speeches · July 17, 1974
Speech
Darryl R. Francis · President
Statement of
Darryl R. Francis
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before the
Committee on Banking and Currency
House of Representatives
July 18, 1974
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Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee:
I am pleased to have this opportunity to present my views
regarding our country's inflation and high interest rates and the
role of monetary policy in dealing with these and other economic
problems.
My position regarding the cause of inflation and high market
interest rates is that they both stem from the same source --an
excessive trend rate of expansion of the nation's money stock.
Monetary policy, therefore, can contribute to solving both of these
problems over a period of a few years by fostering a non-inflationary
rate of growth of the money supply.
I believe that the historically rapid rate of money growth of
the past few years has caused an excessive rate of expansion of
total spending in the economy. Since rapid money growth has
stimulated a growth in demand for goods and services at rates much
faster than our ability to produce, inflation has resulted.
The relationship between expansion of the money stock and
the rate of inflation is illustrated in Chart 1. The money stock,
defined as demand deposits and currency held by the nonbank public,
increased slowly from early 1952 to late 1962. Since then, the
average rate of money growth has persistently accelerated. As
indicated in Chart J, the general price index, measured by the GNP
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deflator, has risen, with a few quarters lag, at rates similar
to growth of the money stock (except during Phases I and II
of the price and wage controls when reported prices were
artificially held down).
High and rising market rates of interest go hand-in-hand
with a high and accelerating rate of inflation. This is because
lenders and borrowers of funds take into consideration their
expectations with reference to the future rate of inflation. Lend
ers desire a market rate of interest which provides them a real
rate of return plus a premium based on their expectations regarding
the future rate of inflation. Also, during inflation borrowers are
willing to pay a higher market rate of interest because they
expect the prices of their products to rise, and they wish to avoid
the higher construction and other costs associated with delaying
new projects. Thus, the interaction of demand and supply in the
market for funds during a period of inflation results in market
interest rates which embody an inflation premium.
This response of interest rates to inflation is illustrated in
Chart 1. During the period of a slowly rising general price level
in the 1950's, and early 1960's, the seasoned corporate Aaa bond
rate rose slowly until 1959 and subsequently remained little changed
through 1965. Then, with accelerating inflation, this average of
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highest quality long-term market interest rates rose steadily for
five years. It was relatively stable in 1971 and 1972, probably
reflecting expectations of less rapid inflation as a result of
Phases I and II of the price and wage control program. During
that period the reported rate of inflation decreased to less than
3 percent. However, the renewed acceleration of inflation since
early 1973 has been accompanied by a gradual, but marked, in
crease in the corporate Aaa bond rate.
According to my view of the relationships which run from
an increase in the trend growth of money, to a higher rate of in
flation, to higher market rates of interest, present high interest
rates do not indicate restrictive monetary actions. On the contrary,
they are the result of excessively expansionary monetary actions
since the early 1960's.
A natural question to be asked at this point is, "What has
caused the observed trend growth of money?" My view is that
growth of the monetary base is the prime determinant of growth
of the money stock. The major sources of growth in the base
are changes in the volume of Federal Government debt purchased
by the Federal Reserve System on the open market, and occasional
changes in the quantity or price of gold held by the Treasury. A
change in the monetary base changes the amount of reserves in the
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banking system, which changes the amount of deposits created
by commercial banks.
Movements in the narrowly defined money stock over
extended periods of time are closely associated with movements
in the monetary base, Tiers 4 and 5 of Chart 2 illustrate this
very close relationship, while the top three tiers show the relation
between growth of the outstanding Federal Government debt and
that portion held by the Federal Reserve System.
In my opinion, the actions that led to the acceleration in
growth of the monetary base and money supply since the early
1960's occurred as a result of: (1) excessive preoccupation with
the prevailing level of market interest rates; (2) the occurrence
of large deficits in the Federal Government budget; and (3) shifting
emphasis of policy actions because of an apparent short-run
trade-off between inflation and unemployment.
