speeches · July 21, 1980
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
For release on delivery
IQiOOj A.M. , E.D.T.
Statement by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
United States Senate
July 22, 1980
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I am pleased to be here today to review the conduct of
monetary policy and to report on the Federal Reserve's economic
objectives for the year as a whole, as well as its tentative
thinking on policy goals for 1981. Our so-called "Humphrey-
Hawkins Report" has already been distributed to you. I would
like simply to add some personal perspective this morning on
the course of monetary policy, in the context of the economic
prospects and choices facing us with respect to other policy
instruments.
Seldom has the direction of economic activity changed so
swiftly as in recent months. Today the country is faced simul-
taneously with acute problems of recession and inflation. There
have been unprecedented changes in interest rates and the imposition
and removal of extraordinary measures of credit restraint. The
fiscal position of the Federal Government is changing rapidly.
In these circumstances, confusion and uncertainty can arise
about our goals and policies, not just those of the Federal
Reserve, but of economic policy generally. Therefore, I
particularly welcome this opportunity to emphasize the under-
lying continuity in our approach in the Federal Reserve and its
relationship to other economic policies, matters that are critical
to public understanding, and expectations.
The Federal Reserve has been, and will continue to be,
guided by the need to maintain financial discipline — a discipline
concretely reflected in reduced growth over time of the monetary and
credit aggregates — as part of the process of restoring price
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stability. As I see it, this continuing effort reflects not
simply a concern about the need for greater monetary and price
stability for its own sake — critical as that is. The experi-
ence of the 1970fs strongly suggests that the inflationary process
undercuts efforts to achieve and maintain other goals, expressed
in the Humphrey-Hawkins Act, of growth and employment.
As you know, our operating techniques since last October
have placed more emphasis on maintaining reserve growth consistent
with targeted ranges for the various Ms, with the implication
interest rates might move over a wider range. Those targets
were reduced this year as one step toward achieving monetary
growth consistent with greater price stability. For several
months after the new techniques were introduced in October,
the various aggregates were remarkably close to the targeted
ranges.
At that time, and for months earlier, you will recall wide-
spread anticipations of recession. Nevertheless, reflecting a
variety of developments at home and abroad — including an enormous
new increase in oil prices, Middle-Eastern political volatility,
and interpretations of adverse budgetary developments — there
was a marked surge in the most widely disseminated price indices
and in inflationary expectations in the early part of this year.
Those expectations in the short run probably helped to support
business activity for a time; in particular, consumer spending
relative to income remained very high, with the consequence of
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historically (and fundamentally unhealthy) low savings rates
and high debt ratios. Speculation was rife in commodity
markets.
Spending and speculative activities of that kind are
ultimately unsustainable. But they carried the clear threat
of feeding upon themselves for a time, contributing among other
things to a further acceleration of wage rates and prices. In
that way, inflation threatened to escalate still further in a
kind of self-fulfilling prophecy, posing the clear risk that
the subsequent economic adjustment would be still more difficult.
Credit markets reflected these developments and attitudes.
Bond prices fell precipitously. Long-term money — including
mortgages — became difficult to raise. Partly as a consequence,
short-term demands for credit ballooned in the face of sharply
rising interest rates, at the expense in some instances of further
weakening business balance sheets. That heavy borrowing also was
reflected in acceleration in the money and credit aggregates
during the winter.
An attempt to stabilize interest rates by the provision of
large amounts of bank reserves through open market operations to
support even more rapid growth in money would probably have been
doomed to futility even in the short-run, for it could only have
fed the expectations of more inflation. It would certainly have
been counter-productive in terms of the overriding long-term need to
combat inflation and inflationary anticipations. Instead, con-
sistent with our basic policy approaches and techniques, the
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Federal Reserve resisted accommodating the excessive money
and credit growth.
During this period of rising inflation and interest rates,
the Administration and the Congress also appropriately and
intensively reviewed their own budget planning* Coordinated
with the announcement of the results of that broad governmental
effort and the decision of the President to invoke the Credit
Control Act of 1969 the Federal Reserve announced on March 14
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a series of exceptional, temporary measures to restrain credit
growth, reinforcing and supplementing our more traditional and
basic instruments of policy.
