speeches · February 5, 1974
Speech
Arthur F. Burns · Chair
For release on delivery
Statement by
Arthur F. Burns
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Subcommittee on Production and Stabilization
of the
Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs
United States Senate
February 6, 1974
I am pleased to meet with this Committee to discuss the
desirability of extending the Economic Stabilization Act.
Your immediate concern is whether to extend the existing
authority under the Act, to modify that authority, or to abolish it
altogether. The major question at issue is whether we would be
better served as a nation by continuing to operate with mandatory
wage and price controls, or whether the time has come to return
to our historic tradition of reliance on free markets.
A considered judgment on this question requires careful
analysis of our recent experience with governmental intervention
in wages and prices. Let me begin, therefore, by assessing the
benefits and costs of the control program over the past two and
a half years.
The control program was instituted at a time when econ-
omic conditions were very different from what they are today.
During the summer of 1971, we had a sluggish economy, unemploy-
ment averaged 6 per cent of the labor force, and a significant
part of our industrial plant was idle. Nevertheless, unlike
earlier periods of economic slack, the general price level
continued to advance briskly. In fact, the average rate of price
increase was about as high in the first half of 1971 as it had been
in 1969, when both labor and capital were fully employed.
-2-
The inflationary problem in 1970 and 1971 stemmed
mainly from the pressure of rising costs on prices. In general,
wage rates were increasing much faster than gains in produc-
tivity. Business firms found it difficult to absorb the resulting
rise in unit labor costs, since their profit margins were already
seriously depressed. Prices therefore rose, even though
excess demand for goods and services had long since been
eliminated.
To some extent, the inflation we then experienced was
the aftermath of previous excess demand. But as time passed,
it became increasingly clear that the laws of economics were
not working as they once had. In a modern economy -- and in
other countries as well as our own — wage rates have become
fairly insensitive to changes in the balance between labor demand
and supply, and increased costs of doing business are frequently
passed through to buyers even in slack markets.
The New Economic Policy inaugurated in August 1971
sought to break a chain of wage-price increases that bore little
relation to existing economic conditions. It also included
measures to stimulate productivity gains, to increase business
capital investment, to halt the deterioration in our balance of
payments, and to encourage other nations to work with us in
designing a more flexible system of foreign exchange rates.
The early response to the new policy was heartening.
Consumers and businesses began to spend more freely, and
the pace of economic expansion quickened. Meanwhile,
governmental efforts to hold down wage and price increases
met with some success. Broad measures of price performance
registered significant improvement in the early stages of the
control program, and there was little evidence that the controls
were distorting business decisions or giving rise to serious
inequities.
In the closing months of 1971 and most of 1972, the
control program worked reasonably well because the volume
of unemployed labor and capital, while diminishing, was still
on the high side. Increases of wage rates during 1972 were
somewhat smaller than in 1971. And although consumer
outlays strengthened materially in 1972, the consumer price
index rose only 3-1/4 per cent, or a full percentage point
below the preceding year.
Over the course of 1972, however, the economic climate
began to change in ways that threatened to undercut the control
program. The growth of over-all production spurted to a rate
well above its long-run potential, and demands for labor,
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materials, and equipment strengthened steadily. Business
firms began to experience some difficulty in adjusting
production schedules to the rapid growth in consumer demand,
and delivery delays became mere frequent--even though
capacity constraints were not yet limiting aggregate output.
Towards the end of the year, the pace of economic expansion
also accelerated in Western Europe and Japan, and prices of
industrial raw materials began to rise faster both here and
abroad. As these tensions accumulated during 1972, it
became evident that the controls were causing some distortion
in the allocation of resources, that inequities were becoming
more numerous, and that pressures for modification of the
program were mounting.
Let me now turn to 1973, when fresh inflationary forces,
reinforcing those already plaguing the economy, culminated in
the sharpest upsurge of the price level since the Korean War,
In view of the strong cyclical expansion in production and
employment that occurred in late 1972 and early 1973, it would
have been difficult to avoid additional upward pressure on prices
under the best of circumstances. In retrospect, it might be
argued that monetary and fiscal policies should have been
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somewhat less expansive during 1972, but it is my considered
judgment that possible excesses of this sort were swamped by-
powerful special factors that added a new dimension to our
inflationary problem last year.
