speeches · June 12, 1978
Speech
G. William Miller · Chair
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For release on delivery
Remarks by
G; William Miller
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Swiss-American Chamber of Commerce
Zurich, Switzerland
June 13, 1978
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Thank you Ambassador Warner. President Strauss, ladies
and gentlemen. It's not surprising that I should make my first
official appearance outside of the United States in Zurich. By
an improbable course of events I'm now involved as a banker, and
if one is dealing with money, one should come to where the money
is. So, immediately, I rushed here.
A couple of weeks ago I had the good fortune to be invited
to address a forum on monetary policy at Brown University in
Providence, Rhode Island, where I have made my home for 22 years.
I came from the airport directly to the forum expecting to find a
small gathering of old friends who had nothing better to do on
Saturday morning. Instead, I found a thousand people packed into
and overflowing the hall. It was remarkable that anybody would
come out on Saturday morning, in June, in Rhode Island, to hear
about economics and monetary matters. All the economics profes-
sors were amazed too.
But that gathering and this gathering remind me of an
experience of Governor Al Smith. He was a rather flamboyant
Governor of New York some time ago. He loved to make public
speeches, and he would do so on any occasion. One day he was ·
driving along the Hudson and he passed by Sing-Sing, a famous
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State institution. He said to the chauffeur, "Pull in there.
I'll have the warden round up a group and I'll talk to them."
So he pulled in, the warden assembled all the inmates in the
prison compound, and the Governor got up and started out with,
"My friends." Then he thought, "That won't read too good in the
New York Times." He quickly changed to "Fellow citizens." But
then he thought, "My goodness, these people are felons, they
don't even have the right to vote." So he shifted again,
~uickly
and said, "Glad to see so many of you here!"
I hope you're not here under the same duress! But I am
greatly encouraged and very grateful for such a tremendous turn-
out. I really am overwhelmed at such a response. There is one
positive aspect to it. Ed Strauss mentioned that no new decisions
will be made today in Switzerland with all of the decision-makers
here. The positive side of that is that no mistakes will be made
today either.
I must ask you one thing before I address you, and that is
to keep everything I say in confidence because the New York markets
are not yet open!
But I would like to chat with you for a few moments about
some of the issues we have been and are facing, what we have been
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trying to do about them, and some of the future possibilities for
all of us to consider.
It's obvious why we have a large turnout here today, and
it's obvious why I am here. That is because it's apparent we
have an interdependence in the world and we can no longer afford
the luxury of operating in isolation. We must be sensitive to
the needs and wants and aspirations of all of the countries of
the world, and we've got to find a way for all nations to work
in harmony.
The United States is now in the fourth year of economic
recovery from the Great Recession of 1974-75. That recovery is
aged by us·ual terms. Yet, to my mind, we' re only on the thresh-
old of realizing our true potential -- provided we can clearly
see our goals and resolutely march in unison with a common purpose
to achieve them.
The American economic goals are rather simple, and are
universally understood and accepted. Those goals are to achieve
full employment, price stability, and a sound and stable dollar.
Of course, those are not the only goals for our nation -- they
are not the only goals for the world -- but they are the goals
for the economy of the United States, and, because of their
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importance and because of the American interaction with other
countries, the achievement of these goals is important to people
in Switzerland and to other people throughout the world.
Before proceeding, let me reassure you about how these
three goals relate one to the other. There sometimes is mis-
understanding about American policies, and concern that we may
be overcommitted to certain objectives that may be inconsistent
with general stability. That is not so. All three of our eco-
nomic goals are interrelated. We cannot have one without the
other. No single goal can be achieved on a continuous basis
unless we achieve all the others. There is no way to have full
employment if we have high levels of inflation. High rates of
inflation bring disinvestment, followed by economic downturn,
and there would be no way to maintain full employment. There
is no way to have price stability if there is high unemployment
because of the ethical commitment of our nation: we would
incur large and inflationary federal deficits to cushion the
distress of unemployment. And there is no way to have a declin-
ing dollar without feeding the forces of inflation that in turn
bring on unemployment -- and so on.
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The three economic goals are related. It's very important·
to recognize that our commitment in the United States is not to
achieve just one goal, but to achieve them all at the same time.
In creating employment, we have made considerable progress.
During the past year we've added over four million new jobs in our
economy, and reached record levels of employment. And we now have
the highest percent of our work-age population employed that we
have ever had in the United States. We have 58.6 percent of our
adult population employed, higher than almost any other industrial
nation in the world.
