speeches · May 18, 1980
Speech
G. William Miller · Governor
Department of thefREASURY
J WASHINGTON, D.C. 20220 TELEPHONE 566-2041
1
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
MAY 19, 1980
THE HONORABLE G. WILLIAM MILLER
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
BEFORE THE
AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION
AND
AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF CERTIFIED PUBLIC ACCOUNTANTS
WASHINGTON, DC
I welcome the opportunity to talk with you this afternoon
about how tax policy helps to shape our Nation's economic future.
Tax Policy in a Changing Economic Environment
As we look ahead into the 1980’s, the challenge we face is to
shape tax policies that will contribute to three major goals:
(1) More efficient use of resources, particularly energy
resources.
(2) Increased investment and productivity.
(3) Fiscal restraint with reduced government intervention in
the private markets.
First, our nation will no longer be sheltered from the
reality of increasingly scarce and more expensive energy. The
President and Congress have acted to phase out price controls on
domestic oil and gas, once again permitting prices to be deter
mined by market forces. Most of the substantial reduction in
petroleum consumption that we have seen recently, particularly m
motor fuels, is the result of moving toward the higher replace
ment costs for petroleum products. The gasoline conservation
fee, and the ad valoreip motor fuels tax that will supplant it, if
approved by Congress, are essential incremental steps that should
be taken next.
Second, in the past, we have relied principally on
stimulating investment by stimulating consumption. We now have
enormous need for investment for energy, both conventional and
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
-2-
unconventional, and for retooling American industry — especially
with respect to automobiles and steel. The time has come for
directing incentives to rebuilding the capital base of our
economy.
The third broad-based policy objective that will mark the 1980 s
will be the achievement of fiscal discipline. Fiscal discipline
is an essential part of the war against inflation. It is also
part of our economic growth policy to restrain Federal spending
as a percent of GNP and to free-up the financial markets to
provide more capital for the private sector.
The President’s revised budget proposals for fiscal 1981
reflect this changed posture. The first test of the balanced
budget proposals comes this month. It represents unprecedented
Congressional action toward adopting binding spending targets.
The Tax Expenditure Budget
This drive for budgetary restraint, however, must not be
limited to direct spending programs. We need to extend our
efforts just as intensively to the other side of the Federal
ledger — the tax system.
The tax system is now doing much more than just collecting
revenues to pay for spending programs. The Internal Revenue Code
itself is becoming an unwieldy network of government spending
programs.
The Federal Government has two basic needs by which it can
carry out its social programs. It can do so directly, such as by
making grants or loans, or it can do so by reducing liabilities
otherwise owed to the Government. The two methods are economi
cally equivalent; a potentail recipient can be provided the same
amount of aid using either method. When aid is provided through
the reduction of tax liabilities, the special reduction is
referred to as a "tax expenditure."
The Congressional Budget Act of 1974 requires a listing of
tax expenditures in the budget. There are now over 90 different
tax expenditure programs. For fiscal year 1980, the aggregate
revenue cost attributable to tax expenditures will exceed $150
billion.
Tax expenditures result in allocations of large economic
resources without the scrutiny and review of the regular budget
process. The benefits of these tax subsidies often are skewed
toward higher income taxpayers, causing others to view the tax
system as inequitable.
Such a substantial portion of the budget must be subject to
accountability. Housing, welfare, energy, agriculture, and a
myriad of other programs effected through the tax code should be
subjected to normal budget scrutiny. Where these tax programs
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are inefficient, unduly complicated or inequitable, they snouiu
be modified or repealed. Efforts to eliminate Government waste,
reduce budget deficits, and rationalize Federal programs must not
end with an examination of direct Government spending.
Tax policy cannot ignore these economic developments. The
only acceptable tax policy is one that contributes to our overall
economic goals efficiently, fairly and simply. The task of
shaping tax policy that is responsive to our nation’s economic
needs, however, will be a demanding one.
Two examples of these challenges are reflected in the choices
we face today with respect to the Administration's action to
impose a gasoline conservation fee and its proposal for with
holding taxes on interest and dividend income.
Gasoline Conservation Fee
The gasoline conservation fee imposed by the President is now
being challenged, both in Congress and in the Courts. But the
Administration strongly believes that this fee is essential, that
it is within the power of the President, and that it should no
be removed. We remain determined to pursue our position in
Congress and through the Courts, and are confident that it wil
be sustained.
Low gasoline prices are a major cause of our over-consumption
of imported oil. By way of comparison, the tax on gasoline is
$1.14 a gallon in Germany, $1.62 in France, and $1.83 in Italy.
The conservation fee will increase gasoline prices in the u. . y
only a dime. If we cannot do this, one can fairly ask: What
precisely are we willing to do to meet the energy challenge.
The conservation fee is not a tax. It nonetheless will have
direct and important benefits: after approximately 12 months, it
will cut our oil imports by about 100,000 barrels per day, and
the savings will increase to about 250,000 barrels per day after
3 years.