Some people believe that the Federal Reserve System has
a high degree of control over market interest rates. They argue
that System open market purchases and sales of Government
securities should be so conducted as to assure that unduly high
market interest rates do not choke-off growth of output and em
ployment. Throughout most of the 1960's, and to some extent in
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Open Market Committee indicates that the conduct of open market
transactions was influenced, in considerable measure, by these
two propositions. Once accelerating inflation started in the mid-
1960' s, and market interest rates began to rise reflecting an in
flation premium, the System purchased Government securities
in increasing quantities in an attempt to hold interest rates at the
then prevailing levels. Such purchases resulted in rapid growth
in both the monetary base and the money stock. In spite of the
efforts to maintain a prevailing level, market interest rates con
tinued to rise.
I accept neither the proposition that the Federal Reserve
can control market interest rates nor that the high market interest
rates have acted to choke-off economic expansion. Past experi
ence, in my opinion, indicates quite conclusively that the Federal
Reserve has little ability to control the level of market interest
rates for any extended period of time. Experience also indicates,
for both this and other countries, that growth of total spending has
been retarded very little by high interest rates. On the other hand,
attempts to resist upward movements in market interest rates
have resulted in faster growth of money.
Another concern which has been expressed about market
interest rates is that they should be controlled in order to prevent
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dislocations in the flows of funds to savings institutions, the
housing industry, and state and local governments. In addition,
there is a commonly-held view that small businesses, farmers,
and the average consumer should not have to pay high interest
rates when they borrow. The published policy Record indicates
that the Federal Reserve responded to such concerns at various
times over the past ten years, especially following the credit
crunches of 1966 and 1969-70.
Good though the intentions may have been, I am convinced
that monetary actions based on these views have been self-defeating.
As explained earlier, such attempts to maintain nominal interest
rates below their free market level in a period of inflationary
upward pressure has resulted in accelerating money growth, an
acceleration in inflation, and still higher interest rates. Thus,
those presumed to be protected by such a course of monetary actions
actually turn out to be worse off -- they end up with both more in
flation and higher interest rates.
Another concern regarding market interest rates relates to
the Federal Reserve's role in the orderly marketing of U.S. Govern
ment debt. This refers to the so-called ",even-keel" operations,
which have had a long tradition in central banking. When new Govern
ment securities are issued, there is additional demand for credit and
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temporary upward pressure on market interest rates normally
occurs. Since changes in interest rates traditionally have been
viewed as interfering with the orderly process of marketing new
issues, fluctuations of market rates during the financing period
have been limited by purchases of securities on the open market
which, in turn, add to the monetary base.
The published Record indicates that during much of the
period of accelerating inflation System open market operations
were constrained by "even-keel" considerations. Furthermore,
System purchases of securities during even-keel periods were not
fully offset by subsequent sales and, as a result, money growth
accelerated.
This process, in effect, has resulted in at least partial
financing of Government deficits through the creation of money
rather than borrowing from the private sector. In many other
countries the same result has occurred by the simple and direct
expedient of the Government printing the money which is then spent
on goods and services.
Since the direct method of printing money to finance Govern
ment expenditures is prohibited in the U. S., the monetization of
Government deficits has occurred indirectly. Our deficit spending
is always financed, at least initially, through the sale of new
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Government securities to the public. But when the Federal Re
serve System buys outstanding securities from the public, a part
of the Government debt is ultimately being financed by the creation
of new money. This is because the Federal Reserve System pays
for the securities purchased on the open market by creating a
credit to member bank reserve accounts, which increases the
monetary base and money held by the public.
