speeches · August 15, 1974
Speech
Darryl R. Francis · President
ECONOMIC FORCES FACING BANK HOLDING COMPANY MOVEMENT
Speech by
Darryl R. Francis
at
BAI Conference on Bank Holding Company Administration
Chicago, Illinois
August 16, 1974
It is good to have this opportunity to discuss with you
some thoughts on the economic forces facing bank holding com
panies. The bank holding company movement is of increasing
interest to both the economic and the political sectors of our
society. Bank holding companies own about one-fourth of the
nation's banks which, in turn, hold about two-thirds of the bank
ing assets. In addition, they have made substantial inroads in a
number of bank related activities.
Most of the bank holding company growth occurred
during the past decade. From 1963 to 1973 the number of multi
ple bank holding companies rose five-fold, and the number of
one-bank holding companies doubled from 1968 to 1973.
The rapid increase in bank holding companies can be
traced to the restrictions on commercial banking. In a competitive
market, the type of firm or structure evolves that tends to maximize
both profits and consumer well-being. The incentive for profit
provides the motivation for banks to fill any voids in their mar
kets. When they observe opportunities to increase services and
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profits by a change in structure, they will attempt to make such a
change.
Holding companies can be looked upon as a way whereby
many restrictions on commercial banks can be overcome and ser
vices to the public expanded. In recent years branching restric
tions have become increasingly onerous to banks located in de
clining central cities of unit banking states. Regulation Q has
also been more burdensome to banks in the more competitive
banking markets with the rising market rates. Bank holding com
panies permit banks to expand their operations into new geographic
markets through the organization of new firms or through the
purchase of existing firms where branches of the parent firm
are prohibited. As evidence that holding companies are used to
bypass restrictions on individual banks, the multi-bank holding
company movement is much more pronounced in unit banking
states. For example, in 1972 there was less than 2 multi-bank
holding companies per state in the 18 statewide branching states
which permitted multi-bank holding companies. In contrast,
there was 12 per state in the 8 unit banking states which permitted
multi-bank holding companies.
Regulation of banks has proceeded without a clear
recognition of what was to be regulated. Most of the restrictions
have come about since the early 1930's as a result of confusion
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as to the cause of economic instability.
In the early years of the nation commercial bank regu
lation was largely concerned with the chartering provisions for
state banks, their bank note (paper money) issuing function, and
the impact of such issues on the economy. There was little interest
in the maintenance of sound banks as long as they could redeem
their paper money with specie.
That sage of American politics, Thomas Jefferson, and
a number of political leaders who followed, recognized that the
restrictions on banking should be directed at the quantity and
quality of money rather than other functions of financial firms.
Albert Gallatin, Jefferson's Secretary of the Treasury, contended
that the creation of bank money should be restrained, but with
that single exception, banks should be left free as any other firm.
President Jackson in his farewell address in 1837 said that cor
porations which create paper money cannot be relied on to maintain
a uniform amount.
The National Banking Act (1863) focused largely on the
quantity and quality of money. A maximum was placed on national
bank note issues, and the stock of money (deposits plus notes) was
restricted by legal reserve requirements.
While its general focus was on the protection and control
of money, the Act contained some provisions for protecting banking
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firms. It prohibited some banking practices which were considered
risky, such as real estate lending. It also provided for a surplus
in capital accounts and the examination of all national banks.
The chief objective of examination following the Act was
to make sure that the condition of banks would enable them to re
deem their notes. In the late 1800s, however, the Comptroller of
the Currency adopted the view that the correction of basic man
agerial difficulties was also a function of bank supervision.
The original Federal Reserve Act (1913), while not
specifically requiring that individual banks be maintained in a
sound and viable condition, indicated that this was an important
supervisory objective. For example, in acting upon membership
applications, the Act required that the financial condition and the
general character of the applying bank's management be considered.
Following the great depression and the rash of bank
failures in the early 1930s the Government began to take greater
responsibility for the maintenance of strong viable banks. Bank
failure was associated with economic instability and the view de
veloped that banks cannot be allowed to fail for so-called public
interest reasons. This view led to the onerous bank regulations
in the banking acts of 1933 and 1935 which sustain modern bank
supervision. Thereafter banking activities rather than the quantity
and quality of money consistently received the major focus of
bank regulation.
The control of bank assets and the maintenance of sound
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banks became a paramount supervisory objective. For example,
before admitting banks to the FDIC, their future earnings pros
pects, adequacy of capital, and character of management, as well
as the convenience and needs of the community, must be con
sidered. The Comptroller considers the same factors before
granting charters, thus in effect giving the Federal Government
power to limit the number of banking firms.
The Acts require that each Federal Reserve Bank
ascertain whether bank credit is being used for purposes
inconsistent with "sound credit conditions". If such unac
ceptable use is made of bank credit, the Federal Reserve Board
may suspend a member bank from the use of the credit facilities
of the System.