Early in 1973, the move to Phase III made it easier to
pass on rising costs to product prices and, here and there, to
widen profit margins that had previously been suppressed.
Also, since the inauguration of Phase III was widely interpreted
as a virtual abandonment of controls, inflationary expectations
tended to worsen. Looking back, however, it seems fair to
conclude tliat the forces of inflation became so powerful during
1973 that they could not be dealt with very effectively by direct
controls.
A major source "of the inflationary problem last year
was the coincidence of booming economic activity in the United
States and in other countries. Production rose rapidly throughout
the industrial world, and inflation accelerated everywhere,
Among major industrial countries, increases in consumer
prices in 1973 ranged from about 7 to 17 per cent. • The United
States was toward the low end of this range.
Another complicating factor was the devaluation of the
dollar. The value of the dollar declined sharply in foreign
exchange markets during the first half of last year, thereby
magnifying the impact of world-wide inflation on our price
level. The higher prices of foreign currencies raised, of
course, the dollar prices of imported products, and these
effects spread out over the economy. Rising import prices
led to some substitution of domestic for foreign products and
thus intensified upward pressures on the price level. And
as the dollar became cheaper for foreign buyers, our export
trade expanded, thereby reinforcing the pressures of domestic
demand on existing resources.
Last year, exports were also stimulated by the world-
wide expansion of industrial output. Our country has long
been a major supplier of industrial materials, component
parts, and capital equipment. Larger foreign orders for
these items added powerfully to growing domestic requirements.
For example, foreign orders for durable goods (excluding
motor vehicles and parts) shot up 25 per cent in the year
ending in the fourth quarter of 1973, while domestic orders
during the same period rose by 17 per cent.
The resulting demand pressures became particularly
intense in the major materials-producing industries. Last
year, the rate of capacity utilization in these industries --
which include petroleum refining, aluminum, steel, cement,
synthetic fibers, paper, paperboard, and the like -- reached
the extraordinary level of 96 per cent in the third quarter, or
about as high as this index of activity could go. In many of
these industries, expansion of productive capacity had been
neglected in recent years, in large part because of the low
rates of profitability from 1966 to 1971 and the restrictions
imposed by a variety of environmental ccntrolc. Since our
industrial plant was incapable last year of accommodating
the upsurge in demand, acute shortages developed for a wide
range of basic materials.
To make matters worse, disappointing harvests in
1972 -- both here and abroad -- caused a sharp run-up in
prices of food products during the first eight or nine months of
1973, and the disruptive manipulation since last fall of petroleum
shipments and prices by some oil-exporting countries has caused a
spectacular advance in the prices of gasoline and heating oil.
Shortages of these two categories of products, in fact, account
for a major share of our recent inflationary problem. About
60 per cent of the rise in the consumer price index in 1973
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stemmed from increased prices of food and fuel; these same
commodities, together with farm products, accounted for about
70 per cent of the rise in wholesale prices last year.
In short, the character of the inflation in 1973 was
very different from the inflation that troubled us in earlier
years. A world-wide boom was in process; the dollar was
again devalued; agricultural products, basic industrial materials,
and oil were all in short supply, and price increases of these
products were enormous.
When an economy is beset by inflationary forces of such
exceptional character, governmental intervention in pricing
decisions or wage bargaining can hardly be expected to be
very effective. Actually, governmental efforts to maintain
a meaningful control program in the economic environment
of 1973 aggravated the growing scarcity of a host of goods
in our markets. In some instances, price controls have led
to curtailment of less profitable lines of production. For
example, roof bolts needed to increase output in the mining
industry became virtually unavailable for a time. In other
instances, critically needed materials have been exported
because domestic prices were kept by governmental fiat
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below the price level ruling in international markets. This
was a problem in the market for copper scrap, for example,
before price controls on this material were lifted in August
of last year.
Moreover, in individual markets subject to excess
demand, the controls have apparently encouraged devices
for evading price ceilings. There have been various reports
of ntie-inl! sales, of old products being sold as new lines,
and -- since imported goods are free from price controls --
of domestic goods being exported and then reimported and
sold at higher prices.