The demand for money and credit dropped abruptly in subsequent
weeks, reflecting the combined cumulative effects of the tightening
of market conditions, the announcement of the new actions, and the
rather sudden weakening of economic activity. In response,
interest rates within a few weeks fell about as fast — in some
instances faster and further — than they had risen in earlier
months. Growth in the aggregates slowed, and for some weeks M-1A
and M-1B turned sharply negative.
There is no doubt in my mind that these lower levels of
interest rates can play a constructive role in the process of
restoring a better economic equilibrium and fostering recovery.
Indeed, there is already evidence — if still tentative — that
homebuilding and other sectors of the economy sensitive to credit
costs and availability are benefitting. Meanwhile, progress is
being made toward reducing consumer indebtedness relative to
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income and toward restructuring corporate balance sheets as
bond financing has resumed at a very high level. The sharp
improvement in credit market conditions has been accompanied
by slower rates of increase in consumer and producer prices,
helping to quiet earlier fears of many of an explosive increase
in inflation.
The suddenness of the change in market conditions has,
however, raised questions in some minds as to whether the
interest rate declines were in some manner "contrived" or
"forced" by the Federal Reserve •— whether, to put it bluntly,
the performance of the markets (together with the phased removal
of the special credit restraints) reflects some weakening of
our basic commitment to disciplined monetary policy and the
priority of the fight on inflation. These perceptions are not
irrelevant, for they could affect both expectations and behavior,
most immediately in the financial and foreign exchange markets,
but also among businessmen and consumers.
The facts seem to me quite otherwise.
Growth in money and credit since March has certainly not
exceeded our targets; the M-l measures have in fact been running
below our target ranges. Bank credit has declined in recent
months; while the decline in commercial loans of banks can be
explained in part by exceptionally heavy bond and commercial paper
issuance by corporations, there is simply no evidence of excessive
rates of credit expansion currently. In these circumstances, it
is apparent that interest rates have responded — and have been
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permitted to respond — not to any profligate and potentially
inflationary increase in the supply of money, but to changes
in credit demands, and (so far as long-term interest rates
are concerned) to reduced inflationary expectations.
It is in that context — with credit demands reduced and
growth of credit running well within our expectations and targets
that the special credit restraint programs simply served no
further purpose. Those measures were invoked to achieve greater
assurance that credit growth would in fact slow, and that appro-
priate caution would be observed in credit usage. The special
restraints are inevitably cumbersome and arbitrary in specific
application. They involve the kind of arbitrary intrusion into
private decision-making and competitive markets that should not
be part of the continuing armory of monetary policy; their use
was justified only by highly exceptional circumstances -
circumstances that no longer exist. Our normal and traditional
tools of control (which in fact have been solidified by the
Monetary Control Act passed earlier this year) are intact and
fully adequate to deal with foreseeable needs.
Neither the decline in interest rates nor the removal of
the special restraints should be interpreted as an invitation
to consumers or businessmen to undertake incautious or imprudent
borrowing commitments, or as lack of concern should excessive
growth in money or credit reappear. That is not happening now.
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But markets (and the public at large) remain understandably
extremely sensitive to developments that might aggravate
inflationary forces. As we saw only a few months ago,
consumers and businessmen will react quickly in their
lending and borrowing behavior to that threat.
While the recent easing of financial pressures helps provide
an environment conducive to growth, we should not be misled.
A resurgence of inflationary pressures, or policies that would
seem to lead to that result, would not be consistent with main-
tenance of present — much less lower — interest rates, receptive
bond markets, and improving mortgageavailability. We in the
Federal Reserve believe the kind of commitment we have made to
reduce monetary growth over time is a key element in providing
assurance that the inflationary process will be wound down,
I noted earlier the money stock actually dropped sharply
during the early spring. In a technical sense, working on the
supply side, we provided substantial reserves through open market
operations during that period, but commercial banks, finding
demands for credit and interest rates dropping rapidly, repaid
discount window borrowings as their reserve needs diminished.
In general terms, it seems clear that, at least for a time, the
demand for money subsided (much more than can be explained on
the basis of established relationships to business activity and
interest rates) apparently because consumers and others hastened
debt repayment at the expense of cash balances and because the
earlier interest rate peaks had induced individuals to draw on
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cash to place the funds in investment outlets available in
the market.
