speeches · July 22, 1973
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Monday, July 23, 1973
11:30 a.m, ED.T.
0 C
MONETARY POLICY, SAVINGS FLOWS, AND THE
AVAILABILITY OF HOUSING FINANCE
Remarks
By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before the
86th Annual Convention
of the
Michigan Savings and Loan League
Grand Hotel
Mackinac Island, Michigan
July 23, 1973
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MONETARY POLICY, SAVINGS FLOWS, AND THE
AVAILABILITY OF HOUSING FINANCE
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
When I accepted the invitation extended to me last winter to
speak at this Annual Meeting of the Michigan Savings and Loan League,
I indicated that I would focus on some aspect of monetary policy as
it relates to housing finance. At that time, I obviously could not
have anticipated that the interrelations between the two would be so
central to our mutual concerns when the date for this Meeting actually
arrived!
Of course, given the fundamental importance of credit
availability for the housing market, I am certain that there is always
a meaningful dialogue to be carried on between those of us who help
to formulate and execute monetary policy and the members of your
industry who supply such a large proportion of the funds needed to
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meet the nations demand for housing. But the decision made earlier this
month by the Federal Reserve Board and other Federal supervisory agencies
to raise or remove the interest rate ceilings on savings and consumer-type
*Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to several members of the Board's staff for assistance
in the preparation of these remarks. Messrs. James Kichline and Michael
Prell helped to trace recent developments in savings flows at depository
institutions. Mr. Bernard Freedman provided assistance in the assessment
of trends and prospects in homebuilding, and Mr. Robert Fisher did the
same thing with respect to the mortgage market. Mr. Kichline also helped
with the appraisal of the financial outlook in the months immediately ahead.
However, while I am grateful to the staff for its support, the analysis
presented and conclusions reached are my own and should not be attributed
to the Board's staff. Nor should they be attributed to my colleagues on
the Board.
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time deposits has clearly sparked a vigorous discussion of some of
the vital issues that are close to thrift institutions and others
concerned with housing finance. So, I decided that in these remarks,
I would attempt to examine several of these issues from the vantage
point of a Member of the Federal Reserve Board. Let me acknowledge,
however, that because we have responsibility for the conduct of monetary
and credit policy with the objective of enhancing the economic welfare
of the country as a whole, our perspective may not be precisely the
same as that held by participants in a particular industry.
Before turning to the body of these remarks, it might be
helpful to summarize several of the main points:
--The Federal Reserve has followed a policy of substantial
monetary restraint in 1973. However, by June the
need for additional measures to check the excessive
expansion of the monetary aggregates had become
increasingly evident. Otherwise—far from serving to
help dampen the persistently strong inflationary
pressures in the U.S. economy—monetary policy could
have become an instrument of further inflation.
--In pursuit of this goal, the Federal Reserve has employed
all of its traditional tools of monetary control: it has
supplied fewer reserves through open market operations;
it raised reserve requirements, and it advanced the
discount rate to the highest level posted since the early
1
1920s.
--As is generally known, the discount rate lagged behind
rising market rates through late 1972 and in early 1973.
This differential created an incentive for a number of
the largest member banks to borrow heavily through the
discount window to help meet the strong credit demand
of the private sector—especially the demand orginating
with business firms.
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—Many of the largest corporations in the country in turn
were induced to borrow from commercial banks partly because
the relatively low prime lending rate prevailing at the
latter in the face of sharply rising yields in the money
market. Until April of this year, policies followed by the
Committee on Interest and Dividends limited the ability of
the commercial banks to pass on to business borrowers
the higher cost of money which the banks themselves
were facing. As a result, a substantial proportion of
corporate demand for short-term funds was shifted from
the commercial paper market to the banks.
--Homebuilding was a major source of economic strength
during the early months of 1973. However, by mid-year,
the pace of housing activity was dampened appreciably
by the lessened availability of mortgage finance at
thrift institutions. The latter experience itself was
the result of the severe competition for savings
reflected in the sharply rising level of interest rates
on market instruments.
--To moderate the adverse impact of these developments on
savings intermediaries (and through them on the supply
of mortgage funds), the ceilings on interest rates
payable on consumer-type deposits were raised earlier
this month.
In the final section of these remarks, some of the principal
elements in the financial outlook over the next several months are
discussed. I realize, of course, that the continuing uncertainties
affecting the dollar in the foreign exchange markets—as well as the
uncertainties on the domestic political front—will have a bearing on
financial developments in the United States. These can only be noted
here to indicate my awareness of their presence.
