speeches · February 25, 1980
Speech
G. William Miller · Governor
Department of the TREASURY
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20220 TELEPHONE 566-2041
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
EXPECTED AT 10:00 A.M., EST
FEBRUARY 26, 1980
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE G. WILLIAM MILLER
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON FOREIGN OPERATIONS
COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
I. INTRODUCTION
We meet this morning to discuss the Administration’s requests
for the International Financial Institutions in the context of an
international situation which is characterized by greater tension
— in both the strategic and economic sphere — than has been
the case in recent history.
The,tension affecting our strategic interests is most
clearly linked to events in Southwest Asia. The revolution
in Iran and the Soviet aggression in Afghanistan have heightened
awareness throughout the world of the many different sources
of threats to peace.
The economic tension stems from the somber global economic
outlook. Much of the 1970's was characterized by high inflation,
soaring energy costs, low growth rates, and unprecedented imbalances
in external payments. Largely as a result of various cooperative
efforts, the international community weathered the economic tur
bulence reasonably well. Nevertheless, adverse oil market develop
ments have again radically affected economic prospects. The
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re-emergence of a large current account surplus in the OPEC
countries — projected roughly on the order of $120 billion
for 1980 — and the inevitable generation of a corresponding
deficit in non-OPEC countries will make serious balance of payments
pressures inevitable for a growing number of countries.
Events in the Middle East have driven home dramatically the
linkages between foreign policy and economics. We can be successful
only if our strategy deals with both the strategic and economic
crises which we face, and the inter-relationships between them.
The Administration response to the increased tensions, in both
the strategic and economic arenas, has relied heavily on the
international institutional framework which has evolved since World
War II. This framework was designed under U.S. leadership to provide
a system whereby all countries, large and small, could turn to seek
cooperative solutions to their fundamental concerns. In the foreign
policy area, we have turned to NATO, the United Nations, and the
World Court. Economically, we rely heavily on the institutions
which are the subject of today's hearings.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the multilateral
development banks (MDBs) are the front lines of defense for the
world economy. During the 1970's, they were pivotal factors which
both facilitated needed economic adjustments and helped sustain
growth: the IMF through its surveillance and oversight activities
and also through its expanded and liberalized financing facilities,
and the MDBS through their increasingly important role in Third
World development.
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The distinct but complementary operations of these institu
tions serve U.S. interests greatly. They will be invaluable assets
in facing the growing economic and financial problems of the new
decade. The uncertain world economic environment — which the Soviet
Union will seek to exploit — makes it all the more important for
the United States to assure that the IMF and the MDBs can respond
effectively to the needs of their members. In the economic arena,
as in the international political and military spheres, the United
States cannot maintain an effective leadership role — and assure
our national security — unless we are willing to provide
resources adequate to the dangers confronted.
The Administration's appropriations requests for both the
International Monetary Fund and the multilateral development banks
are designed to do that.
I am submitting for the record a detailed background paper
which deals fully with the Administration’s request and provides
specific material on the operations of the Fund and the banks.
In today's testimony I want to emphasize my conviction
that it is absolutely crucial for the United States to
continue its strong support for these institutions. They
are valuable examples of successful international cooperation.
More importantly they are directly supportive of vital long-term
U.S. foreign policy interests. Now is not the time to undermine
our influence in these institutions and over global economic
developments. The stakes are too high.
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II. the international monetary fund
The purpose of the IMF is the maintenance of a strong
and orderly international monetary system. It is not foreign
aid. It is not commodity financing. It is not like any other
institution in which our country participates.
The IMF has two basic functions, and they are closely
related. The first is general guidance over the operation
and evolution of the international monetary system. The
second is provision of temporary financing in support of
adjustment programs by IMF members facing balance of payments
problems.
In its first function, the Fund has been given important
new powers of surveillance over exchange rates and the balance
of payments adjustment process. The IMF membership has also
established the objective of making the Special Drawing Right
the principal reserve asset in the system, to avoid the
instabilities inherent in a system based on a multiplicity of
national currencies.
The Fund’s role and performance in these areas are of
critical importance to the United States’ own economic and monetary
interests. A strong IMF role can encourage appropriate adjust
ment by other countries, both surplus and deficit. This helps
ease pressures on the U.S. balance of payments and on the dollar.