Charts 2 and 3 illustrate the results of the process described
above. The increases in Government debt and the amounts of debt
that have been purchased by the public and the Federal Reserve
System are shown in the first column of Chart 3. The proportion
of debt bought by the Federal Reserve has been increasing except
for the 1971-72 period when substantial amounts were acquired by
foreigners. The second column for each time period indicates
that changes in the monetary base have closely paralleled Federal
Reserve purchases of Government securities. It is this closeness
that illustrates monetization of the Government debt. The result
ing increases in the monetary base, of course, lead to the
expansion of ihe money stock, which is illustrated in the third
column.
I doubt that monetization of debt has been a conscious act
on the part of the Government or on the part of the Federal Reserve
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System. Rather, I believe the reason it has occurred lies in
the relative visibility of the three methods of financing Government
expenditures -- taxes, borrowing from the public, and indirect
debt monetization. Elements of our society have been continually
demanding additional services from the Government, such as
more defense, more social security, more medical security,
and so forth. Since these services absorb resources which are
limited, someone has to give up resources from other productive
uses.
When these additional services are paid for with increased
taxes, the real resource cost is clearly visible to all taxpayers
since they find their disposable income reduced. When they are
financed by borrowing from the public, the effect is immediately
felt by those competing for funds in capital markets and is visible
in the form of higher interest rates. But in the case of debt
monetization, the immediate and even the short-run impact is
neither an increase in taxes, nor an increase in interest rates.
And yet, real resources still are being transferred from private
to Government use. The ultimate effect of this method of financ
ing Government expenditures is manifested in an increase in the
price level -- inflation -- and this occurs only after a substantial
lag. It is the lack of immediate visibility of the costs associated
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with this method of financing, I believe, that has contributed to
the process of inflation. Once the inflation has been generated,
a substantial period of time is required to reverse it, and un
fortunately this can be accomplished only by incurring costs of
lost output and higher unemployment.
Thus, over short periods of time it has appeared that debt
monetization gives society something for nothing. And although
this alternative may not have been chosen consciously and the
actions which monetized the debt may not have been taken for
that purpose, the excessive concern over market interest rates and
the occurrence of large Government deficits led to this course of action.
I can find no benefits accruing to the whole of society from
debt monetization, but the risks are very serious and can be
expressed in one word -- inflation. In the way that I have described
above, to a considerable extent since the mid - 1960's deficit spending
financed indirectly by Federal Reserve purchases of securities on
the open market has meant an increase in money which has exceeded
the growth in our output potential, and therefore has been inflationary.
Turning to another issue, it is my belief that shifting emphasis
of monetary actions because of a presumed trade-off between in
flation and unemployment has contributed to the rapid monetary
expansion. The idea of a trade-off between unemployment and in
flation typically assumes that high rates of unemployment are
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associated with low inflation, and low rates of unemployment
are associated with high rates of inflation. This view has led
some analysts to argue that policy actions can assist the economy
in achieving an acceptable combination of unemployment and in
flation.
However, experience indicates that the unemployment-
inflation trade-off, if it exists at all, is purely a short-run
phenomenon. Chart 4 demonstrates that there exists no long-run
relationship between the unemployment rate and the level of in
flation. The only striking features I find are that since 1952 the
yearly average unemployment rate has clustered around its
average (4. 9 percent), for the whole period, and the rate of in
flation, regardless of the level of the unemployment rate, has
moved progressively higher since the mid- 1960's.
In the past, emphasis of monetary policy actions has, at
various times, shifted between reducing inflation and reducing
the unemployment rate. For example, according to the published
policy Record, since the early-1960's (except 1966 and 1969) a
primary goal was lower unemployment, and expansionary mone
tary policies were adopted to achieve it. In 1966 and 1969
emphasis was on achieving lower rates of inflation, and restrictive
monetary policies were accordingly adopted. However, on balance
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the actions taken in the past decade resulted in periods of
rapid monetary growth which were longer than those of slower
growth, and the result was a rising average growth rate of the
money stock. More recently the emphasis of the adopted
policies again has been to reduce inflation, but the actions
taken thus far have not resulted in a reduction in the average
growth rate of the money supply.