That seems, perhaps, to be at variance with the high level
of unemployment that you read about. It's true that we have unem
ployment of about 6 percent, but our work force has changed rather
dramatically in the last few years. One reason for this is demo
graphic change -- the baby boom of World War II that recently came
to maturity and joined our work force. Another is the constructive
change in the role of women in society, which is bringing more
women into full competition for employment. And another is the
force of inflation that causes more families to seek multiple
incomes.
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For all those reasons we've had a record growth in the
labor force and now have over a hundred million people actively
employed or seeking work. On the positive aspect is the fact
that in the face of these new aspirations, the United States
has been able to achieve this record level of jobs. It is clear
that we are well ahead of our targets in unemployment
re~ucing
in the United States.
And it is for this reason that we've had to turn our atten
tion and concentrate more on the serious problem of inflation, the
solution to which is essential if we are to maintain and to achieve
our employment goals. Inflation has now been recognized as the
most serious· domestic problem that we face. It represents a clear
and present danger; and there is no doubt that the current rate of
inflation is unacceptable in every way.
To illustrate how deadly the inflation disease is in the
United States, let me remind you that this is the season for col
lege graduations, and that all the young people coming out of our
universities and colleges in the United States today certainly
face an uncertain future if inflation continues. Should inflation
continue at the current rate for the working lifetime of these
yot.mg people, then when they reach normal retirement age their
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dollar of today would be worth less than a dime. Their dollar
would be worth less than ten cents.
There is no way that we can let that happen to those young
people, there is no way that we can let that happen to Americans
of any age, and there is no way we can let that happen to the
world. It's essential that we overcome the inflation disease.
And we will.
Another deep concern in the United States is the matter of
the value of the dollar. I want to make it absolutely clear that
the United States has a deep commitment to a sound and stable
dollar. We have a responsibility, as a nation whose money is the
principal currency for trade and commerce in the world and the
principal rese1ve asset for the world monetary system, to main
tain the stability that allows the world economy to operate on
an orderly basis. For fear that we might be perceived to lose
interest in that responsibility, let me remind you that we also
have a tremendous self-interest in the value of the dollar.
A declining dollar disrupts international commerce and
hurts the United States. A declining dollar interrupts and dis
turbs international investment, which hurts the United States.
A declining dollar feeds inflation into the American economy,
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working against the deep commitment we have to wipe out inflation.
The decline of the dollar since last September will add three
quarters of a percent to our inflation rate in the United States
this year; and we cannot allow that to continue. A declining
dollar raises issues about the price of petroleum which is so
critical to our economy; we cannot afford to face escalation in
the price of petroleum as an offset to the decline of the dollar.
And it is clear that national security is tied up with the value
of the dollar. And so, in every sense in terms of economics
and of national security -- Americans have a self-interest in
protecting the value of the dollar. There should be no doubt
about our determination to see that we do keep it sound and
stable.
But what have been America's immediate reactions to some
of the problems, at least those that I have experienced in my
three months in Washington? It was apparent that we needed to
make some responses in connection with the dollar, and we have
made two kinds of responses. One has been bridging actions -
those kinds of actions that assure orderliness in markets, and
discourage speculation and over-shooting, and assure smooth and
orderly adjustments. These bridging actions have taken the form
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of direct intervention through a swap arrangement with the
Bundesbank. We've also marshalled more resources to intervene
if necessary, making available large amounts of dollars in order
to acquire other currencies, and displaying the willingness to
sell SDR's and gold if necessary to combat disorderly markets.
We've also taken monetary actions in ,our respective coun
tries with the result that interest rate differentials have made
it more attractive to maintain dollar holdings. These are tem
porary actions; I assure you they are serious ones, but they will
not correct the fundamentals.
So we are also addressing the fundamentals. The fundamen
tal question of the value of the dollar relates to inflation and
to international balances in trade and current accounts. Infla
tion obviously does affect the value of the dollar, and it is
here that we are taking our most vigorous action. But it is also
important that we correct our deficit in trade and in current
accounts. Here, the most important and inunediate issue is that
of energy, and this is being given increasing attention and
increasing priority as a means to bring us back into a better
balance that will assist in assuring a sound value for the dol
lar.
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Let me shift, however, from these particulars to comment
for just a few moments about what we are doing in the war against
inflation. The first thing that the Federal Reserve has done is
to respond quickly in its monetary actions to emphasize restraint.
Our task is a difficult one, because we must exercise sufficient
restraint to counter inflationary forces but not so great as to
trigger a recession that would work against our interests and
cause considerable distress for world economies.
It is for that reason that the Federal Reserve has endeav
ored to convince all of the other economic policy makers that the
problem of inflation cannot be left to the Federal Reserve alone.