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Strategy and Implementation of Monetary Policy
During the first half of 1973, monetary policy sought to
restrain the large demands for funds registered in the money and
capital markets as part of the national effort to check inflation.
In pursuit of this goal, the Federal Reserve System employed all of
its traditional tools of monetary policy: fewer reserves were supplied
through open market operations; the discount rate was raised six
times, and member bank reserve requirements were increased. Moreover,
the System resorted extensively to moral suasion, and interest rate
ceilings on time deposits were relaxed on two occasions. The inter-
play of strong credit demands and a restrictive monetary policy
contributed to a significant firming in financial markets. This
firming was reflected in a sharp increase in short-term interest rates,
and--as the year progressed—in a general tightening in lending practices
at commercial banks. At nonbank thrift institutions, a slowdown in
deposit growth during the spring and early summer reportedly also
prompted a tightening of mortgage commitment policies.
Behavior of Bank Reserves: In the first six months of
this year, total reserves of member banks expanded at a seasonally
adjusted annual rate of 7.3 per cent. However, the volume of
reserves supplied by the Federal Reserve expanded less rapidly
(at an annual rate of 4.8 per cent). Consequently, the pressure on
bank reserves arising from the strpng demands for bank credit led to
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a significant rise in the federal funds rate. In the first quarter,
the rate banks pay for reserve funds borrowed overnight from other
banks rose more than 175 basis points to a level of 7.09 per cent in
March. Pressure on bank reserve positions increased even further in
the second quarter, and the federal funds rate exceeded 9 per cent
in early July, more than 300 basis points above the level prevailing
at the end of last December.
On May 16, a marginal reserve requirement of 3 per cent
was imposed on large denomination ($100,000 and over) certificates
of deposit (CD's) issued by Federal Reserve member banks. This move
raised to 8 per cent the reserves required against increases in the
amount of CD's outstanding after mid-May. Subsequently, the Board
asked nonmember banks and agencies and branches of foreign banks in
this country to subscribe voluntarily to the same requirement. Late
in June, reserve requirements were raised by 1/2 per cent on member
banks' net demand deposits in excess of $2 million, effective in mid-
July.
Accompanying the rapid credit expansion, reserves available
to support private non-bank deposits (RPD's) rose at a seasonally adjusted
annual rate of 11.3 per cent in the first half of this year. However,
with private member bank demand deposits growing more slowly, most of
this increase went to support the sharp expansion in outstanding CD's.
Total reserves grew at a much slower rate reflecting a sizable decline
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in Federal Government and interbank deposits. Nevertheless, as the
month of June progressed, it became clear that the overall availability
of bank reserves was expanding at a rate in excess of that which was
consistent with a policy of monetary restraint. For example, in June
nonborrowed reserves rose at an annual rate of 24 per cent and RPD's
at an annual rate of 16 per cent. As these trends emerged more clearly,
the Board concluded that reserve requirements should be raised, and
the step was taken at the end of June.
Behavior of the Money Supply: During the first six months
of 1973, the money supply turned in a mixed performance. The rate
of growth slowed appreciably in the first quarter, but a sharp
acceleration occurred in the last three months—especially during
June. In the January-March period, the narrowly defined money stock
(Mi, privately-owned demand deposits and currency in the hands of the
public) rose at a 1.7 per cent annual rate. This was in noticeable
contrast to the relatively rapid 8.6 per cent growth rate in the final
quarter of 1972.
Several factors may have accounted for the slower pace of
expansion in M^, during the first quarter. It is possible that the
demand for money was dampened by the cumulative impact of rising
interest rates. Moreover, deepening concern over inflation may have
led some consumers to substitute goods for cash. Aside from these
general influences, a number of special factors may have helped to
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hold down the rate of growth in M^. For instance, it appears that
State and local governments (who received a sizable amount of revenue-
sharing funds last December) reduced their checking accounts and
shifted the funds into time deposits. The evidence also suggests
that corporations borrowed less than usual to pay income taxes in
mid-March and instead drew down their demand balances. Finally, the
disturbances in the foreign exchange market in February and March
could have resulted in the movement abroad of a minor amount of funds
withdrawn from demand deposits.