The fee's importance transcends these direct benefits.tThe fee
constitutes a clear test of our national will: Are we going to
squeeze the fat out of our oil consumption and proceed in an
orderly manner toward energy security over the new decade? Or
are we going to leave our future prosperity and national security
hostage to foreign events? The fee alone will not decide this
watershed question — but it is rightly perceived as an important
part of the answer.
This fee is needed to communicate the inevitable to American
consumers — that gasoline prices, over the long term, are going
up and that oil conserving improvements must continue and
accelerate, not be put in mothballs. To reverse this message
would invite the same reversion to business as usual that ,
paralyzed our energy policy through the last half of the 1970‘s.
Digitized for FRASER
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Withholding on Interest and Dividends
With respect to the Administration’s proposal for withholding
on interest and dividends, the choice is equally clear-cut: As
we ask the American people to accept fiscal discipline, with cuts
in spending for important programs, we must at the same time take
positive action to ensure that billions of dollars of taxes due
under present laws do not go unpaid. Congress and the Adminis
tration can do this by taking the simple and effective step of
requiring that taxes be withheld on interest and dividend income,
just as we now require taxes to be withheld on wages.
When American taxpayers completed filing their tax returns
last month, they had reported and paid taxes on nearly all -- 97
percent or more — of their income from wages and salaries.
But about $16 billion in interest and dividend income --
representing between 9 to 15 percent of the total income from
these sources — went unreported. As a result, at least $3 1/2
billion in taxes that were lawfully due will not be collected.
Withholding is the most effective way of collecting taxes.
Where we have a requirement for withholding, the reporting of
taxable income is high. Where there is no such requirement
compliance with the tax laws drops off sharply.
Since 1962, we have had an extensive information reporting
system. But, as the figures I just mentioned make clear, the
information reporting system has not produced satisfactory
compliance. And it cannot do so except at an enormous cost.
The President has asked the Congress to approve his proposal
to withhold 15 percent of taxable interest and dividend payments
to individuals. To ensure that the absence of withholding does
not artificially favor one form of investment over another,
withholding would apply to a wide range of assets, including
savings bonds and Treasury obligations as well as interest and
dividends from banks, savings associations, and corporations.
However, individuals who expect not to owe any tax — and
that includes 70 percent of America's senior citizens — could
file a certificate that would exempt them from any withholding.
We also plan to exempt people age 65 or over with modest amounts
of interest and dividend income who owe taxes, if they would be
significantly overwithheld. Others will be able to reduce their
estimated tax payments by the amount of withholding on their
interest and dividend income, including interest and dividends
eligible for the new $200/$400 exclusion provided in the Crude
Oil Windfall Profit Tax Act. For wage earners, we have proposed
that current wage withholding rules be modified to permit
individuals to reduce the amount of taxes withheld from their
wages by the amount of taxes withheld on excludable interest and
dividend income.
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Because almost 90 percent of interest and dividends that will
be subject to withholding is already subject to information
reporting, withholding will involve little additional paperwork
for payers. The principal change from administering an
information reporting system will be the processing of exemption
certificates. To minimize the paperwork involved for this
purpose, we have proposed that the exemption certificates be
permanent until revoked.
For recipients of interest and dividends who comply with the
law and fully report their income, withholding will not impose
any new burden. No increase in taxes is involved; it is a matter
of cracking down on tax evasion.
The effects of withholding on the compounding of interest
will be negligible, and, for small savers, will be offset many
times over by the legislation recently signed by President Carter
to phase out interest ceilings on bank and thrift deposits.
Withholding is the most effective way of ensuring a high
level of reporting of taxable income. It is the easiest way for
individuals to pay their taxes. And at a time when balancing the
Federal budget is a national priority in the fight against infla
tion, recovering billions in revenues lost through the absence of
withholding on dividends and interest is surely one of the most
sensible steps for Congress and the Administration to take.
Regulatory Reform
Before closing, I would like to discuss briefly just one
other of the areas of the Administration's anti-inflation efforts
— regulatory reform.
Federal regulation has become a major economic force in our
nation. We now have over 58 regulatory agencies, including 18
independent commissions. These agencies issue about 7,000 rules
and policy statements per year, including roughly 2,000 legally
binding rules with significant impact and over 100 with major
economic effects. Most estimates of the costs of regulations are
in the $50-150 billion range -- or as much as 5% of GNP.
Despite the fact that regulations can impose significant
economic burdens upon regulated industries, their economic impact
is not systematically scrutinized and analysed. Moreover, our
present regulatory structure has grown up over a long period with
little thought given to the cumulative effect of each new layer
of regulation. The last comprehensive legislation to improve
regulatory procedures -- the Administrative Procedure Act -- was
passed more than 30 years ago.