And a strong IMF role in the area of international reserves
and liquidity can help assure an orderly evolution of the roles
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of the dollar, other national currencies and the SDR in the
reserve system.
The IMF's second main function, balance of payments financing
for its members, is closely linked to its broader role in guiding
the overall balance of payments adjustment process. The aim is
to encourage timely adjustment by individual countries, through
policies that are not disruptive of national or international
prosperity.
This objective is in the interest of every country, and every
IMF member is obligated to .support it in concrete, financial terms.
This is a critically important point to bear in mind. The IMF is a
revolving fund of currencies provided by every member. Every member
must allow its currency subscription to be used by the IMF, and
every member in turn has a right to draw on the IMF's currency pool
when in balance of payments need. When a country's currency is used
by the IMF, that country receives an automatically available claim
on the IMF, which it can use to get needed foreign exchange when it
runs into trouble.
Financing flows back and forth through the IMF depending
on balance of payments developments. There is no set group
of lenders or borrowers. Many IMF members, both developed and
developing, have been on both sides of the financing and drawing
ledger, providing their currency at times and drawing other
currencies at other times. In fact, while the U.S. quota subscription
has been drawn upon many times over the years, our own drawings
of $7.5 billion on the IMF are the second largest of the entire
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membership. As a net result of all IMF transactions in dollars
over the years — dollar drawings and repayments by others,
and U.S. drawings — the IMF’s holdings of dollars currently
exceed the U.S. currency subscription to Fund resources.
Consequently, there has been no net use of dollars by the
Fund over its 35 year history.
As you can appreciate, quotas are absolutely central in the
IMF. They are the IMF's permanent resources. They determine the
amounts countries can draw. They determine the distribution of SDR
allocations. And, of key importance, they determine voting power.
Because of these important advantages, the competition is always for
increases in shares — not for reduction, as is the case in many
other institutions.
IMF quotas are reviewed periodically, and have been
increased four times in the IMF’s history, in response to growth
in the world economy and international trade and finance. These
increases have been needed to keep the Fund’s financing capability
in some reasonable relation to demands that may arise.
The proposal for this quota increase resulted from a review
that began in 1977. Quotas had fallen to an unrealistically low
level, about 4 percent of world trade compared to 12 percent
earlier, during a period of massive expansion of payments
imbalances and international financing needs. The recognition
that an increase was necessary came early in the review
even though a long period of negotiation was required to
reach agreement on the precise amount and shares.
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The 50 percent increase ultimately agreed in December 1978
— raising total quotas from about SDR 39 billion to SDR 58
billion — will barely halt the decline in the relative size of
the IMF over the next five years. Many countries pressed hard
for a larger increase. The quota increase proposed for the U.S.
is 50 percent# amounting to SDR 4,202.5 million, or about $5 1/2
billion at current exchange rates, and will raise our quota from SDR
8,405 million to SDR 12,607.5. This maintains the U.S. quota share
intact at 21.5 percent. Given the continuing large role of the U.S.
economy and the dollar in the international monetary system, main
tenance of an appropriate U.S. share and influence over decisions on
the international monetary system is particularly important. An
increased U.S. quota will augment the foreign exchange resources
available to us should we need them for balance of payments purposes
And without the proposed increase in the U.S. quota, our veto power
over major IMF decisions affecting the operations of the entire
system could be jeopardized.
Developments since completion of the quota review and the
IMF Governors' resolution formally proposing the increase have
only strengthened the need.
We are now faced with the consequence of another round
of huge oil price increases and with events in Iran and
Afghanistan that greatly heighten the level of world concern
and tension. These developments make it absolutely essential
that we have in place the institutional framework for assuring
monetary stability and providing advice and support to countries
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as they contend with radically altered economic prospects.
Both financing and economic adjustment are going to be more
difficult in this environment. The private financial markets
will have to meet the bulk of expanded international financing
needs — no other source is available — and development aid
must continue to increase. But some countries will run into
growing financing difficulties and pressures to bring their
external balances into line with sustainable flows of financing.
