speeches · January 28, 1980
Speech
Paul A. Volcker · Chair
Remarks
by
Paul A. Volcker
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Commercial Club
Chicago, Illinois
January 29, 1980
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In a sense, this is an especially propitious time for me
to address this group of business leaders from what you — and
I — think of as the heartland of America. All of those concerned
with economic policy — the President and his advisers in the
Administration, the Congress and its staff, the press and other
commentators from academia or elsewhere and not least those of
us in the Federal Reserve — are bracing for the annual outpouring
of economic and budgetary messages, days of testimony, and thousands
of pages of reports and policy prescriptions*
In concept, out of all that analysis and debate will emerge
the elements of policy — intelligent, coherent, and understood
and supported by a wide spectrum of American opinion. In practice,
you and I know that ideal can be elusive. The effort is subject
to all the frailties of our economic understanding, to all the
pressures of political life, and perhaps most of all -— as we
are reminded once again — to all the uncertainties of a world
in ferment. Indeed, amid the debate about precisely what should
be done here and now, it is easy to lose sight of some of the
more fundamental and abiding lessons of our experience. For
that reason, as we turn not just from one year to another but begin
a new decade, a longer perspective seems to me appropriate as a
kind of backdrop against which to consider the immediate issues
of the day.
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We can marshall an impressive array of numbers to reflect
the accomplishments of the 1970's. Employment grew by about 20
million, as the postwar babies successfully found jobs and
enormous numbers of women entered the labor force. We can
demonstrate we were better fed and better housed on the average
than ever before. While the results are less conclusive, we
moved to improve our air and water, our health and safety, and
our consumer protections.
But I don't think any of us are deluded by those accomplish-
ments into thinking that the seventies were really satisfactory
years for the economy; they were, in fact, the most turbulent
economic decade since World War II. Part of the difficulty can,
of course, be traced to an unpopular and costly war — a war that
placed both the economy and the political system under strain.
The strong thrust of the nation toward meeting our social ideals,
with its huge agenda of action toward environmental, consumer,
and egalitarian objectives, inevitably had economic costs, and it
has not been easy to identify and balance those costs against the
benefits. We were forced to face the facts of scarcity of certain
resources — most of all energy — that we had almost taken for
granted and of growing dependence on international trade; adjustment
to the new situation has been slow and excruciatingly difficult.
Through it all, there has been a sense of growing uncertainty,
of loss of control over our economic destiny. Economic doomsayers
have always been with us, but only recently have their scenarios of
disaster reached the lists of best sellers. Unprecedented gyrations
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in the price of gold attract our attention; we wonder what it portends,
and a speculative climate seeps over into much more important
markets.
Much of the discontent and uncertainty can be traced to
the strength and persistence of inflationary forces as the decade
wore on. Ten years ago, some social thinkers could still defend
a little inflation as a kind of social solvent, helping us to
reconcile competing and inconsistent social and economic pressures0
if the process was admittedly imperfect, it was at least acceptable —
more acceptable than overt policies of budgetary or monetary
restraint. Given our historical memories and the easily identifiable
social and economic costs of unemployment, there has been an
understandable tendency to act vigorously and quickly to take
expansionary action, even if those same actions seemed to risk
aggravating inflation. And some have felt that, in any event,
we could come to live more or less comfortably with inflation —
at some presumably predictable rate.
By now experience suggests otherwise. Hopes for a decline
or even levelling of the rate of inflation have often been
frustrated. We ended the decade with consumer prices more than
double those of 197 0, and rising at close to a record pace,
Instead of declining, during a time of inflationary pressure,
unemployment averaged substantially higher than in any postwar
decade. Huge deficits appeared in our balance of trade for the
first time in this century, and recurrent weakness of the dollar
overseas has undercut other objectives. Real income per worker
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grew only 12%, about half that of the 1960Bs; productivity growth
declined ominously to the point where, for the economy as a whole,
it has been hardly visible in the past two years. And, if 1
judge the national mood at all correctly, after a decade Americans
still are not willing to accept inflation as a way of life.
There is a sense in which the 1970ss were a decade of dis-
illusionment. We learned by experience that some of the policy
instincts and assumptions of the postwar period, however useful
they may once have been, have lost much of their relevance in the
world of today.
We have shattered the illusion that we can, over
really significant periods of time, buy less un-
employment for more inflation. Looked at over a
period of years, both here and abroad, we have
seen both inflation and unemployment rise
together. The old "trade-off" relationships
no longer fit the evidence. Indeed the con-
viction grows that the distortions and
uncertainties inherent in the inflationary
process have something to do with sub-par
economic performance.