In the last two years, the Administration and Congressional
leaders have developed a program to overhaul the regulatory
process. In some areas, like trucking, communications and the
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I
I
-6- .
railroads — we no longer need regulation. We have already
eliminated much of the regulation of airlines, clearly with good
result.
Deregulation is not the answer, however, for most regulatory
programs. In these areas, especially where Congress has dele
gated broad power to agencies to "legislate" rules, more careful
attention needs to be given to the quality of regulations that
are issued. And this is the precise purpose of regulatory
reform. It requires regulatory agencies to analyze and compare
the economic impact of alternative approaches before issuing any
new regulation. By forcing all options to be explored, regula
tions can be made less burdensome, more reasonable, and more
comprehensible.
We have, however, recognized that it would be inappropriate
to apply our proposals for revising the process of promulgating
rules and regulations to tax regulations. In the tax area,
regulations generally are only interpretive and have slight
economic effect beyond the Code provisions that they implement.
Therefore, there is little point in demanding that alternatives
be considered or that cost/benefit analyses be performed by the
IRS for each new regulation that is issued or that periodic
reviews be made of the impact of existing regulations. Indeed,
the need in the tax area is often for more, rather than fewer,
tax regulations, and such analyses and reviews would unduly delay
the issuance of tax regulations that provide necessary guidance
for both taxpayers and the government.
I know that the tax sections of both the ABA and the AICPA
share these views and have been actively involved in communica
ting them to the committees of Congress with jurisdiction over
the various regulatory reform bills. Moreover, all the commit
tees that have dealt to date with this legislation have adopted
the Administration position that regulatory analysis and periodic
review should not apply to tax regulations. And, as we face
future challenges, both with respect to this legislation and
other issues, I am confident that both the ABA and AICPA tax
sections will actively contribute to the fundamental goal of
maintaining a sound and fair tax system, a goal that both tax
payers and the government share.
# # #
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Department of theTREflSU RY
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20220 TELEPHONE 566-2041
Released at 1 p.m., EDT
May 19, 1980
REMARKS OF
THE HONORABLE G. WILLIAM MILLER
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
BEFORE THE
TAX GROUPS OF THE
AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND
AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF CERTIFIED PUBLIC ACCOUNTANTS
WASHINGTON, D.C.
May 19, 1980
Tax lawyers have such logical minds that I am certain there
is a logical explanation for the place you have selected for me
on your program. Quite a number of you were here on Sunday to
hear about the legislative process from introduction of a bill
and hearings to mark-up and enactment. From the legislative
process, your program moved in an orderly progression to a
discussion of the interpretative process (regulations and
rulings), the tax return, the examination process, and the
appeals process. Now you have me in between ’’the appeals
process" before lunch, and "tax litigation". I hope this is not
an indication that anyone considers the Secretary of the Treasury
the last resort before going to Court.
In any case, I welcome the opportunity to talk with you this
afternoon about how tax policy helps to shape our Nation's
economic future.
Tax Policy in a Changing Economic Environment
As we look ahead into the 1980’s, the challenge we face is
to shape tax policies that will contribute to three major goals:
(1) More efficient use of resources, particularly energy
resources.
(2) Increased investment and productivity.
(3) Fiscal restraint with reduced government intervention in
the private markets.
First, our nation will no longer be sheltered from the
reality of increasingly scarce and more expensive energy. The
President and Congress have acted to phase out price controls on
domestic oil and gas, once again permitting prices to be
determined by market forces. Most of the substantial reduction
Digitized for FRASER
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M-491
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
-2- ‘
in petroleum consumption that we have seen recently, particularly
in motor fuels, is the result of moving toward the higher
replacement costs for petroleum products. The gasoline
conservation fee, and the ad valorem motor fuels tax that will
supplant it, if approved by Congress, are essential incremental
steps that should be taken next.
Second, in the past, we have relied principally on
stimulating investment by stimulating consumption. We now have
enormous needs for investment for energy, both conventional and
unconventional, and for retooling American industry — especially
with respect to automobiles and steel. The time has come for
directing incentives to rebuilding the capital base of our
economy.
The third broad-based policy objective that will mark the
1980's will be the achievement of fiscal discipline. Fiscal
discipline is an essential part of the war against inflation. It
is also part of our economic growth policy to restrain Federal
spending as a percent of GNP and to free-up the financial markets
to provide more capital for the private sector.
The President's revised budget proposals for fiscal 1981
reflect this changed fiscal posture. The first test of the
balanced budget proposals comes this month. It represents
unprecedented Congressional action toward adopting binding
spending targets.
The Tax Expenditure Budget
This drive for budgetary restraint, however, must not be
limited to direct spending programs. We need to extend our
efforts just as intensively to the other side of the Federal
ledger — the tax system.
The tax system is now doing much more than just collecting
revenues to pay for spending programs. The Internal Revenue Code
itself is becoming an unwieldy network of government spending
programs.