These Acts placed increased restrictions on the estab
lishment and operation of branches. The payment of interest
on demand deposits was prohibited and maximum rates were set
on time and savings deposits by the supervisory agencies. The
Acts set limits to the bank's investments in its premises, divorced
banking from security dealing, and set restrictions on loans to
banking affiliates, dividends payable, and bank capital. The
Federal Reserve Board and the Comptroller of the Currency were
authorized to remove bank officials for illegal or unsound bank
practices. This legislation, in effect, limited the bank managerial
function to those actions consistent with the regulators' view that
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banks should always remain in condition to withstand another
great depression. Furthermore, bank legislation and regulation
by individual states during this period was often more restrictive
than at the Federal level.
Until recently bank holding companies were subject
to relatively few restrictions. State banking officials have
generally found it difficult to gain much control over such
companies.
The first Federal regulation of bank holding companies
occurred with the Banking Act of 1933. This Act provided the
Federal Reserve Board with some control over the voting of mem
ber bank stock owned by corporations. It required such corpora
tions to establish certain reserves, to publish financial statements,
and to withdraw from the securities business.
Following the rapid growth of bank holding companies
after World War II, Congress enacted the Bank Holding Company
Act of 1956. This law restricted multiple bank holding company
activities to banking and closely related services, and, with minor
exceptions, forced them to divest themselves of ownership or control
of any other kind of business. It limited most acquisitions of bank
stock by such companies to the state in which their operations were
principally conducted, thereby effectively curbing new interstate
bank acquisitions. The Act was amended in 1966 so as to require
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prior approval of the Federal Reserve Board for future acquisitions
by bank holding companies.
One-bank holding companies, however, were subject
to less Federal control, and their number almost doubled from
1968 to 1970. As a consequence of this rapid growth, some bankers,
the regulators, and others who were fearful of these new competi
tors, called for their regulation. The Bank Holding Company
Amendments of 1970 were passed ending the exemption of one-bank
holding companies from Federal control. The Amendments did,
however, liberalize the activities in which bank holding companies
could participate. They were permitted to acquire non bank firms
across state lines.
As a consequence of the onerous restrictions on
banking and bank holding companies, the quality and efficiency
of financial services have declined, and the competitiveness of
the banking system has been reduced. As pointed out by the Hunt
Commission, the interest rate regulations during the period of
"tight" money in 1970 made it increasingly difficult for bank super
visors to accomplish their objectives of maintaining strong, viable
firms and, at the same time decreased the role and effectiveness
of the institutions they aimed to preserve. The regulations which
prohibited banks from paying a market rate of interest to savers
actually weakened the banks as savings were withdrawn and
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placed in higher-yielding investments. More importantly, how
ever, savers, borrowers, and consumers were bearing unnecessary
risks and costs.
In contrast to the controls on banks and bank holding
companies, nonbanking firms enjoy rights of entry and flexibility
in the introduction of new financial products and services not
enjoyed by either banks or bank holding companies. Furthermore,
as pointed out in a recent study by the First National City Bank,
some of these nonbank firms are relatively large credit suppliers.
Three nonbank installment lenders have receivables outstanding
equal to II percent of the total held by all commercial banks, and
one has more receivables than the combined total for all commer
cial banks in New York and Chicago. It is not my intention to
criticize these firms, but only to suggest that they saw business
opportunities and entered the financial services market to the
advantage of both the firm and the consumer.
In my view the public is entitled to the best and lowest
cost financial service that the market can provide. Competition
in providing such service is the best means of achieving this
objective, but not all bankers are eager to participate in a freely
competitive market. Some, probably reflecting their overly
protected status, have not always been awake to their opportunities
and challenges. They are not unanimous in their support of the
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Administration's efforts to remove some of the regulatory shackles
to vigorous competitive operations. They are often blind to a
competitor when it is called by some name other than a bank.
But the very fact that nonbank competitors, such as the Farm
Credit Banks, sales finance companies, savings and loan asso
ciations, and the credit departments of retail stores, have entered
the finance business and achieved vigorous growth indicates that
commercial banks have left voids in the financial services market.
The assets of these nonbank financial firms increased more than
ten-fold from 1946 to 1972, and their share of the total financial
service market rose from 43 to 62 percent.
The Hunt Commission recognized the excessive regu
lation of banks and proposed changes that would free them from
many controls. Its proposals included: the relaxation of interest
rate restrictions, the removal of most usury ceilings on loans,
the removal of limitations on branch banking, and the relaxation
of chartering and investment restrictions. The Commission
recognized that the public would be better served by the increased
competition resulting from the implementation of the proposals.
I am not here to promote any specific plan for restructuring the
financial system, but rather to point out the economic forces
facing the bank holding company movement. With this background,
I believe those forces are now obvious.