The monetary authority of the United States cannot solve the prob
lem without support from the fiscal side and from the other elements
of our economy. It is for this reason that we are gratified with
the positive response that we have seen in the United States from
all sectors. The Administration has responded affirmatively, the
Congress has responded positively, and attitudes have changed
tremendously in the last three months.
The President's anti-inflation program was announced on
April 11, just two months ago. It was the start of a process, not
an effort to solve all the problems at once. It was the start of
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a process to marshal the resources of our nation to fight inflation.
The immediate actions the President took included: a freeze on
the federal executive payroll; a reduction in pay increases for
federal employees; introduction of greater fiscal discipline in
taxing and spending; an increase in the supply of certain products,
such as timber and meat, to counter shortages and price increases;
more vigorous attention to the energy problem, indicating that he
would take administrative action if legislative solutions were not
forthcoming in a reasonable time; initiation of a strong export
program; and a call for the private sector to participate in a
broad based deceleration effort. These actions have been expand
ing. The President's speech is somewhat like good wine: it has
improved with age as its various elements and components have
developed and as support has begun to grow.
Look. at what has happened recently. The President has
agreed with Congressional leadership to change the economic plan
for fiscal year 1979. Already the Congress and the President
have agreed on a new taxing program that would reduce the amount
of the tax cut and defer it, thus reducing the federal deficit
by eight or nine billion dollars. And, just recently, it has ·
been announced that the President is calling for additional
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reductions in federal expenditures next year so that the deficit
in fiscal year 1979, which was originally estimated, just three
months ago, at $60 billion, will now be less than $50 billion.
That's a rather significant and important change.
Also, while the President called upon the private sector
to participate, it was questioned in some circles as to whether
he would find adequate cooperation. But major corporations in
increasing numbers, and some unions as well, are announcing that
they will cooperate. They see their self-interest linked to
efforts to wring inflation out of our economy.
Lest you think this is a purely voluntary effort, let me
remind you that there are substantial sanctions in case the pri
vate sector does not cooperate in this effort. The sanctions for
private industry are that inflation will accelerate, real profits
and real will decrease, there will be a decline in
in~omes
investment, there will be economic distress, and thus aggregate
profits over time will be far less than otherwise.
But there is a corresponding reward: if there is a will
ingness to impose constraint now in the private sector and to
decelerate in pricing and compensation decisions, then there
will be greater likelihood of continued economic expansion and
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prosperity, which is essential for business growth and business
profitability. Aggregate profits over the next few years will
be far greater in real terms.
So, as to the immediate course ahead, we've now charted a
series of policies. Inflation is the main target. There is
coordination between fiscal and monetary policy. And, to the
extent that there is increased discipline on the fiscal side,
pressures on the monetary side will be reduced and there will
be increased prospects for continued expansion in the years
ahead. But it is important that both monetary and fiscal policies
be disciplined, that we act prudently, and that we act to wring
out inflation without creating a recession.
With this behind us, perhaps the time is now at hand to
look at how to establish longer-term strategies to solve the
problems on. a more permanent basis. I would suggest to you the
time may be at hand to consider some new directions. The prob
lems we face today in the world have been built up over a dozen
years. We need to rethink the policies that have brought us
to this improbable condition and to look at new concepts and new
directions that will work over time to bring us back to the kfnd
of stability and growth that we need and desire.
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I would suggest consideration of two major new policies
which require the conscious shifting of our thinking in the
United States from past patterns to new patterns. The first
is to change our thinking from "demand" or "consumption" manage
ment of our economy, to "supply" or "investment" management.
This would be an important shift in attitude with long-range
implications.
The second major shift in policy would be a conscious
decision to reverse the present trend and move resources back
from the government into private hands -- in the belief that we
will obtain more efficiency, more effectiveness, by having
decisions made in the private sector rather than in the govern
ment sector.
One approach to looking at these new policy directions
might be to.construct a model economy as our aim for five or
seven years from now, and to adopt policies which would carry
us on a constant path toward achieving that model in due course.
Let me suggest some of the elements that might be con
sidered in such a model. One would be to move constantly and
consistently toward a balanced federal budget. The recent
action to reduce the FY-79 budget deficit to $50 billion or
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less is reassuring. We should now proceed on a course to reduce
that deficit below $40 billion in the next fiscal year, to below
$20 billion in the next year, and to a balanced budget in FY-1982.
This is a. sensible, workable, achievable schedule.
The second element would be the reduction of federal expen
ditures over time relative to the total economy. One possibility
would be to set a target to reduce federal expenditures from 22
percent of GNP to 20 percent over five or seven years. This means
that when we .reach that model sometime in the future we would have
shifted $50 or $75 billion out of the government and back into the
private sector. It would have positive long-range implications.