Thus, the controls accentuated during the past year the
vexing problem of scarcities that developed in many lines of
production and distribution. The Cost of Living Council was
well aware of this problem, and therefore moved towards a
gradual relaxation or removal of the controls. But the damage
done by the controls in slowing production was significant,
and it is very doubtful if the control program helped to moderate
the average rate of inflation during 1973.
The Committee on Interest and Dividends, which I have
been chairing, also encountered difficulties in discharging its
responsibilities. Early in 1973, the CID encouraged commercial
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banks to hold down their prime rate of interest -- that is, the
rate charged their large and most creditworthy business customers,
Increasing costs of short-term borrowing in the money market,
however, soon made the prime rate a bargain rate of interefet*
Since outstanding loan commitments by banks were
large, and the total financing requirements of business v/ere
growing, commercial banks found themselves deluged with
demands for loan accommodation. Action was clearly needed
to avert a drying up of bank funds for small businesses,
consumers, and home buyers.
Adoption by the Committee on Interest and Dividends
of criteria for a two-tier prime rate fc/cructure alleviated the
problem, A flexible prime rate, one closely tied to the highly
competitive open-market interest rates, was permitted for
large business borrowers who had access to the national
money and capital markets. At the same time, a more
stable rate, tied closely to actual costs, was to be maintained
by the banks for borrowers with few financing alternatives --
notably, small businesses, consumers, and farmers.
This experience and others v/e have had with direct
controls over the past 2-1/2 years have made it abundantly
clear that there is no good substitute for free markets in
allocating resources and in maintaining productive efficiency.
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The experience of other countries has been similar to ours.
Direct controls over wages and prices can be a constructive
influence for a short time, particularly when there is significant
slack in the economy. Such was the case in late 1971 and through
much of 1972. But controls cannot restrain the upward move-
ment of prices very long when aggregate demand is rising
briskly and acute shortages develop in major sectors of the
economy. Under such conditions, a rigorous control program
gives rise to evasions and inequities, to inefficiencies, and to
more acute and widespread scarcities. And in some markets,
such as those for raw materials, agricultural products, or
internationally traded commodities, direct controls over
prices are -- practically speaking -- unworkable.
Let me turn now to the outlook for prices in 1974 and
the role that controls might play in dealing with inflationary
pressures in the months ahead.
The most pressing economic problem facing the
nation at the present time is a shortage of petroleum products
that is adversely affecting business activity and aggravating
our price problem. Hardships for some of our people and
inconveniences for many have become unavoidable.
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Some downward adjustment of production and employ-
ment is already underway. Sizable cutbacks in production
and layoffs of workers have recently taken place, or have been
announced, in the automobile industry, the airlines, home-
building, and other industries. For many countries, the
adjustments will be more severe than for us.
Fortunately, the magnitude of the shortfall in our oil
imports now seems likely to be smaller than it had originally
appeared. However, the sharply higher price of imported oil
will impose a burden which we cannot immediately escape.
Prices of gasoline and heating fuels have already risen
substantiallyp and -- even if price controls are continued --
may need to rise further in order to bring demand and supply
into better balance. It is, of course, of the utmost importance
that we permit markets to function in ways that will result
in economies in the use of energy by business firms and
consumers, and at the same time encourage a burst of new
investment in facilities for exploring and producing crude oil
and other sources of energy.
Food prices are also likely to rise this year. Stocks
of major grains are low, and prospects for world crop
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production in 1974 have been dimmed by shortages of
fertilizer. Furthermore, meat supplies may be disappointingly
small in the first half of the year. Although the outlook for food
prices is by no means as gloomy as it was a year ago, there is
no assurance that food prices will level out or decline very
soon.
A more fundamental factor affecting the course of
inflation in 1974, however, may well be the course of wage
rates and unit labor costs. Increases in wage rates have been
edging up since last spring; wages rose on the average at an
annual rate of about 7-1/2 per cent during the last half of 1973.
Even so, real weekly earnings of production workers have
declined over the past year because prices have risen so
sharply.
This year, the collective bargaining calendar is heavy
and includes several pattern-setting industries. Efforts of
workers to obtain large wage increases in order to prevent a
further erosion of real income would be entirely understandable.