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The demand for financial services is growing, and bank
holding companies have the organization and the technical know-
how to supply them. Competitive challenges abound which
they are inhibited from meeting. However, if history is a reliable
teacher they will have to fight for the opportunity to participate in
such markets as an equal. Their opponents in the struggle for
an equal opportunity to participate can be classified into two groups.
First are those politically powerful sectors of the economy that
demand preferred treatment in the credit allocation process.
Second are the regulators of financial firms and their supporters
who include those current participants in the markets who fear
competition, and a large segment of the population which believes
that strong viable financial firms can be maintained only by re
stricting their natural incentive to compete.
Much of the impetus for preferential treatment in the
allocation of credit has occurred during periods of economic
depressions or high nominal interest rates. When market rates
exceed limits established by usury laws and Regulation Q, credit
flows are diverted from normal patterns. These market barriers
have tended to starve some sectors.
Numerous government credit subsidy programs have
been established to "correct" these assumed defects in the credit
market and the number of such programs continues to grow.
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A staff study by the Joint Economic Committee of the Congress in
1972 listed 42 major Federal credit subsidy programs (those with
outstanding credit of more than $10 million). These programs
designed to finance agriculture, education, housing, commerce,
economic development, natural resources, and medical care cost
the taxpayers of the nation $4.2 billion in 1970. At the close of
1972 direct government loans outstanding through these programs
were estimated to be $56 billion and the guaranteed loans $167
billion. In addition to these 42 major programs, there are
numerous subsidized credit programs with less than $10 million
credit outstanding.
These programs provide preferred treatment of some
activities at the expense of others since the total volume of
credit available is not increased much, if any. They divert
credit flows from its more productive uses to those uses selected
through the political process. They neither add to national well-
being nor the well-being of most of those sectors that they purport
to help. To the extent that they are successful in increasing
credit flows into some sector they cause excesses of resources in
that sector relative to other sectors. If welfare of the individual
is their objective, such welfare can be purchased at a much lower
cost through cash grants. Furthermore, such programs are
extremely biased against those individuals who have already ob
tained their credit or other resources at market prices.
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Of greater concern to bankers, however, should be
the encroachment of such activities in the financial markets.
These programs are based on the false premise that our finan
cial system is doing a poor job of allocating credit. Yet, instead
of pointing out the efficiency of the free market system,and de
manding equal opportunities to markets, bankers have often
stood idly by or even assisted in the proliferation of credit mar
kets by these privileged agencies. Indeed, the American Bankers
Association actually joined other groups this summer in
urging Congress to enact legislation for a new program of
guaranteed loans to livestock producers. By acceding to re
quests for subsidized credit, or assisting in furthering such
activities, bankers may have contributed to the public view that
something is wrong with our private credit allocation system.
In summation bankers should not remain silent on
such important subjects as political credit allocation and bank
regulation. Most bankers know that the alleged problems are
usually not credit problems at all, but only the voice of a social
idealist. The alleged credit problem in the cattle feeding industry
which led to the recent government credit program was actually
a profit problem that the market system will solve. Once price
relationships move to profitable levels, sufficient credit will
be available to finance the feeders. The problem is simply
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made worse if additional credit is made available to inefficient
producers during periods of unfavorable price relationships.
Bankers should speak out and resist useless government en
croachment in this, as well as in other areas, including the
various alleged consumer protection plans. Bankers have sat
silent too long and let other less qualified people run their
business, reduce their markets, and subsidize competitors
with their profits.
In the regulatory area confusion still prevails as
to which banking functions should be controlled. Hence, the
urge to protect your firms from so-called "cutthroat" competition
is great. It arises from both current participants in the markets
who fear your competition, from the desire of regulators to
regulate, and from a large sector of the population which be
lieves that strong "viable" financial firms necessary for economic
stability can only be maintained by restricting their natural
incentive to compete. They associate failure of banks with
economic depression. In my view it is the money creating
function of banks that has led to economic instability. We can
protect the money holders through deposit insurance and if we
provide for a stable rate of monetary growth, the economy will
function satisfactorily.
I do not view an occasional bank failure as being
disastrous. An occasional failure eliminates the inefficient
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and is a signal to other firms to exercise caution. Relatively free
entry and exit are indicators that an industry is competitive. Re
gulation that is sufficient to prevent new firms from entering and
prevent failure is sufficient to inhibit growth and vitality in a
competitive economy. The proposals for limiting the rates payable
on bank holding company credit instruments are examples of a
regulation that will inhibit your growth. Your success in avoiding
such controls will thus likely determine your long-run growth and
profitability.
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Cite this document
APA
Darryl R. Francis (1974, August 15). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19740816_francis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19740816_francis,
author = {Darryl R. Francis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1974},
month = {Aug},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19740816_francis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}