As the Report illustrates, M-l growth has clearly resumed,
and the broader aggregate M-2 is now at or above the mid-point
of its range. In the judgment of the Federal Open Market Com-
mittee, forcing reserves on to the market in recent weeks simply
to achieve the fastest possible return to, say, the mid-point
of the M-l ranges may well have required early reversal of that
approach, have been inconsistent with the close-to-target
performance of the broader aggregates, and therefore led to
unwarranted interpretations and confusion about our continuing
objectives. Depending on the performance of the broader ag-
gregates and our continuing analysis of general economic
developments, the FOMC is in fact prepared to contemplate that
M-l measures may fall significantly short of the mid-point of
their specified ranges for the year.
I have emphasized the Committee's intention to work toward
the lower levels of monetary expansion over time* In reviewing
the situation this month, the Committee felt that, on balance,
it would be unwise to translate that intention into specific
numerical targets for 1981 for the various Ms at this
time. That view was strongly reinforced by certain important
technical uncertainties related to the introduction of NOW accounts
nationwide next January, as well as by the need to assess whether
the apparent shift in demand for cash in the spring persists.
At the same time, the general nature of the potential problems
and dilemmas for 1981 and beyond is clear enough? these are important
questions, not just for monetary policy but for the full armory of
public policy.
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The targets for the monetary aggregates are designed to
be consistent with, and to encourage, progress toward price
stability without stifling sustainable growth. But in the
short-run, the demand for money (at any given level of interest
rates) tends to be related not to prices or real output alone,
but to the combined effects of both — the nominal GNP. If
recovery and expansion are accompanied by inflation at current
rates or higher, pressures on interest rates could develop to
the point that consistency of strong economic expansion with
reduced monetary growth would be questionable.
Obviously, a satisfactory answer cannot lie in the direction
of indefinitely continued high levels of unemployment and poor
economic performance. But ratifying strong price pressures by
increases in the money supply offer no solution; that approach
could only prolong and intensify the inflationary process —
and in the end undermine the expansion. The insidious pattern
of rising rates of inflation and unemployment in succeeding
cycles needs to be broken; with today's markets so much more
sensitized to the dangers of inflation, economic performance
would likely be still less satisfactory if that pattern emerges
again. The only satisfactory approach must lie in a different
direction — a credible effort to reduce inflation further in
the period ahead, and policies that hold out the clear prospect
of further gains over time, even as recovery takes hold.
We are now in the process of seeing the inflation rate, as
recorded in the consumer and producer price indices, drop to or
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even below what can be thought of as the underlying or core
rate of inflation of 9 to 10 percent. That core rate is
roughly determined by trends in wages and productivity. We can
take some satisfaction in the observed drop of inflation, and
the damping of inflationary expectations. But the hardest
part of this job lies ahead, for we now need to make progress
in improving productivity or reducing underlying cost and wage
trends — as a practical matter both — to sustain the progress.
The larger the productivity gain, the smoother will be the
road to price stability — partly because that is the only way
of achieving and sustaining growth in real incomes needed to
satisfy the aspirations of workers. Put in that light, the
importance of a concerted set of policies to reconcile our
goals — not simply relying on monetary policy alone — is
apparent. While those other policies clearly extend beyond
the purview of the Federal Reserve, they obviously will bear
upon the performance of financial markets and the economy as the
Federal Reserve moves toward reducing over time the rate of
growth in money and credit.
In that connection, I recognize the strong conceptual
case that can be made for action to reduce taxes. Federal
taxes already account for an historically large proportion of
income. With inflation steadily pushing income tax payers into
higher brackets and with another large payroll tax increase to
finance social security scheduled for 1981, the ratio will go
higher still. The thesis that this overall tax burden — and
the way our tax structure impinges on savings and investment,
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costs and incentives — damages growth and productivity seems
to me valid. Moreover, depending on levels of spending and
the business outlook next year, the point can be made that
the implicit and explicit tax increases in store for next year
will drain too much purchasing power from the economy, unduly
affecting prospects for recovery.