- We have shattered the illusion that we can
anticipate correctly the timing of the business
cycle a high proportion of the time. But if
our forecasts are uncertain, we must be less
sanguine about our ability to "fine tune" the
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economy more or less continuously. One clear
signal of our fallibility was when the assembled
economic wisdom of the nation in the fall of
1974 gave little warning of the imminence or
severity of the worst of our postwar recessions?
the "recession that wasn't" in 1979 is fresh in
mind.
We have shattered the illusion that the introduction
of floating exchange rates could somehow exempt us
from concern over our external position and the value
of the dollar. Instead, we found a falling dollar
could develop a momentum of its own, aggravating our
internal inflation, adding to uncertainty at home
and abroad, and constraining our ability to lead the
Western world.
Still more broadly, our evident dependence on foreign
supplies for so vital a commodity as oil has ended any
illusions of self-sufficiency. As our exports and
imports both grow relative to the internal economy,
autonomy in policy is no longer a reasonable premise
for action.
Perhaps most importantly, harsh facts have begun to
shatter any illusion that we would take for granted
growth in productivity — the productivity which, in
the end, must support rising living standards for
ourselves and our children. Perceptions lag.
Consciously or not, in our own wage and salary
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expectations and negotiations we still tend to
think of significant annual increases in real
pay as the norm — the 3% figure once imbedded
in the wage/price guidelines of the 19608s is
well remembered. But that approach simply does
not fit the reality of the 1% average productivity
increase of the 1970gs. In fact/ under the pres-
sure of declining productivity and much higher
imported oil prices, the average worker has had
for more than a year to settle for lower, not
higher, real income.
I recite this litany not from despair, but because a sense of
realism can only contribute to better policy. In the immortal
words of Pogo, "We have met the enemy, and he is us." Out of that
knowledge can come the understanding and the will to deal more
effectively with the problems of the new year and the new decade,
with its disturbing mixture of concerns about inflation, recession,
energy, and defense.
As we approach those problems, I would suggest first a certain
humility in our ability to look ahead and pinpoint the direction
of changes in economic activity. Indeed, there is a danger in
excessive preoccupation with the relatively narrow question of
whether the economy for a few quarters rises or falls by a small
margin. Obviously, a prolonged or deep decline would be a serious
matter, with important policy implications. But that is not the
situation we face here and now. Nor should we assume it has a
high probability. In this setting, we should not be diverted
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from the need for policies directed toward the basic requirements
for sustaining growth and stability over a much longer period of
time.
The experience of last year is relevant. The almost universal
predictions of recession went awry primarily because consumer
spending was maintained at extraordinarily high levels relative
to income, driving savings to historically low levels. We can
sense that process can't be sustained indefinitely. But we
really don't have any better way today of judging just when the
consumer might revert to more normal spending patterns than we
had six months ago, or just how sharp the adjustment might be.
We do suspect that the growing conviction that prices will be
higher in the future than now has affected current spending.
But an effort to sustain activity by permitting inflation to take
a still stronger hold on the mentality of Americans would surely
be counterproductive. The only result would be to push off the
risks of inaction to a later time, and make them higher. Meanwhile,
a low savings rate, if sustained over time, is incompatible with
our needs for investment and productivity.
In these circumstances, the only intelligent choice seems
to me, without ignoring the possibility of recession, to develop
a combination of policies that offers the best prospects for
sustaining growth and stability not just in 1980, but for years
ahead. Fundamental to that approach are the efforts underway to
deal with inflation through the application of persistent and
consistent financial discipline.
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In the best of circumstances, those policies take time to
work. Results were not visible in 197 9, and certainly we could
not have reasonably anticipated such early results from the
actions we in the Federal Reserve took last fall to bring the
money supply under better control. Moreover, we need to realize
that over the next few months there is no real prospect for an
abatement in inflationary pressures. The latest round of oil
price increases and the speculative activity related in part
to -the political disturbances in the Middle East have, on the
mos4" hopeful reading, set the time-table back a quarter or two.
But that setback in no way diminishes the importance of financial
discipline: it can only reinforce it.
Monetary policy has a unique role and responsibility to
play in that effort* In the end, the inflationary process is
related to — and can only be sustained by — excessive growth
in the supply of money and credit, I can assure you we are
committed to maintaining over time the discipline that is
necessary to moderate that growth.
There no doubt will be short-run distortions and aberrations
in the figures. There are continuing problems of measurement and
definition. There may be periods in which the markets may mis-
interpret our actions. In particular situations we will need to
keep our tactics and our methods under review. But none of these
things should be misconstrued as a weakening of our resolve and
intent: we are not prepared to underwrite more inflation by
speeding up the modern equivalent of the printing press.
