or add unnecessarily to costs. And, I believe, it
would be a serious mistake to seek relief from our problems by
a retreat to protectionism, which would risk weakening the forces
of competition, reduce the pressures on American industry to
innovate, and undermine the attack on inflation.
We are now at the critical point in our efforts to reduce
inflation while returning the economy to a path of healthy and
sustainable growth in the 1980s. We must not sacrifice that
opportunity by neglecting the need to place our immediate
actions in the context of a coherent longer-run program. One
essential part of that program requires firm discipline over the
growth of money and credit. Control over spending and the Federal
deficit is another. Any tax reduction that can be fitted into
that context should be responsive to the fundamental needs of
our economy to improve productivity and investment, to contain
costs, and to improve incentives.
* * * * **
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1980, September 9). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800910_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19800910_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800910_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}