The Federal Government has two basic means by which it can
carry out its social programs. It can do so directly, such as by
making grants or loans, or it can do so by reducing liabilities
otherwise owed to the Government. The two methods are
economically equivalent; a potential recipient can be provided
the same amount of aid using either method. When aid is provided
through the reduction of tax liabilities, the special reduction
is referred to as a "tax expenditure."
The Congressional Budget Act of 1974 requires a listing of
tax expenditures in the budget. There are now over 90 different
tax expenditure programs. For fiscal year 1980, the aggregate
revenue cost attributable to tax expenditures will exceed $150
billion.
Digitized for FRASER
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Tax expenditures result in allocations of large economic
resources without the scrutiny and review of the regular budget
process. The benefits of these tax subsidies often are skewed
toward higher income taxpayers, causing others to view the tax
system as inequitable.
Such a substantial portion of the budget must be subject to
accountability. Housing, welfare, energy, agriculture, and a
myriad of other programs effected through the tax code should be
subjected to normal budget scrutiny. Where these tax programs
are inefficient, unduly complicated or inequitable, they should
be modified or repealed. Efforts to eliminate Governnment waste,
reduce budget deficits, and rationalize Federal programs must not
end with an examination of direct Government spending.
Tax policy cannot ignore these economic developments. The
only acceptable tax policy is one that contributes to our overall
economic goals efficiently, fairly and simply. The task of
shaping tax policy that is responsive to our nation's economic
needs, however, will be a demanding one.
Two examples of these challenges are reflected in the
choices we face today with respect to the Administration's action
to impose a gasoline conservation fee and its proposal for
withholding taxes on interest and dividend income.
Gasoline Conservation Fee
The gasoline conservation fee imposed by the President is
now being challenged, both in Congress and in the Courts. But
the Administration strongly believes that this fee is essential,
that it is within the power of the President, and that it should
not be removed. We remain determined to pursue our position in
Congress and through the Courts, and are confident that it will
be sustained.
Low gasoline prices are a major cause of our over
consumption of imported oil. By way of comparison, the tax on
gasoline is $1.14 a gallon in Germany, $1.62 in France, and $1.83
in Italy. The conservation fee will increase gasoline prices in
the U.S. by only a dime. If we cannot do this, one can fairly
ask: What precisely are we willing to do to meet the energy
challenge?
The conservation fee is not a tax. It nonetheless will have
direct and important benefits: after approximately 12 months, it
will cut our oil imports by about 100,000 barrels per day, and
the savings will increase to about 250,000 barrels per day after
3 years.
The fee's importance transcends these direct benefits. The
fee constitutes a clear test of our national will: Are we going
to squeeze the fat out of our oil consumption and proceed in an
orderly manner toward energy security over the new decade? Or
Digitized for FRASER
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
4- <
are we going to leave our future prosperity and national security
hostage to foreign events? The fee alone will not decide this
watershed question -- but it is rightly perceived as an important
part of the answer.
This fee is needed to communicate the inevitable to American
consumers — that gasoline prices, over the long term, are going
up and that oil conserving improvements must continue and
accelerate, not be put in mothballs. To reverse this message
would invite the same reversion to business as usual that
paralyzed our energy policy through the last half of the 1970's.
Withholding on Interest and Dividends
With respect to the Administration's proposal for
withholding on interest and dividends, the choice is equally
clear-cut: As we ask the American people to accept fiscal
discipline, with cuts in spending for important programs, we must
at the same time take positive action to ensure that billions of
dollars of taxes due under present laws do not go unpaid.
Congress and the Administration can do this by taking the simple
and effective step of requiring that taxes be withheld on
interest and dividend income, just as we now require taxes to be
withheld on wages.
When American taxpayers completed filing their tax returns
last month, they had reported and paid taxes on nearly all — 97
percent or more -- of their income from wages and salaries.
But about $16 billion in interest and dividend income --
representing between 9 to 16 percent of the total income from
these sources -- went unreported. As a result, at least $3 1/2
billion in taxes that were lawfully due will not be collected.
Withholding is the most effective way of collecting taxes.
Where we have a requirement for withholding, the reporting of
taxable income is high. Where there is no such requirement
compliance with the tax laws drops off sharply.
Since 1962, we have had an extensive information reporting
system. But, as the figures I just mentioned make clear, the
information reporting system has not produced satisfactory
compliance. And it cannot do so except at an enormous cost.
The President has asked the Congress to approve his proposal
to withhold 15 percent of taxable interest and dividend payments
to individuals. To ensure that the absence of withholding does
not artificially favor one form of investment over another,
withholding would apply to a wide range of assets, including
savings bonds and Treasury obligations as well as interest and
dividends from banks, savings associations, and corporations.
However, individuals who expect not to owe any tax -- and
that includes 70 percent of America's senior citizens -- could
Digitized for FRASER
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
-5-
file a certificate that would exempt them from any withholding.