Without adequate financing/ the efforts of deficit countries
to adjust would necessitate curtailing economic growth so abruptly
that it would cause severe human hardships and could well jeopar
dize the political stability of a number of countries. Countries
could also be forced to adopt restrictive trade policies in an
attempt to ration the foreign exchange available to them, or to
resort to aggressive exchange rate behavior. In today's interde
pendent world, the adoption of such policies particularly
because it could lead to retaliatory policies or emulation by other
countries — could have disastrous worldwide repercussions and
would be reminiscent of the self-defeating economic policies followed
in the 1930's.
The task of assuring a strong and stable international
monetary system in the circumstances of the 1980's will be formid
able. We cannot predict the amount of IMF financing that will be
needed. No one can. But we can foresee very tangible dangers to
the system and to ourselves if the Fund’s resources prove to be
insufficient when they are called on. It is therefore critical
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that IMF operations in this period of stress be buttressed by
prompt Congressional approval of the proposed quota increase.
In so strengthening the base of our international monetary system,
the United States will not only be contributing enormously to an
international environment conducive to effective foreign policy,
but will also be strengthening a source of balance of payments
financing on which it has drawn many times itself.
Before concluding this discussion of the IMF I would like
to. note that the Supplementary Financing Facility, for which
U.S. participation was approved by the Congress late in 1978,
has proved to be an extremely important reinforcement of IMF
resources during a period of growing financial strain. The
Facility began operation in early 1979 on the basis of
financial commitments amounting to about $10.5 billion. OPEC
is providing over 40 percent the total with Saudi Arabia the
largest single participant. To date, the facility has been
used in conjunction with IMF programs totaling $1.7 billion
and is assisting a wide variety of countries — including
Turkey, Jamaica, Peru, and Sudan — in dealing with severe payments
difficulties. A number of countries are now discussing with
the IMF programs under the Facility, and total use before the
Facility expires (scheduled for early 1981 or 1982) should
be substantial. This Facility, designed as a temporary
bridge to the quota increase now in process, is a timely and
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valuable source of support for the Fund's operations in this
period, and Congressional approval for it has proven to be
extremely wise.
Finally, let me mention the question of the budget and
appropriations treatment of this quota increase. The President's
budget proposes that a program ceiling on the increase be provided
in an appropriations act. We have been consulting closely on this
question with interested committees, and it appears that considerable
interest is developing in an alternative approach which would involve
the following:
— Appropriations would be required in the full amount
of the increase, and that sum would be included in
budget authority totals for fiscal year 1981.
Payment of the quota increase would result in budgetary
outlays as cash transfers are actually made to the IMF on
the U.S. quota obligation.
_ Simultaneously with any cash transfer, an offsetting
budgetary receipt, representing an increase in the
U.S. reserve position in the IMF, would be recorded.
—- As a consequence of these offsetting transactions,
transfers to and from the IMF under the quota obliga
tions, therefore, would not result in net outlays or
receipts.
_ Net outlays or receipts resulting from exchange rate
fluctuations in the dollar value of the SDR-denominated
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U.S. reserve position in the Fund would be reflected
in the Federal budget. These net changes cannot be
projected and thus would be recorded only in actual
budget results for the prior year.
Thus under either the program ceiling contained in the
President's budget or this alternative approach, U.S. payments
on its quota subscription would not affect net budget outlays
or, therefore, the Federal deficit.
Also under either approach, it is important that the
appropriations action be denominated in SDR, though I know
this is a departure from normal practice. This is because our
IMF quota — and those of all other countries — is denominated
in SDR, the IMF's unit of account. We negotiated hard to main
tain our quota share and influence over IMF decisions. There were
many who sought increases in their own shares at our expense. We
should not allow a cut through inadvertence, which could happen
if the appropriation number were expressed in dollars and the
dollar depreciated in terms of the SDR. An SDR denomination
of the appropriation figure — SDR 4,202.5 million — will
protect us against that danger.
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III. THE MULTILATERAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS
The United States has an important responsibility in
working to establish and maintain an international economic
environment which furthers the process of equitable economic growth
in the developing countries. This reflects the realities of
economic interdependence, in which the prosperity of each nation
depends upon the well-being of others. In addition the countries
of the developing world are an increasingly important factor
in protecting U.S. security and other foreign policy interests. It
is a simple truism to recognize that the prospects for developing
country support on global issues of importance to the United
States will be enhanced by U.S. cooperation on issues of keen
interest to them. In the case of most of the third world countries,
the fundamental concern is development.