But I must also emphasize there are potentially adverse
consequences that cannot be escaped — to ignore them would
be to jeopardize any benefits from tax reduction, and risk
further damage to the economy.
Whatever the favorable effects of tax reduction on incentives
for production and productivity over time, the more immediate
consequences for the size of the Federal deficit, and potentially
for interest rates and for sectors of the economy sensitively
dependent on credit markets, need to be considered.
Many of the most beneficial effects of a tax reduction
depend upon a conviction that it will have some permanence,
which in turn raises questions of an adequate commitment to
complementary spending policies and appropriate timing. We
are not dealing with a notion of a "quick fix" over the next
few months for a recession of uncertain duration, but of tax
action for 1981 and beyond at a time when Federal spending
levels, even for fiscal 1981, appear to be a matter of consid-
erable uncertainty, with the direction of movement higher.
Experience is replete with examples of stimulation,
undertaken with the best motives in the world, that has turned
out in retrospect to have been ill-timed and excessive. Given
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the demonstrable frailty of our economic forecasting, it takes
a brave man indeed to project with confidence the precise nature
of the budgetary and economic situation that will face the nation
around the end of this year. Moreover, an intelligent decision
on the revenue side of the budget implies knowledge of the
spending priorities of an ^administration and a Congress, a
matter that by the nature of things can only be fully clarified
after the election*
For all the developing consensus on the need for "supply
side" tax reduction — and I share in that consensus — some time
seems to me necessary to explore the implications of the competing
proposals and to reduce them to an explicit detailed program
for action. I have emphasized the need to achieve not only
productivity improvement but also a lower trend of costs and
wages; despite its importance, I have seen relatively little
discussion in the current content of how tax reduction plans
might be brought to bear more directly on the question of wage
and price increases.
The continuing sensitivity of financial markets, domestic
and international, to inflationary fears is a fact of life. It
adds point and force to these observations and questions. Tax
and budgetary programs leading to the anticipation of excessive
deficits and more inflation can be virtually as damaging as the
reality in driving interest rates higher at home and the dollar
lower abroad.
I believe it is obvious from these remarks that a con-
vincing case for tax reduction can be made only when crucial
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questions are resolved -— questions that are not resolved today.
The appropriate time for decision seems to me late this year or
early 1981. Fiscal 1982 as well as fiscal 1981 spending plans
can be clarified. We will know if recovery of business is firmly
underway. There will have been time to develop and debate the
most effective way of maximizing the cost-cutting and incentive
efforts of tax reduction, and to see whether a tax program can
contribute to a consensus — a consensus that has been elusive
in the past — on wage and pricing policies consistent with
progress toward price stability. To go ahead prematurely would
surely risk dissipating the potential benefits of tax reduction
amid the fears and actuality of releasing fresh inflationary
forces.
I have spoken before with this Committee and others about
the need for changes in other areas of economic policy to support
our economic goals. Paramount is the need to reduce our dependence
on foreign oil — a matter not unrelated to tax policy. We need
to attack those elements in the burgeoning regulatory structure
that impede competition or add unnecessarily to costs. And I
believe it would be a serious mistake to seek relief from our
present problems by retreat to protectionism, at the plain risk
of weakening the forces of competition, the pressures on American
industry to innovate, and undermining the attack on inflation.
We are now at the critical point in our efforts to reduce
inflation while putting the economy back on the path to sustainable
growth in the 19 80fs.
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I sense the essential objectives are widely understood
and agreed — the need to wind down inflation even as recovery
proceeds; the importance of restoring productivity and increasing
incentives for production and investment; the maintenance of
open, competitive markets; a substantial reduction in our
dependence on foreign energy.
You know as well as I how much remains to be done to
convert glittering generalities into practical action: to
achieve and maintain the necessary fiscal discipline, to
make responsible tax reduction and reform a reality, to
conserve energy and increase domestic sources, to tackle the
regulatory maze. But I also know there is no escape from
facing up to the many difficulties. Our policies must be
coherently directed toward the longer-range needs. In that
connection, I believe that economic policies, public and
private, should recognize that the need for discipline and
moderation in the growth of money and credit provides the
framework for decision-making in the Federal Reserve.
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1980, July 21). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800722_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19800722_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800722_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}