If economic activity proceeds sluggishly in 1974, as now seems
likely, productivity gains will probably be even smaller than
they were last year. Substantial wage increases would therefore
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pufc great upward pressure on costs of production and ultimately
on prices.
The several adverse influences on the price level in
1974 are likely to be offset, in part, by other developments.
A slower pace of economic activity here and abroad may well cause
a decline in the prices of internationally traded commodities, besides
reducing shortages of industrial materials and component parts.
Appreciation of the dollar in international exchange markets over
recent months will have a beneficial effect on the domestic price
level. Imported goods will tend to be less expensive, and the
demand for our exports will be moderated, thereby increasing
the supply of goods available for the domestic market. Late
in the year, pressures on food prices may also ease somewhat,
as policies already adopted to increase agricultural production
begin to bear fruit.
Realistically, however, we can hardly expect a
return to reasonable price stability in the near future.
Substantial increases in the prices of numerous commodities
and services are virtually inevitable this year. Relative
prices of many items are now badly out of balance. Prices of
materials, for example, have recently risen very swiftly, and
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these cost increases are still to be passed through to the prices
of end products. Efforts to prevent such price adjustments
would only prolong the distortions in production from which we
are now suffering. And any determined attempt to force other
prices down, with a view to achieving average price stability
in the near future, would lead to intolerably high unemployment.
The objective of public policy in these difficult circum-
stances must be to establish a dependable framework for a
gradual return to price stability over the next few years.
In this endeavor, we will need to rely principally on sound
management of aggregate demand through general monetary
and fiscal policies.
In the current economic slowdown, the task of monetary
policy will not be the same as in a classical business recession,
when a considerable easing in the supply of money and credit
can be expected to provide the financial basis for the subsequent
recovery. This year, our nation's capacity to produce may
actually decline, or at best rise at an abnormally low rate;
declines in production and employment will tend to be concentrated
in specific industries and regions of the country, rather than
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spread broadly over the economy; and the price level is likely
to be rising at a disconcerting rate. Such developments are
outside the pattern of a typical business recession, and a great
deal of caution will therefore be needed in-framing monetary
policy. An easier monetary policy can be only a marginally
constructive influence in an energy-induced slowdown. Rapid
growth of money and credit is hardly an effective remedy for a
shortage of oil.
Fiscal policy can be used to better advantage in this
kind of economic slowdown. Selective fiscal actions -- such as
an expanded program of public service employment, or increased
unemployment benefits for those who lose their jobs because of
the energy problem, or other special assistance in areas
particularly hard hit -- can be used more effectively to deal
with local or regional problems. And we should be able to
accomplish those objectives, I believe, without sacrificing
the longer-run fiscal discipline that is so vital to the restoration
of general price stability.
In the current economic environment, direct controls
cannot be of much benefit in curbing inflation. In fact, compre-
hensive and relatively inflexible controls over wages and prices
would probably do more harm than good, because they would
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prolong the distortions in production and distribution that have
become a major problem during the past year. I believe,
therefore, that it would be unwise to extend the authority under
the Economic Stabilization Act for another year, A more
selective approach is needed.
For the remainder of 1974, continuation of mandatory
controls over petroleum products appears unavoidable. The
present shortages, particularly of gasoline, would result in
skyrocketing prices if mandatory controls were not retained
for a time. The control authority needed in this area is
provided by the recently enacted Emergency Petroleum
Allocation Act, which does not expire until early 1975.
Continuation of mandatory controls for health services
may also be appropriate. This sector of the economy has
demonstrated a high propensity towards inflation in recent
years, in large part because the character of the industry makes
it difficult for competitive forces to work effectively, A special
program by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare
to moderate the rise in the cost of drugs, hospital care, and
other medical services would help to keep spending on health
care within the reach of our citizens, and it would also hold Hown
the growth of Federal expenditures for national health programs.
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In the construction industry, the mandatory authority
available to the Construction Industry Stabilization Committee
has thus far remained virtually unused. That Committee,
relying on voluntary agreements between labor and manage-
ment, has succeeded in reducing very substantially the rate
of increase in construction wages since the spring of 1971,
A continuation of mandatory control powers for the construction
industry is perhaps unnecessary, but I would hesitate to disturb
arrangements that have been so successful.