, We also plan to exempt people age 65 or over with modest amounts
* of interest and dividend income who owe taxes, if they would
be significantly overwithheld. Others will be able to reduce
their estimated tax payments by the amount of withholding on
their interest and dividend income, including interest and
dividends eligible for the new $200/$400 exclusion provided in
the Crude Oil Windfall Profit Tax Act. For wage earners, we have
proposed that current wage withholding rules be modified to
permit individuals to reduce the amount of taxes withheld from
their wages by the amount of taxes withheld on excludable
interest and dividend income.
Because almost 90 percent of interest and dividends that
will be subject to withholding is already subject to information
reporting, withholding will involve little additional paperwork
for payors. The principal change from administering an
information reporting system will be the processing of exemption
certificates. To minimize the paperwork involved for this
purpose, we have proposed that the exemption certificates be
permanent until revoked.
For recipients of interest and dividends who comply with the
law and fully report their income, withholding will not impose
any new burden. No increase in taxes is involved; it is a matter
of cracking down on tax evasion.
The effects of withholding on the compounding of interest
will be negligible, and, for small savers, will be offset many
times over by the legislation recently signed by President Carter
to phase out interest ceilings on bank and thrift deposits.
Withholding is the most effective way of ensuring a high
level of reporting of taxable income. It is the easiest way for
individuals to pay their taxes. And at a time when balancing the
Federal budget is a national priority in the fight against
inflation, recovering billions in revenues lost through the
absence of withholding on dividends and interest is surely one of
the most sensible steps for Congress and the Administration to
take.
Regulatory Reform
Before closing, I would like to discuss briefly just one
other of the areas of the Administration's anti-inflation efforts
— regulatory reform.
Federal regulation has become a major economic force in our
nation. We now have over 58 regulatory agencies, including 18
independent commissions. These agencies issue about 7,000 rules
and policy statements per year, including roughly 2,000 legally
binding rules with significant impact and over 100 with major
economic effects. Most estimates of the costs of regulations are
in the $50-150 billion range — or as much as 5% of GNP.
Digitized for FRASER
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
-6-
Despite the fact that regulations can impose significant
economic burdens upon regulated industries, their economic impact
is not systematically scrutinized and analysed. Moreover, our.,
present regulatory structure has grown up over a long period with
little thought given to the cumulative effect of each new layer
of regulation. The last comprehensive legislation to improve
regulatory procedures — the Administrative Procedure Act — was
passed more than 30 years ago.
In the last two years, the Administration and Congressional
leaders have developed a program to overhaul the regulatory
process. In some areas, like trucking, communications, and the
railroads — we no longer need regulation. We have already
eliminated much of the regulation of airlines, clearly with good
result.
Deregulation is not the answer, however, for most regulatory
programs. In these areas, especially where Congress has
delegated broad power to agencies to "legislate" rules, more
careful attention needs to be given to the quality of regulations
that are issued. And this is the precise purpose of regulatory
reform. It requires regulatory agencies to analyze and compare
the economic impact of alternative approaches before issuing any
new regulation. By forcing all options to be explored,
regulations can be made less burdensome, more reasonable, and
more comprehensible.
We have, however, recognized that it would be inappropriate
to apply our proposals for revising the process of promulgating
rules and regulations to tax regulations. In the tax area,
regulations generally are only interpretive and have slight
economic effect beyond the Code provisions that they implement.
Therefore, there is little point in demanding that alternatives
be considered or that cost/benefit analyses be performed by the
IRS for each new regulation that is issued or that periodic
reviews be made of the impact of existing regulations. Indeed,
the need in the tax area is often for more, rather than fewer,
tax regulations, and such analyses and reviews would unduly delay
the issuance of tax regulations that provide necessary guidance
for both taxpayers and the government.
I know that the tax sections of both the ABA and the AICPA
share these views and have been actively involved in
communicating them to the committees of Congress with
jurisdiction over the various regulatory reform bills. Moreover,
all the committees that have dealt to date with this legislation
have adopted the Administration position that regulatory analysis
and periodic review should not apply to tax regulations. And, as
we face future challenges, both with respect to this legislation
and other issues, I am confident that both the ABA and AICPA tax
sections will actively contribute to the fundamental goal of
maintaining a sound and fair tax system, a goal that both
taxpayers and the government share.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Department
ot The l reasury
to ...i.Secretary Miller_____
Office of the
Secretary
room____________rinte5/19/80
RE: ABA Luncheon Speech
Attached is a revised text for today's
luncheon speech. Also attached is
further background on Judge Robinson's
import fee decision, which outlines the
arguments presented to the Court and
their treatment in the decision. (TAB A)
Executive Secretariat
Attachments
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»
ILL DISTFICT CCDFT'E CFIKICK I?: THE CIL IKFCFT FEE CASE
The claims made by the plaintiffs in the oil import fee case
and the District Court judge's responses to these claims are as
f O 1 10 W 3 :
1. C1 aijr,: The Petroleum. Import Adjustment Program (FIAF)
is . unconstitutional as a revenue-raising measure which did ; ot
originate in Congress.