Poverty exists on a large and pervasive scale in developing
countries throughout the world. There are large gaps between
developed and developing countries in terms of living conditions
and the quality of life; in health and nutrition, literacy and
education, life expectancy, and in the overall physical and
social environment. The natural growth of population and the
process of industrialization have compounded already immense
problems of unemployment and underemployment and fueled a rapid
increase in the size of urban populations most of which are
without access to rudimentary health and sanitation services.
In addition to new problems generated by this rapid urban
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growth, the primary concerns in low income countries — with
large numbers of rural poor and heavy reliance on agriculture —
remain with the requirements of the rural economy and the need
to improve production of the small farmer.
The multilateral development banks (MDBs) are at the heart of
international efforts to address these development concerns.
They are unique institutions by which the United States can
work cooperatively with developing countries in support of their
aspirations for economic and social progress.
The banks have proven themselves to be effective instruments
for promoting growth with equity. Last year they made loans
totaling nearly $14 billion which helped to finance 425 projects
in 90 developing countries. The banks now account for between
10 and 15 percent of the total external resources moving to the
developing world. This proportion is much higher for the poorer
countries which do not have access to the international capital
markets.
Important as this transfer of resource function is for the
MDBs, a far more important contribution to development lies in
the way their projects have become the principal catalyst for
growth and contributed to rational sector and macro-economic
policies in developing countries. In this regard, they have
organized increasing amounts of co-financing from private
as well as from other public sources.
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The MDBS also have a key role in the transfer of
technology and in providing sound advice on economic policy
associated with their lending activity. This contribution
to "institution building" and "human capital formation" permeates
the process of project implementation and is perhaps the
greatest contribution made by the banks to the long-term
economic prospects of the developing countries.
It is the combination of project financer, financial
catalyst, and institution builder which makes the MDBS such
unique and important agents in the development process.
Throughout the history of bank operations, the United
States has supported and encouraged those adaptations in bank
operations which we believed would further increase the
effectiveness of bank lending. Among the more important results
of past U.S. initiatives are the shift in the sectoral composi
tion of MDB lending to those sectors — such as agriculture
and rural development — where project benefits accrue more
directly to the poor, the use of the MDBs' considerable aid
leverage to promote policy changes in the borrowing countries
which favor the poor, and the recently emphasized step-up of
MDB lending to increase developing country energy supplies.
The cooperation among countries within the MDBs contributes
significantly to the substance as well as the atmosphere of U.S.
ties with developing countries. U.S. participation in the
banks also reflects a successful partnership with Europe, Japan,
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and Canada — with whom we work closely on MDB financing arrange
ments. Any significant slackening of traditional U.S. support
for the MDBs would both seriously jeopardize our relations with the
developing world and weaken the confidence of our allies in U.S.
ability to play a cooperative role across a broad range of interna
tional activities. Undermining such a pillar of the international
institutional framework would also make it much more difficult for
us to get the support of the developing countries for our positions
in other international bodies, on issues of central concern to
our own national interests.-
In this context, Mr. Chairman, we are deeply concerned by
the continued failure of Congress to pass the FY 1980 Appropriations
Bill. The absence of this legislation is having a major impact
on the MDBS.
The International Development Association (IDA), the Fund
for Special Operations (FSO) in the Inter-American Development
Bank (IDB), and the Asian Development Fund (ADF) have completely
run out of commitment authority and have been compelled to
process all new commitments on a contingent basis. The lending
program of the African Development Fund (AFDF) may soon have to be
curtailed completely. The IDB has already scheduled a special
meeting to discuss this situation and the Asian Fund may call
a similar meeting soon.
The economic consequences for the developing countries will
be severe if MDB lending is not maintained. A number of countries,
particularly in Africa, are dependent on the banks for a large
portion of their development budget and have already expressed
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concern to the United States about the cut-off in IDA lending.
Some of these countries are of key importance to us right
now. Loans to Pakistan and Kenya, among others, are being
held in abeyance.
Continued U.S. failure to meet our negotiated shares of
MDB financing can only impede our efforts to win widespread support
for our own foreign policy and national security objectives. I
strongly urge that maximum effort be made to complete final passage
of the FY 80 Bill this week with an appropriation as close as possibl
to the Administration's request.