It is my view that there will always be some normal rate
of unemployment as new workers enter the labor market, as
relative demands and supplies for labor services change, and
as workers simply leave present jobs to find more rewarding
ones elsewhere. Such a level is not necessarily desirable, but
rather it is a level determined by the normal functioning of our
product and labor markets, given existing institutional and social
conditions.
Monetary actions cannot influence this normal level of
unemployment; other policies are necessary to attack that problem.
As a matter of fact, monetary actions taken in an effort to reduce
unemployment have contributed to increased inflationary pres
sures. Subsequent attempts to arrest inflation have temporarily
fostered increased unemployment in addition to the normal
amount consistent with existing labor market conditions.
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My analysis of the unemployment-inflation trade-off
leads me to conclude that it is non-existent, except possibly
for very short intervals of time. Therefore, with relatively
stable monetary growth over a long period, I believe it would
be possible to have an essentially stable average level of
prices, and this could be accomplished without accepting a
permanently higher unemployment rate. The desire to reduce
the average level of unemployment should be approached through
programs which reduce or eliminate institutional rigidities and
barriers to entry in labor markets, which provide job training,
and which improve information regarding job availability.
In recent months a new proposal has been advanced
which, if adopted, would most likely lead to further acceler
ation in the rate of monetary expansion, thereby adding to
inflationary pressures. It has been suggested that it is ap
propriate for monetary and fiscal authorities to stimulate
aggregate demand during periods when domestic production
is curtailed by some special event, such as the oil boycott,
or when foreign demand for a specific product, like wheat,
increases suddenly. The argument is that the resulting price
pressure from such non-recurring events is inevitable and
that an expansionary aggregate demand program is required
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to protect employment in the case of a decrease in domestic
production, and to protect consumer buying power in the case
of an increase in foreign demand. Unfortunately, the probability
of achieving either of these goals with stimulative monetary
actions is very small and the costs in terms of accelerated in
flation are certain.
The main point to keep in mind is that the forces that
cause prices to rise in a specific market are very different from
those which cause inflation - a persistent rise in the average
price of all items traded in the economy. The prices of indi
vidual items rise and fall continuously, and an increase in a
particular price, even if it is the price of an important budget
item like food, is not necessarily an indication of general in
flationary pressures. In the absence of additional monetary
stimulus to aggregate demand, price increases in specific mar
kets are a signal that either the demand or supply conditions, or
both, have changed; not that total demand for all goods and serv
ices has increased. Such price increases serve a very useful
function of allocating scarce resources according to consumer
preferences.
An increase in foreign demand for American products
is not inflationary per se. It represents a shift in the composition
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of demand for our output, but not an inflationary increase in
aggregate demand. Inflation would occur if monetary actions
were taken in order to accommodate the price pressure in
individual commodity markets. In the case of some unfore
seen event, such as a domestic crop failure or an embargo on
imports of raw materials, the productive capacity of the
economy is reduced. Most of the time the effect is temporary,
but, as in the case of the oil embargo, the effect can be long-
lasting. There is little that an increase in aggregate demand
can do to stimulate more production in such a situation.
In my opinion, a monetary policy which results in an
increased growth of the money stock has no role to play in ac
commodating the relative price effects of autonomous changes
in demand or supply in specific markets. Such monetary
actions would only raise the overall rate of inflation. Temp
orary gains in output and employment might be achieved, but
the ultimate effect would be only on the rate of change of prices
in general.
I now turn to my final topic - the contribution that
monetary policy can make to reducing the rate of inflation and
lowering market interest rates. My views on this topic should
by now be very obvious; monetary actions can, and must, make
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a positive contribution. The interests of the whole economy
would be best served if the trend growth rate of the money stock
were to be gradually, but persistently, reduced from the high
rates experienced in the recent past. I believe that, once we
achieved and maintained a 2 to 3 percent rate of money growth,
both the rate of inflation and the level of interest fates would
ultimately decline to their levels of the early 1960's.