Judge's response: The judge did not refer to this
claim. He did say that the President has the authority to impose
an import fee pursuant to the Trade Expansion Act (TEA).
2. Cl a im: The FIAP is beyond the statutory authority of
the President under Section 232(b) of the TEA due to its remote
and uncertain impact on oil imports.
Judge's response: The judge agreed with this claim. He
said that the FIAF affects domestic crude and imported oil
and -hus could not act as a disincentive to reduce imports.
3. Claim: The PIAP is beyond the statutory authority of
the President under Section 232(b) of the TEA cue to the lack of
the requisite Treasury (now Commerce) study on the impact of
current levels of oil imports on the national security.
Judge's response: The judge did not refer to this
claim.
4. Claim: The PIAP is beyond the statutory authority of
the President.provided in the Emergency Petroleum Allocation Act
because it fails to achieve the statutory purposes and obi^c4-iv»s
of the EPAA. J'
Judge's. response: Eecause the procedural requirements
s-C
4-ne EPAA were not met, it is not necessary to deal with this
claim, in the decision.
5. Claim: The PIAP is beyond the statutory authority of
the President provided in the EFAA for failure to comply with
procedural requirements.
Judge's response: The judge agreed with this claim,
saying that the rule making procedures of the EFAA apply to the
President and that the President had not followed these
Proceo ures .
6. Claim: Actions taken by the Department of Enercy (DCE)
under the PIAP are beyond the DCE's authority under the DCE Act
for failure to comply with procedural recu ir erne.nt s.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
J udce « - - e o s - canse: The judge cic not refer to this
c 1 a in..
7. Claim: The PIAP is arbifary and capricious because its
burden will not fall entirely upon casoline.
Judge's response: The judge did not refer to this
cl a in..
8. Claim: The President acted erbitarily and capriciously
because he did not first apply the programs authorized under th®
Emergency Energy Conservation Act of 1579.
Judge's response: The judge did not refer to this
claim. However, he did say that the action of the Congress in
enacting the Energy Policy and Conservation Act in 1975 clearly
indicated that the gasoline conservation fee is contary to
manifest Congressional intent.
Claim: The PIAP is unlawful because it was enacted
without compliance with the requirements of the National
Environmental Policy Act.
Judge's response: The judce did not refer to this
claim.
10. Claim: Enforcement of the PIAF will deprive plaintiff
of property without due process of law, in contravention of the
Fifth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, because
if was enacted unlawfully.
Judge*5 response: Absent statutory authority, the
President has no inherent power to impose a gasoline conservation
fee .
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REMARKS OF
THE HONORABLE G. WILLIAM MILLER
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
BEFORE THE
AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND
AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF CERTIFIED PUBLIC ACCOUNTANTS
WASHINGTON, D.C.
May 19, 1980
Tax lawyers have such logical minds that I am certain there
is a logical explanation for the place you have selected for me
on your program. Quite a number of you were here on Sunday to
hear about the legislative process from introduction of a bill
and hearings to mark-up and enactment. From the legislative
process, your program moved in an orderly progression to a
discussion of the interpretative process (regulations and
rulings), the tax return, the examination process, and the
appeals process. Now you have me in between "the appeals
process" before lunch, and "tax litigation". I hope this is not
an indication that anyone considers the Secretary of the Treasury
the last resort before going to Court.
In any case, I welcome the opportunity to talk with you this
afternoon about how tax policy helps to shape our Nation's
economic future.
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Tax Policy in a Changing Economic Environment
As we look ahead into the 1980's, the challenge we face is
to shape tax policies that will contribute to three major goals:
(1) More efficient use of resources, particularly energy
resources.
(2) Increased investment and productivity.
(3) Fiscal restraint with reduced government intervention in
the private markets.
First, our nation will no longer be sheltered from the
reality of increasingly scarce and more expensive energy. The
President and Congress have acted to phase out price controls on
domestic oil and gas, once again permitting prices to be
determined by market forces. Most of the substantial reduction
in petroleum consumption that we have seen recently, particularly
in motor fuels, is the result of moving toward the higher
replacement costs for petroleum products. The gasoline
conservation fee, and the ad valorem motor fuels tax that will
supplant it, if approved by Congress, are essential incremental
steps that should be taken next.
Second, in the past, we have relied principally on
stimulating investment by stimulating consumption. We now have
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enormous needs for investment for energy, both conventional and
unconventional, and for retooling American industry -- especially
with respect to automobiles and steel. The time has come for
directing incentives to rebuilding the capital base of our
economy.
The third broad-based policy objective that will mark the
1980’s will be the achievement of fiscal discipline. Fiscal
discipline is an essential part of the war against inflation. It
is also part of our economic growth policy to restrain Federal
spending as a percent of GNP and to free-up the financial markets
to provide more capital for the private sector.