Economic Benefits of U.S. MDB Membership
As the Administration's chief fiscal officer, I am committed
to budget restraint. At the same time, for the reasons I have out
lined, the United States must maintain a reasonable program of
foreign assistance. The multilateral development banks reconcile
these needs.
First, other members contribute $3 for every $1 contributed
by the United States. Second, supported by callable capital, the
banks finance the bulk of their lending program through borrowings
in the private capital markets. The result is that U.S. budget
expenditures are multiplied many times over in actual MDB lending.
For every dollar the United States has paid into the World Bank over
the past 35 years, for example, the Bank has lent over $50. Our
development assistance gets maximum leverage when channeled through
the MDBs.
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In addition, U.S. producers and consulting firms have received
the largest share of MDB-financed procurement contracts. This has
led to a significantly beneficial impact on U.S. employment and GNP
For every dollar we have paid into the MDBs for the years 1977 and
1978, the U.S. economy has grown by an average of $3.00. Over the
life of the institutions, they have also contributed $11 billion to
our current account.
The FY 1981 Appropriations Request and Callable Capital
For FY 1981, the Administration is requesting total budget
authority of $1,666 million for U.S. subscriptions and contri
butions to the MDBs. The request is based on the assumption
that the FY 1980 Appropriation Bill, as finally approved, will
include the higher amount for each of the banks contained in either
the House or Senate version. This conforms to OMB's practices
regarding all of this year's programs. The FY 1981 request
will have to be amended depending on the outcome of the FY
1980 bill. The outlay effect of the request will be spread
over time, and thus the request will have only a minimal
impact on this year's or next year's budget.
The amount of the FY 1981 request is much lower than that
for last year. This is principally because we are not seeking
budget authority for the callable portions of our capital sub
scriptions to the banks. The treatment of callable capital is
an issue to which you have rightly called attention, Mr. Chairman,
and indicated that a change in budgetary approach would be
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desirable. Full appropriation of callable capital has been
totally out of line with the treatment of other contingent
obligations of the United States Government.
The "callable capital" concept is one of the most attractive
features of the multilateral development banks and results in
considerable budgetary savings for the U.S. Government. With
callable capital as backing, the MDBs are able to borrow most
of the non-concessional funds they require in international
capital markets. The cost to the U.S. Government of subscrip
tions to callable capital is solely contingent in nature, since
callable capital can only be used to meet obligations of the MDBs
for funds borrowed or guaranteed by them in the unlikely event that
the banks’ other resources are insufficient to meet those liabilities
Even if calls were made, $11.5 billion has already been
funded by the Congress against the potential U.S. liabilities.
It is therefore virtually certain that there will never be budget
outlays resulting from the subscriptions proposed in the legislation
before the Committee. Unlike other donor countries, however, the
U.S., in its budgetary procedures, has heretofore treated callable
capital subscriptions as though they would have an outlay impact.
The issue of changing the appropriations and budgetary treatment
of callable capital has been raised by you and other members. The
Administration has given this matter very careful study and concluded
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that appropriation for the full amount of callable capital,
and the resulting scoring of the appropriated amounts as budget
authority, distort the true size of the request for the MDBS.
After consultations with you, Mr. Chairman, and many
others in the Congress, the Administration therefore proposes
enactment of program limitations in the FY 1981 Foreign Assistance
Appropriations Act for U.S. subscriptions to callable capital
instead of actual appropriation and budgetary authority. We have
also submitted proposed changes in the authorizing legislation
which will enable us to make the subscriptions after program
limitations are enacted. Full Congressional control over callable
capital subscriptions is retained, both by the program limitations
and because subscriptions to callable capital and paid-in which
must be appropriated in full — generally have to be made in
specified proportions. The General Counsel of the Treasury Depart
ment issued opinions in 1975 and 1979 that appropriations are not
legally required to back subscriptions to callable capital unless
and until payment is required of the United States on a call made by
an institution.
The Sixth Replenishment for the IDA (IDA VI)
The background paper submitted for the record details the
specifics of the Administration’s full appropriations request. I
would like to highlight two of the larger components of the request:
the sixth replenishment for the IDA and our remaining subscription
to the Special Capital Increase of the World Bank itself.