I believe such a policy of gradual, rather than abrupt,
reduction in the rate of monetary expansion from the high average
rate so far in the 1970's, would not have severely adverse effects
on the growth of output and employment. Such a gradual policy
would probably mean, however, that the period of combatting
inflation and high interest rates would extend through the balance
of the 1970's.
Some analysts believe that if the Federal Reserve sought
to control the rate of growth of the money supply within a fairly
narrow range, unacceptable short-run fluctuations in short-term
interest rates would be generated. I do not believe that it is
necessary for the Federal Reserve to intervene systematically
in financial markets in order to maintain orderly conditions.
It seems to me that there are three basic parts to this
argument regarding the desirability of actions to smooth short-run
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interest rate fluctuations. First, the argument assumes that
Federal Reserve actions in the past have in fact reduced short-
run fluctuations in short-term interest rates compared to what
they otherwise would have been. As far as I am aware, there
is no substantial body of empirical evidence supporting this
claim. There is, however, a large and growing body of evidence
suggesting that highly organized financial markets by themselves
do not generate excessive and unwarranted short-run interest
rate fluctuations.
Second, this argument assumes that by stabilizing short-
term rates the System can, in the short-run, stabilize inter
mediate and long-term interest rates. Again, I am not aware
of any empirical evidence in support of this proposition.
Third, this position assumes that short-run fluctuations
in interest rates have a significant impact on the ultimate goals
of stabilization policy - namely, price stability, a high level
of employment, and economic growth. 1 know of no reason to
believe that moderating short-run fluctuations in short-term
interest rates has any significant stabilizing influence on prices,
output, or employment. Even within the context of the well-
known econometric forecasting models, stabilization of short-term
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interest rates has almost no stabilizing influence on prices,
output, or employment.
Some would oppose my recommended course of monetary
policy on the grounds that it would not allow the Federal Reserve
to perform its responsibility of a lender of last resort; so I want
to make my views clear on this point. I believe it is possible
that the failure of a major bank or other corporation can, at
times, disrupt the smooth functioning of our financial markets.
In my opinion, the Federal Reserve has an obligation to prevent
the temporary problems of a major institution from affecting
financial markets and perhaps even affecting the economy.
At the same time, however, I do not think that the System
should subsidize inefficient management by making funds avail
able at interest rates well below market rates, or be concerned
about the losses that stockholders of a basically unsound insti
tution might suffer. In the long-run, such actions can only
weaken, rather than strengthen, the financial system, as well
as the business community at large.
Any temporary assistance to a basically sound institution
should be unwound in a relatively short period of time. At the
same time, the provision of funds through the Federal Reserve
discount window should be matched by a sale of securities from
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the System's portfolio in order to prevent an expansion in the
monetary base and the money stock.
Carrying out the monetary policy actions that I recom-
mend could be greatly facilitated by complimentary actions on
the part of others. A balanced Government budget would elimi
nate much of the pressure on interest rates, thereby removing
one cause of accelerating money growth in the past. Legislation
removing impediments to the free functioning of our product,
labor, and financial markets would allow these markets to adjust
to monetary restraint more rapidly, and without the severe dis
locations of the past.
It would also be helpful if all segments of our society
would realize that rapid monetary growth, inflation, and high
market interest rates go hand-in-hand; that, once initiated, in
flation cannot be eliminated without some temporary costs in
terms of slower growth of output and employment; and that
considerable time will be required to reduce substantially both
the rate of inflation and the level of interest rates. Such realiz
ations would tend to mitigate the short-run pressures that in the
past have resulted in postponements of efforts to curb inflation.
Darryl R. Francis
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Cite this document
APA
Darryl R. Francis (1974, July 17). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19740718_francis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19740718_francis,
author = {Darryl R. Francis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1974},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19740718_francis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}