Except for these specific cases, I believe that the time
has come to scrap the present structure of mandatory controls.
The great mass of wages and prices should again be left to private
decisions in free markets. In some markets, however, a degree
of governmental vigilance may well be required to prevent abuses
of economic power.
Mandatory controls are not the answer. On the other
hand, a limited element of intervention in pace-setting industries
may result in appreciable improvements of wage and price
performance. Authority would be needed to delay wage and
price changes, so that mediation or public hearings could be
held and recommendations handed down. These recommendations
-19-
could then be monitored and reports issued on compliance, so
that the force of public opinion could be brought to bear on wage
or price changes that are deemed detrimental to the national
interest. Functions of this kind could best be handled by
ad hoc boards for specific cases, to be established by the Cost
of Living Council or some successor agency.
Installation of the necessary review machinery may take
some time, however. Partly for this reason, partly also because
significant elements of the economy may still be under control
by April 30, extension of the Economic Stabilization Act for
2 or 3 months might be desirable to allow time for an orderly
transition to substantially free markets.
I believe that a determined national effort to curb inflation
also requires greater stress on programs for reducing obstacles
to supply, and for encouraging investment in industries where
capacity constraints are limiting the expansion of our national
economy, Events of this past year have focused attention on the
urgent need to increase supplies of energy, and also to expand
the productive capacity of our basic materials industries.
Accelerated amortization of capital facilities for such industries,
using techniques developed during the Korean War, could help
-20-
solve this problem by making adequate tax allowance for the
high cost of pollution control equipment and for the risks attending
stepped-up investment in these vital industries.
Efforts to enlarge our supply potential, however, should
go beyond the provision of investment incentives in the basic
materials industries. For example, vestiges of our former
restrictive agricultural policies could be removed, and the
minimum wage law could be modified to increase job opportunities
for teenagers. Furthermore, a wide range of restrictive practices
in the private sector -- from feather bedding to outdated building
codes -- cry out for reform.
Efforts to remove impediments to supply and improve
productivity are more likely to be successful if we establish
machinery to focus on this problem over the long run. I would
suggest, therefore, that the Council of Economic Advisers be
given the responsibility of developing specific programs, of
making semi-annual reports on the progress being achieved,
and of recommending policies needed to further the broad
objective of expanding our capacity to produce.
In summary, my suggestions to this Committee are as
follows: First, that our nation again permit wages and prices
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to be set preponderantly in free markets, and that we depend
principally upon monetary and fiscal policies to establish an
economic environment conducive to a return of general price
stability; second, that mandatory control programs be confined
to petroleum products, health services, and the construction
industry; third, that the present Economic Stabilization Act
be extended, if at all, for only two or three months beyond
April 30th; fourth, that the Cost of Living Council or a successor
agency assume responsibility for establishing ad hoc boards
that would seek through public hearings, or in other ways short
of compulsion, to prevent abuses of economic power over wages
and prices in pace-setting industries; fifth, that our nation
embark on a long-range effort to reduce obstacles to the
expansion of supply, and that the Council of Economic Advisers
be required to recommend programs needed to further this
objective, and to make semi-annual reports on progress
achieved.
I believe that implementation of these suggestions will
contribute to a slowing in the rate of inflation over the course of
1974. In any event, I hope that the Congress will look at all sides
of the inflation problem, and consider thoroughly these and other
suggestions that may come to its attention.
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This nation has been struggling with inflation for almost
a decade. Our citizens are well aware of its seriousness, and
they are realistic enough to realize that there is no easy way
to regain price stability. But I am deeply concerned that the
patience of our people is wearing thin. Failure to make
significant headway this year in reducing the rate of increase
in prices may destroy the confidence of businessmen and
consumers in the capacity of our government to deal with an
inflationary problem that is retarding economic progress
and sapping the energies of our people. Improvement in the
price performance of our economy during 1974 is essential to
our country's future and is well within our means.
Cite this document
APA
Arthur F. Burns (1974, February 5). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19740206_burns
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19740206_burns,
author = {Arthur F. Burns},
title = {Speech},
year = {1974},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19740206_burns},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}