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IDA expresses the determination of the more advanced countries
to reduce, albeit slowly, the problems of absolute poverty in
the poorer nations of the world. The 54 IDA borrowers account
for approximately 31 percent of the world's population, but
only about 3 percent of the global gross national product.
Approximately 90 percent of IDA'S funds go to countries whose
per capita income is below $300 per year (1977 dollars). Lending
is concentrated on those sectors which promise to improve most
directly the lives of the very poor.
With few exceptions, IDA recipient countries lack the physical
and human resources to adapt quickly to the problems confronting
the global economy. Their terms of trade have deteriorated. They
have not been able to attract sufficient capital to maintain imports
and thus sustain even their already low growth rates. Since 1974,
the real value of their imports has declined. As a result, most
of the poorest countries achieved per capita growth of only around
1 percent per annum during the 1970's.
Even with a major effort by the poorest countries themselves,
additional concessional resources are required to achieve both
higher rates of growth and greater progress in poverty allevia
tion. More than one-third of the total population of the developing
world — 800 million people — still subsist in conditions
of absolute poverty.
After eighteen months of negotiation, donor countries
reached agreement last December on a $12 billion IDA VI to
permit continued IDA lending for the three year period
beyond June 1980. Relative to donors' gross domestic
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products, the size of the replenishment remains at roughly the
ratio of IDA V and will thus permit a modest annual growth in IDA
lending.
The United States joined other donors in supporting this
replenishment noting, however, that our support was contingent
on the enactment of necessary authorization and appropriations
legislation. The United States insisted on a sharp reduction in
the U.S. share. After lengthy negotiation, we achieved a reduction
in our share from 31 percent in IDA V to 27 percent in IDA VI. This
decline continues the downward trend in the U.S. share of IDA from
its initial level of 42 percent, and was accompanied by a substantial
increase in the shares of Germany (from 10.9% to 12.5%) and Japan
(from 10.3% to 14.65%). The reduction of four percentage points in
the U.S. share constitutes a very significant improvement in the
distribution of responsibility for providing funds for IDA,
saving us $480 million over the life of the agreement.
A U.S. share of 27 percent of a $12 billion IDA VI replen
ishment results in an average annual U.S. contribution of
$1,080 million. This represents virtually no increase in real
terms in U.S. funding for IDA — its annual lending rises by a
modest amount, but our share declines by 4 percent. All real
growth in IDA lending will be financed by other donors.
World Bank Selective Capital
In 1977, Congress authorized United States partici
pation in a Selective Capital Increase (SCI) for the IBRD.
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The United States has been behind in its scheduled SCI payments
since the first installment, however, and the shortfall now totals
$200 million assuming the Senate level for FY 1980 (i.e. $825.8
million) is agreed. A subscription of the full amount would require
only $20 million in budget outlays, since 90 percent of our
subscription represents callable capital.
Reluctance to meet our full SCI subscriptions is ironic
because the Bank's great success is to a large extent due to the
leadership the United States has provided in the Bank since its
creation in 1946. The shortfall in U.S. funding is particularly
inopportune now that the Bank, at U.S. initiative, has mounted a
major program to increase world energy supplies. The World Bank's
energy program will grow to at least 15 percent of total Bank
lending within five years. It will amount to $7.7 billion over
the period for the exploration, production, and development of
oil, gas, and coal, and for the construction of new hydroelectric
facilities. In operation, these Bank projects will produce
additional primary energy estimated at 2-2.5 million
barrels of oil a day, thus.reducing by that amount potential
world demand for OPEC oil.
A U.S. failure to complete our SCI subscription could lead
other members to insist on a significant cutback in the Bank's
annual lending program because doubts would be generated about
U.S. support for Bank lending throughout the 1980's. Such a cut
back in the lending program would be disastrous for our relations
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with the developing world, undermining Bank programs in countries
and regions of particular concern to the United States (e.g. Egyot,
Turkey, the Caribbean, and Central America) and heightening interna
tional monetary problems by increasing demand on private capital
markets.
Subscription of the full SCI amount is also essential to main
tain United States voting strength above 20 percent and thus protect
the U.S. veto in the Bank. The veto ensures that no changes are
made in the Charter which would have a- detrimental impact on U.S.
interests.