The first quarter of the year also saw a considerable
slackening from the strong rates of growth in the broadly defined
measures of the money stock. One of these, M2 (defined as M^ plus
time deposits at commercial banks other than large CD's), rose at an
annual rate of 5.7 per cent during the January-March months. Over
the same period, M^ (defined as M2 plus deposits at thrift institutions)
expanded at an annual rate of 8.6 per cent. To some extent, these
slower rates of expansion reflected the tapering off of growth in M^.
Beyond this, however, a further decline occurred in February in the
inflow of consumer-type time and savings deposits at commercial banks as
well as thrift institutions. This slower inflow, in turn, was a reflection
of the fact that consumer-type time deposits became progressively less
able to attract investors as yields on competing market assets rose
appreciably.
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In the second quarter, the expansion of M^ accelerated
sharply to an annual rate of 10.4 per cent. In June alone, the rise
was 12.9 per cent at an annual rate. Apparently, the rapid growth
in GNP and increasing inflationary expectations resulted in a
substantially larger transactions demand for money by consumers and
businesses. In addition, special factors such as unusually large
personal income tax refunds in April and May perhaps contributed to
the faster second quarter pace. For the first six months together,
M*l increased at about a 6.1 per cent annual rate. This was appreciably
below the 8.5 per cent pace in the second half of 1972. Yet, as the
second quarter drew to a close, the growth of the money supply was
ballooning again. If allowed to continue unchecked, the quickening
pace of monetary expansion would further strengthen inflationary
expectations and undermine the effort to restore reasonable price
stability by the use of wage and price controls. To forestall that
prospect, monetary policy became much more restrictive toward the end
of June.
As interest rates on competing market assets rose further in
the second quarter, inflows of savings and consumer type time deposits
slowed. Consequently, both M2 and M3 expanded at rates below that
recorded for M^. In fact, the prospect for substantial outflows of
such deposits was the main factor which persuaded the Federal Reserve
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Board of the need to lift interest rate ceilings on such deposits
earlier this month. This action is discussed further below.
With deposit inflows slowing, banks bid aggressively for
funds to finance rising credit demands through sales of large
negotiable CD's. As a result, in the first six months of 1973, CD's
increased by close to $19 billion—compared to $10 billion for the
entire year 1972. A significant proportion of the increases occurred
in the first quarter when the inflows of demand and time deposits
were weakest. In the second quarter, banks found it increasingly costly
to attract CD funds, and net sales were somewhat less than in the
preceding three months. By March, rates offered by most large banks
on CD's with maturities of 90 days or more were at ceiling levels—which
were below rates available on competing money market instruments.
Consequently, bank sales became more concentrated in short-term issues.
On May 16, the Board suspended interest rate ceilings on all large
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denomination CDs, and rates on longer-term instruments rose sharply.
The increase in marginal reserve requirements on CD's late in the
second quarter made additional use of these funds even more expensive
to banks.
Behavior of Bank Credit: During the first half of this year,
bank credit expanded at an annual rate of 14.3 per cent. This sharp
increase was dominated by an expansion in business loans—basically
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a reflection of an increased cyclical need for working capital. In
addition, especially in the first quarter, the relatively low commercial
bank prime lending rate resulted in sizable substitutions of bank credit
for more costly commercial paper borrowing by corporations. Other loan
categories (including real estate and consumer loans) were unusually
strong throughout the first six months of the year--in association
with the large rise in consumption spending and continuing high levels
of homebuilding activity.
In the first quarter alone, commercial banks' total loans
and investments rose at roughly an 18.5 per cent annual rate. This was
almost 1-1/4 times the growth rate recorded in 1972. During the
January-March period, banks reduced their holdings of U.S. Government
securities, but these cutbacks were more than offset by the upsurge in
business borrowing. These businesses, in turn, were borrowing heavily
to finance inventory investment and to meet working capital requirements.
1
In addition, as discussed further below, the restraint on the banks
ability to increase their prime lending rate made it difficult for them
to discourage borrowing by large corporations. As a result, a substantial
number of these businesses relied more on commercial banks and less on
the commercial paper market to obtain funds.
The drawdown of U.S. credit lines by foreign commercial banks
also gave a substantial boost to bank credit expansion during the first
quarter. Changing foreign exchange rates and the differentials between
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U.S. interest rates and yields available in the Euro-dollar market
apparently provided an incentive for these foreign banks to borrow
here and to use the funds abroad. As a consequence, loans to foreign
banks climbed by about $2 billion in February and March. Although
some repayment of these loans had gotten underway by late March, the
volume outstanding remained exceptionally large. On the domestic
scene, bank lending directly to consumers rose substantially in the
first quarter. The banks also expanded their lending to finance
companies--which in turn channeled the funds primarily to households.