A third element would be to follow-up on the emphasis toward
investment and away from consumption. The United States has been
under-spending on investment. In the sixteenth century, Europe
experienced.a hyper-inflation because of the discovery of the New
World. In Spain, a nation that benefited from the introduction of
massive amounts of gold from the New World, prices were bid up a
thousand percent by the introduction of this unearned purchasing
power. Spain created the most elegant society that Europe had
ever seen, but it lived off its wealth. It invested too little,
and in the seventeenth century it was economically barefoot.
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In the twentieth century, the United States with help from
the printing press has grown into one of the most elegant nations
ever created, with considerable affluence for a great many people.
In doing so it has emphasized consumption. The test now before us
is whether we are going to reinvest our capital and provide the
productive capacity and and productivity that will
efficien~y
assure continued prosperity in the twenty-first century. I would
suggest that our spending of eight or nine percent of GNP on busi
ness fix investment is below what we need to sustain a sound
economy. Over five to seven years we should begin to move that
level of expenditure up to 12 percent of our GNP. It would be a
major change; we would still be at a lower level than in Germany,
1
but we would be far ahead of our past experience. And such a
process would counter inflation, because our new investments
would increase productivity, lower the unit cost of production,
be more energy efficient, and work to support our economic
growth objectives.
A fourth element in our new model might be a substantial
increase in American exports. America has been exporting about
seven percent or a little less of its GNP. Over the next five·
to seven years, a gradual buildup of our exports -- to 10 percent
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of GNP -- would make a major contribution to the betterment of
conditions in the world. If we couple that with an absolute
commitment to free and fair trade, and if we counter and over
come the forces of protectionism, and if we increase our capacity
to balance our current account and to relieve the cost pressures
from imported oil and to absorb products from other nations, we
will have taken all the steps that contribute to a better balance
in the world economy.
A fifth item in our model might be to revise our tax
policies in the United States over the same period of time, con
sistent with our schedule toward a balanced budget. In order to
shift resources out of the Federal Government and back to the
private sector, we do need a program for reducing taxes on indi
viduals and on capital. In this way, we can generate new oppor
tunities for entrepreneurship, for venture, capital, that are so
important in creating the vitality and the technology for a grow
ing and prosperous economy.
A sixth element -- it is perhaps a domestic problem but
important -- is to be sure that we maintain a strong housing and
construction industry. We need to increase our housing output
by 75,000 to 100,000 units per year in each of the next five years.
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A seventh element might be to become more intense in
efforts to relieve the cost burdens of government regulation.
We all know that the President is committed to this, but we
now need to make it a reality -- that is, deregulating the
areas where the public benefit is not justified by the cost
and disruption of production and
enterprise~
And, of course, the eighth element is to be absolutely
committed over this period of time to wash out inflationary
forces. To be realistic, we can reduce inflation at a rate
of 1/2 to 3/4 percent a year in the early years; as we gain
momentum, perhaps this can accelerate. But over this period
of time we can and we must reduce inflation as we once did in
the first half of the sixties to a level that is negligible.
Well, these are some thoughts. They do not yet repre
sent government policy. They represent items for debate and
for consideration, items for you to think about and to react
to. They could be the basis for building a consensus on
where to go from here and on how to shape U. S. policies that
will lead America on a sure path to achieve our basic economic
goals.
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What we need to achieve our goals is to bring unity to
our nation once again. It's clear why we have become divisive;
I need not go over the elements that have created disunity over
the last 10 or 12 years. We know that the Vietnamese War, the
disruptions of controls, the Watergate incident, have all had
their effects. But we also know that in fight against
th~
inflation Americans are gathering together again in a conunon
purpose, to fight a common enemy, for a conunon good. And with
the confluence of self-interest, a nation that has had the
resilience to live through the past 12 years, and still be as
strong as it is, has enormous power to achieve the goals that
I have outlined.
With American unity comes a new opportunity for greater
unity among all of our friends and allies. I already sense, in
the last months, an improvement in cooperation and under
th~ee
standing and respect and mutual desire to work together. And
therefore, I come to Switzerland today recognizing that there
will be many difficult days ahead and many difficult tasks to
face with a deep sense that we are beginning to form ourselves
to march together to achieve our worldwide goals.
Thank you very much.
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Cite this document
APA
G. William Miller (1978, June 12). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19780613_miller
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19780613_miller,
author = {G. William Miller},
title = {Speech},
year = {1978},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19780613_miller},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}