The African Development Bank
The U.S. subscription to the African Development Bank (AFDB)
is an important new component of the FY 81 appropriations request.
Subject to receiving authorization for U.S. membership in the
bank, an initial appropriation of $18 million is being sought.
Membership in the AFDB to date has been restricted to African
nations. The limited resources of the African members have,
however, severely restricted the Bank's access to the private
capital markets and its lending program. As a result, in May
1979, the Governors of the Bank invited nonregional countries
to join. The proposed U.S. subscription would represent 5.68
percent of the AFDB's total capital and 17.04 percent of the
non-regional subscription.
The United States has direct economic, humanitarian, and
political interests in assuring a strong and viable Africa
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where poverty is reduced, the pace of economic growth accelerated,
and serious financial problems avoided. While a wide range of
U.S. political and economic policies already contribute toward
these objectives, our membership in the AFDB, the most prominent
pan-African development insitution, would help strengthen our ties
with African nations and meet our growing interests m the region.
Other Regional MDBs
The remainder of the Administration's request is for appro
priations for capital subscriptions and contributions for the
Inter-American Bank (IDB), the Asian Development Bank (ADB)
and Fund (ADF), and the African Development Fund (AFDF):
$51.6 million in paid-in capital for the IDB and
$318 million for the Fund for Special Operations,
the IDB's concessional lending window;
$25.2 million in paid-in capital for the ADB and
$111.2 million for the ADF, the bank's concessional
window; and
$41.7 million for the AFDF, which provides concessional
financing for Africa's poorest countries.
These regional institutions were established to complement
the activities of the World Bank Group and increase the direct
involvement of the recipient countries in the development process.
They now provide a central element in the development strategies
of many friendly nations, and are uniquely positioned to bring
to bear a special regional expertise to local problems. The
regional MDBs also facilitate the mobilization of additional
resources from the developing countries themselves.
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IV. CONCLUSION
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I would like to re-emphasize
my strong conviction that the International Monetary Fund and
the multilateral development banks are essential to U.S.
interests.
The international monetary system is undergoing a period
of major change and potential strain. The IMF is our central
institution for monetary cooperation, and an important source
of strength, stability and broad direction as we try to
contend with these changes. We need to recognize, of course,
our own continuing large role in the world economy, and our
responsibility for maintaining a strong U.S. economy and a
sound dollar. But we need also to understand that a strong
IMF role in guiding the system is of direct importance to our
own efforts to strengthen the economy and maintain the integrity
of the dollar. In strengthening the IMF, the United States will
be making an important contribution to an international
environment which greatly facilitates effective foreign
policy. We will also be strengthening a source of balance
of payments financing on which we are eligible to draw.
The multilateral development banks are the most effective
instrument for promoting economic growth and political stability
— and hence U.S. interests — in the developing world.
They encourage sound national economic policies and provide an
effective framework for bringing the developing countries into
the open market system we espouse. Moreover the banks give
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us good value for our money with U.S. budgetary expenditures
multiplied many times over in actual bank lending. They benefit
borrowers and lenders, developing and developed countries
alike. The importance of the banks has been reinforced by the
fact that recent economic difficulties have exposed a number
of developing countries to serious threats of political, economic
and social instability.
The problems we face have a direct bearing on our national
security interests. The problems are difficult but not unmanage
able. Given a reasonable degree' of international cooperation, we
have the resources to assure a gradual expansion of the world
economy. Healthy and growing economies strengthen the foundation
of our international economic system, and maintain an environment
conducive to multilateral cooperation on a broad range of other
issues critical to the United States.
The seriousness of the current world situation leaves
little doubt about the importance of a sound international
structure for dealing cooperatively with vital issues. Now
is clearly the time for renewed United States leadership in
support of the Fund and the multilateral development banks
and the mutually beneficial endeavors which they represent. For
this reason, the Administration urges Congress to provide the
necessary funding to sustain the operations of these institutions
and encourage their pivotal role in building a cohesive and stable
world.
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Cite this document
APA
G. William Miller (1980, February 25). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800226_miller
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19800226_miller,
author = {G. William Miller},
title = {Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800226_miller},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}