Other nonbank financial institutions (especially mortgage bankers and
real estate investment trusts) also borrowed heavily at banks.
During the second quarter, the rate of growth of bank credit
slackened somewhat—registering an annual rate of expansion of 9.8
per cent compared with 18.4 per cent in the first three months of the
year. Banks expanded moderately their holdings of both U.S. Government
and other securities. Among types of loans, the slackening in the
pace of growth was most noticeable in the case of business loans—which
expanded at an annual rate of 20.3 per cent in second quarter vs. 39.1
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per cent in the first three months. The banks real estate loans rose
at an annual rate of 16 per cent in both quarters. The growth of consumer
loans slackened somewhat-—receding to an annual rate of 14.2 per cent
in the March-June period compared with 17.6 per cent in the first
quarter.
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The behavior of business loans in the last month is especially
noteworthy. In June, bank loans to business firms rose at a 14 per
cent annual rate. This rate suggests that business demand for funds
is still strong, but it seems to have moderated considerably compared
with the exceptionally high rates of growth which occurred earlier
this year. Undoubtedly, part of this slowing can be attributed to
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the increases in the banks prime lending rates as they responded
to the rising costs and lessened availability of funds. Furthermore,
borrowing by corporations to make quarterly income tax payments seems
to have been somewhat below the volume borrowed in previous years.
Apparently corporations relied on a sizable run-off of CD's to meet
a significant part of their needs. It also seems that a number of
businesses turned to the commercial paper market in June to raise a
relatively greater proportion of the funds they required—spurred to
some extent by the rapidly rising prime lending rates at commercial
banks.
Discount Rate Policy and Member Bank Borrowing: As mentioned
above, the Federal Reserve Banks' discount rate was raised six times
during the first half of this year. On January 12, the rate was
raised to 5 per cent from 4-1/2 per cent (where it had been since
December 10, 1971). Through mid-May, the rate was moved up three more
times to 6 per cent. On each of these occasions, the Board emphasized
that the actions were taken to bring the discount rate more into line
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with market rates—although the latter remained well above the former.
However, in early June, the discount rate was increased to 6-1/2 per
cent, and the Board stressed that the action was designed partly as
an anti-inflation move. Finally, at the end of last month, the discount
rate was again raised by 1/2 per cent to 7 per cent. On that occasion,
the Board's desire that the measure be seen as a further anti-inflation
move was made quite explicit, and it was combined with a 1/2 per cent
increase in reserve requirements on demand deposits.
As money market interest rates rose, the gap between such
rates and the discount rate became progressively larger. This strengthened
the incentive of member banks to borrow from Federal Reserve Banks.
Such borrowing rose sharply in the first quarter to an average of
$1.5 billion—compared with an average of $740 million in the last
three months of 1972. The average level of borrowing has risen steadily
since then—to $1.8 billion in the second quarter and to $2.0 billion
in the first two weeks of July. Viewed in a longer perspective, the
year-to-year change in the level of member bank'borrowing is even
more striking. For example, in 1972, weekly average borrowing ranged
from a low of $12 million to a high of $1,223 million; this year the
range has been from a low of $688 million to a high of $2,401 million.
Moreover, borrowing has been heavily concentrated among the
largest member banks. The 46 money market banks (which report daily
to the Federal Reserve on their federal funds transactions) typically
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accounted for one-quarter to one-third of total member bank borrowing
during the first 6-1/2 months of this year. In contrast, during
the period of severe monetary restraint in 1969, their share of total
borrowing averaged only one-sixth, and it rose to only one-fifth in
1970.
An even closer look at the statistics on borrowing from the
Federal Reserve Banks demonstrates clearly that member banks have
1/
lost much of their traditional reluctance to borrow. Instead, they
seem quite willing to include borrowing at the Federal Reserve discount
window along with CD's, Euro-dollars, and other sources in planning
their portfolio strategy. In choosing among the various alternatives,
they seem to be influenced far more by differences in the cost of
money than was typically thought to be the case. Undoubtedly, the vast
majority of member banks do remain reluctant to borrow from Federal
Reserve Banks; and when they do borrow, they normally make few trips
to the window and for fairly short periods of time. But among the
very large banks, the frequency of borrowing has increased, and its
timing suggests strongly that these banks are motivated substantially
by differences between the discount rate and the cost of funds in the
money market.