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I should be clear on one point. Control of the money
supply does not mean stability in interest rates. Those rates
will respond to such economic forces as the demand for credit
and the outlook for inflation. At a time like 1979, when credit
demands pressed heavily and inflation moved to higher levels,
control on money implied higher interest rates. Indeed, under
circumstances like those, efforts to avoid a rise in interest
rates by creating more money would in the end have been self-
defeating for the result would be another twist of the inflation
spiral. The other side of the coin is that an easing of demands
for money and credit in a recession period would be normal and
could well be reflected in lower interest rates, particularly
if inflationary pressures seem to abate. My point is not to
forecast, but to emphasize that, in the end, the market will
be the determinant, within the framework of a consistent control
on money and credit creation.
We know attempts to force interest rates lower by accepting
excessive money growth have ultimately proved futile ~ but I
suspect we would all welcome declines in those rates — I know
I would — in a framework of monetary control and lowered infla-
tionary expectations.
I have been greatly encouraged in these recent months by
the growing appreciation in the Congress, among informed observers,
and by the public at large of the importance of maintaining control
over the growth of money. I have also been somewhat encouraged by
the general trend of events in the fiscal area. I say somewhat,
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advisedly. Obviously, our deficits have been too high for too
long, and those deficits have inevitably contributed to pressures
in financial markets* What has been less apparent are the
persistent efforts that the Administration and many in the
Congress have made toward bringing our fiscal house into better
order. The seemingly inexorable growth in expenditures, at
least relative to GNP, has been curbed. The President's budget,
released yesterday, holds out the prospect of further progress
of reducing the deficit.
I know as well as you the long distance from budget proposals
to actual performance. But I also sense that the need to complete
the transition to a balanced budget has assumed a higher priority
among our national concerns. As evidence, can anyone recall
another time when a president, faced with a forecast of recession,
has refrained from calling for large countercyclical spending,
a tax cut, or both?
I suspect the real test of our conviction will be seen in
the way we, as a nation, handle the tax cut question. The
fundamental case for well conceived tax reduction seems to me
plain — and by well conceived I mean the kind of reduction that
can stimulate investment and cut costs. I welcome debate about
the best way to achieve those purposes and I can imagine — even
if I don't expect — a business situation that would reinforce
the case for tax reduction on cyclical grounds. But, I am also
conscious that tax reductions — however rationalized on structural
or cyclical grounds — will be counterproductive if they simply add
to our chronic deficits over time, place still more pressure on
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interest rates, and feed inflation. I see no escape from the
proposition that tax reduction must be earned by spending
restraint, sustained over time. Put simply, the time has not
yet come. That conclusion is only strengthened by the un-
certainties flowing from the Middle Eastern situation and the
questions about defense spending that are likely to be a matter
of debate for some time to come.
That question aside — a question that must ultimately be
resolved on the basis of security considerations — our recent
experience does strongly suggest the importance of moving
toward a budgetary situation that does give us leeway for tax
reforms to promote incentives to work, to invest, and to save,
I can only welcome the growing emphasis on "supply-side"
economics — our disturbing productivity performance demands a
response. My concern is that in our enthusiasm, we not neglect
the budgetary imperatives. It is because we so urgently need
the reform that we must do all we can to speed up the timing by
maintaining stringent control on the spending side of the budget.
I will not tax your patience further this afternoon by
attempting any review of the energy problem — except to make one
obvious point. The best conceived, most disciplined economic
policies are not likely to be convincing in perception or in
reality so long as we remain so vulnerable to recurrent and un-
predictable massive energy price increases or face shortages in
oil supplies. We have debated and hesitated for too long in
taking effective actions to reduce that vulnerability in the
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knowledge that the necessary adjustments — whether enforced
by higher prices or by other means — are extremely difficult.
We all learned on our parents knees that the right policy
for restoring health is to take the bad medicine and get it over
with. It seems to me time we applied that simple lesson to
energy policy! Over the perspective of a decade, the near term
pain would be amply rewarded.
I spoke earlier of the disillusionment of the 1970's. Some-
how, economic policies improvised by the "best and the brightest"
to deal with immediate problems and pain left a residue of still
larger problems. If we have indeed learned that we must look
beyond today — if we realize that what we decide now will be
important, and probably much more important, for 1981 and beyond
than for 1980 — if we are approaching the 1980's with a new
sense of realism and discipline — then there are indeed grounds
not for disillusionment but for optimism. I can only speak for
myself — but that is the mood in which I approach the 1980's.
* * * * * **
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Cite this document
APA
Paul A. Volcker (1980, January 28). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800129_volcker
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19800129_volcker,
author = {Paul A. Volcker},
title = {Speech},
year = {1980},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19800129_volcker},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}