The President’s revised budget proposals for fiscal 1981
reflect this changed fiscal posture. The first test of the
balanced budget proposals comes this month. It represents
unprecedented Congressional action toward adopting binding
spending targets.
The Tax Expenditure Budget
This drive for budgetary restraint, however must not be
limited to direct spending programs. We need to extend our
efforts just as intensively to the other side of the Federal
ledger — the tax system.
The tax system is now doing much more than just collecting
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revenues to pay for spending programs, The Internal Revenue Code
itself is becoming an unwieldy network of government spending
programs.
The Federal Government has two basic means by which it can
carry out its social programs. It can do so directly, such as by
making grants or loans, or it can do so by reducing liabilities
otherwise owed to the Government. The two methods are
economically equivalent; a potential recipient can be provided
the same amount of aid using either method. When aid is provided
through the reduction of tax liabilities, the special reduction
is referred to as a "tax expenditure."
The Congressional Budget Act of 1974 requires a listing of
tax expenditures in the budget. There are now over 90 different
tax expenditure programs. For fiscal year 1980, the aggregate
revenue cost attributable to tax expenditures will exceed $150
billion.
Tax expenditures result in allocations of large economic
resources without the scrutiny and review of the regular budget
process. The benefits of these tax subsidies often are skewed
toward higher income taxpayers, causing others to view the tax
system as inequitable.
Such a substantial portion of the budget must be subject to
accountability. Housing, welfare, energy, agriculture, and a
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myriad of other programs effected through the tax code should be
subjected to normal budget scrutiny. Where these tax programs
are inefficient, unduly complicated or inequitable, they should
be modified or repealed. Efforts to eliminate Governnment waste,
reduce budget deficits, and rationalize Federal programs must not
end with an examination of direct Government spending.
Tax policy cannot ignore these economic developments. The
only acceptable tax policy is one that contributes to our overall
economic goals efficiently, fairly and simply. The task of
shaping tax policy that is responsive to our nation's economic
needs, however, will be a demanding one.
Two examples of these challenges are reflected in the
choices we face today with respect to the Administration's action
to impose a gasoline conservation fee and its proposal for
withholding taxes on interest and dividend income.
Gasoline Conservation Fee
The gasoline conservation fee imposed by the President is
now being challenged, both in Congress and in the Courts. But
the Administration strongly believes that this fee is essential,
that it is within the power of the President, and that it should
not be removed. We remain determined to pursue our position in
Congress and through the Courts, and are confident that it will
be sustained.
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Low gasoline prices are a major cause of our over
consumption of imported oil. By way of comparison, the tax on
gasoline is $1.14 a gallon in Germany, $1.62 in France, and $1.83
in Italy. The conservation fee will increase gasoline prices in
the U.S. by only a dime. If we cannot do this, one can fairly
ask: What precisely are we willing to do to meet the energy
challenge?
The conservation fee is not a tax. It nonetheless will have
direct and important benefits: after approximately 12 months, it
will cut our oil imports by about 100,000 barrels per day, and
the savings will increase to about 250,000 barrels per day after
3 years.
The fee's importance transcends these direct benefits. The
fee constitutes a clear test of our national will: Are we going
to squeeze the fat out of our oil consumption and proceed in an
orderly manner toward energy security over the new decade? Or
are we going to leave our future prosperity and national security
hostage to foreign events? The fee alone will not decide this
watershed question -- but it is rightly perceived as an important
part of the answer.
This fee is needed to communicate the inevitable to American
consumers -- that gasoline prices, over the long term, are going
up and that oil conserving improvements must continue and
accelerate, not be put in mothballs. To reverse this message
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would invite the same reversion to business as usual that
paralyzed our energy policy through the last half of the 1970's.
Withholding on Interest and Dividends
With respect to the Administration’s proposal for
withholding on interest and dividends, the choice is equally
clear-cut: As we ask the American people to accept fiscal
discipline, with cuts in spending for important programs, we must
at the same time take positive action to ensure that billions of
dollars of taxes due under present laws do not go unpaid.
Congress and the Administration can do this by taking the simple
and effective step of requiring that taxes be withheld on
interest and dividend income, just as we now require taxes to be
withheld on wages.
When American taxpayers completed filing their tax returns
last month, they had reported and paid taxes on nearly all — 97
percent or more — of their income from wages and salaries.
But about $16 billion in interest and dividend income --
representing between 9 to 16 percent of the total income from
these sources -- went unreported. As a result, at least $3 1/2
billion in taxes that were lawfully due will not be collected.
Withholding is the most effective way of collecting taxes.
Where we have a requirement for withholding, the reporting of
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taxable income is high. Where there is no such requirement
compliance with the tax laws drops off sharply.
Since 1962, we have had an extensive information reporting
system. But, as the figures I just mentioned make clear, the
information reporting system has not produced satisfactory
compliance. And it cannot do so except at an enormous cost.
The President has asked the Congress to approve his proposal
to withhold 15 percent of taxable interest and dividend payments
to individuals. To ensure that the absence of withholding does
not artificially favor one form of investment over another,
withholding would apply to a wide range of assets, including
savings bonds and Treasury obligations as well as interest and
dividends from banks, savings associations, and corporations.
However, individuals who expect not to owe any tax -- and
that includes 70 percent of America's senior citizens — could
file a certificate that would exempt them from any withholding.
We also plan to exempt people age 65 or over with modest amounts
of interest and dividend income who owe taxes, if they would
be significantly overwithheld. Others will be able to reduce
their estimated tax payments by the amount of withholding on
their interest and dividend income, including interest and
dividends eligible for the new $200/$400 exclusion provided in
the Crude Oil Windfall Profit Tax Act. For wage earners, we have
proposed that current wage withholding rules be modified to
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permit individuals to reduce the amount of taxes withheld from
their wages by the amount of taxes withheld on excludable
interest and dividend income.
Because almost 90 percent of interest and dividends that
will be subject to withholding is already subject to information
reporting, withholding will involve little additional paperwork
for payors. The principal change from administering an
information reporting system will be the processing of exemption
certificates. To minimize the paperwork involved for this
purpose, we have proposed that the exemption certificates be
permanent until revoked.
For recipients of interest and dividends who comply with the
law and fully report their income, withholding will not impose
any new burden. No increase in taxes is involved; it is a matter
of cracking down on tax evasion.
The effects of withholding on the compounding of interest
will be negligible, and, for small savers, will be offset many
times over by the legislation recently signed by President Carter
to phase out interest ceilings on bank and thrift deposits.
Withholding is the most effective way of ensuring a high
level of reporting of taxable income. It is the easiest way for
individuals to pay their taxes. And at a time when balancing the
Federal budget is a national priority in the fight against
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inflation, recovering billions in revenues lost through the
absence of withholding on dividends and interest is surely one of
the most sensible steps for Congress and the Administration to
take .
Regulatory Reform
Before closing, I would like to discuss briefly just one
other of the areas of the Administration’s anti-inflation efforts
— regulatory reform.
Federal regulation has become a major economic force in our
nation. We now have over 58 regulatory agencies, including 18
independent commissions. These agencies issue about 7,000 rules
and policy statements per year, including roughly 2,000 legally
binding rules with significant impact and over 100 with major
economic effects. Most estimates of the costs of regulations are
in the $50-150 billion range -- or as much as 5% of GNP.
Despite the fact that regulations can impose significant
economic burdens upon regulated industries, their economic impact
is not systematically scrutinized and analysed. Moreover, our
present regulatory structure has grown up over a long period with
little thought given to the cumulative effect of each new layer
of regulation. The last comprehensive legislation to improve
regulatory procedures — the Administrative Procedure Act — was
passed more than 30 years ago.
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In the last two years, the Administration and Congressional
leaders have developed a program to overhaul the regulatory
process. In some areas, like trucking, communications, and the
railroads -- we no longer need regulation. We have already
eliminated much of the regulation of airlines, clearly with good
result.
Deregulation is not the answer, however, for most regulatory
programs. In these areas, especially where Congress has
delegated broad power to agencies to "legislate" rules, more
careful attention needs to be given to the quality of regulations
that are issued. And this is the precise purpose of regulatory
reform. It requires regulatory agencies to analyze and compare
the economic impact of alternative approaches before issuing any
new regulation. By forcing all options to be explored,
regulations can be made less burdensome, more reasonable, and
more comprehensible.
We have, however, recognized that it would be inappropriate
to apply our proposals for revising the process of promulgating
rules and regulations to tax regulations. In the tax area,
regulations generally are only interpretive and have slight
economic effect beyond the Code provisions that they implement.
Therefore, there is little point in demanding that alternatives
be considered or that cost/benefit analyses be performed by the
IRS for each new regulation that is issued or that periodic
reviews be made of the impact of existing regulations. Indeed,
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the need in the tax area is often for more, rather than fewer,
tax regulations, and such analyses and reviews would unduly delay
the issuance of tax regulations that provide necessary guidance
for both taxpayers and the government.
I know that the tax sections of both the ABA and the AICPA
share these views and have been actively involved in
communicating them to the committees of Congress with
jurisdiction over the various regulatory reform bills. Moreover,
all the committees that have dealt to date with this legislation
have adopted the Administration position that regulatory analysis
and periodic review should not apply to tax regulations. And, as
we face future challenges, both with respect to this legislation
and other issues, I am confident that both the ABA and AICPA tax
sections will actively contribute to the fundamental goal of
maintaining a sound and fair tax system, a goal that both
taxpayers and the government share.
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Cite this document
APA
G. William Miller (1980, May 18). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800519_miller
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19800519_miller,
author = {G. William Miller},
title = {Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800519_miller},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}