1/ See Andrew F. Brimmer, "Member Bank Borrowing, Portfolio Strategy,
and the Management of Federal Reserve Discount Policy," Western
Economic Journal, Vol. X, No. 3, September, 1972, pp. 243-297.
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For this reason, I have become convinced in recent years
that the Federal Reserve discount rate should be kept much more
closely aligned with market rates. This was recommended in 1968
by a Federal Reserve committee which made a comprehensive study
of the discount mechanism. Initially I had reservations about that
proposal. However, as I have watched the changing posture of member
banks with respect to borrowing from Reserve Banks, I have become
increasingly convinced that the Federal Reserve System—particularly
the Board of Governors—needs to revise its attitude toward the
discount rate. I believe the rate should be managed in a much
more flexible manner, and it should be kept in much better alignment
with money market yields.
Interest Rates: Competing Policy Objectives
As I noted above, short-term interest rates have continued
to climb steeply through 1973. This uptrend is the by-product of strong
demands for short-term credit and a more restrictive monetary policy.
On the other hand, some short-term interest rates have risen less rapidly
than one would have expected--and are still at levels below those which
might have been implied by the vigor of economic activity and the
growing scarcity of resources. To some extent, these divergencies
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may reflect the efforts of the Administration's Committee on Interest
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and Dividends (CID)— to moderate increases in administered interest
rates to increases in costs that resulted primarily from pressures in
the money and capital markets.
Monthly average rates on three-month Treasury bills rose
over 200 basis points from Decemberj 1972, to June, 1973. During the
same period, commercial paper rates increased by about 250 basis points;
the federal funds rate advanced over 300 basis points, and commercial
1
banks prime lending rate moved from the 5.00-5.25 per cent range at
the beginning of the year to 7-3/4 at the end of June. Following
the increase in the discount rate to 7 per cent effective July 2, all
of these rates rose sharply. For example, by mid-month, rates on
3-6 month Treasury bills had climbed by some 65 basis points to the
neighborhood of 7.89 per cent. The rise in private short-term rates
generally exceeded the advances in bill rates. In mid-July, the highest
rates being quoted in the 3-month maturity range on prime bankers'
acceptances and large CD's at New York City banks (9-1/4) and on prime
commercial paper (9 per cent) were 80-90 basis points above the levels
3/ A great deal of confusion has developed between the role of the CID
and the responsibilities of the Federal Reserve Board. It is true
that Dr. Arthur F. Burns is Chairman of both. But, in fact, the
two entities are quite separate and distinct. The CID is a unit
of the Administration's Cost of Living Council which administers
the wage and price control program. The Federal Reserve Board (no
Member of which besides the Chairman serves on the CID) remains
an independent agency charged by Congress with the responsibility
to conduct monetary policy so that it can make its maximum contribution
toward the achievement of economic stability.
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prevailing two weeks earlier. Moreover, reports were heard that
even higher rates had to be paid to do a substantial volume of
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business. Commercial banks prime lending rates had also moved to
8-1/2 per cent. Thus, by mid-July, short-term interest rates had
generally risen almost to--and in a few instances above—the record
levels set in late 1969 and early 1970. But, given the persistence
of inflationary pressures and the strong competition for funds, the
uptrend of interest rates was consistent with a policy of monetary
restraint designed to help check inflation.
But while interest rates were generally advancing, some
rates lagged appreciably behind. This was true, at times, not only
of consumer and mortgage rates--traditionally lagging rates—but also
of rates commercial banks charged their corporate and small business
customers. In response to requests by the Committee on Interest and
Dividends, during the first quarter of this year, banks limited
increases in the structure of rates to the rise in their own cost of
funds. Apparently the CID was apprehensive that the Administration's
Economic Stabilization Program might be undermined if administered
interest rates—which the Committee stated to be its sole concern-
moved upward rapidly on a broad front. The Committee stressed that
it was at no time concerned with open market rates.
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Opinions differed sharply over the approach of the CID to
the behavior of interest rates. But independently of where one's own
views might rest in this controversy, the effects of the policy on the
demand for bank credit can be seen clearly As the banks' prime rate
e
lagged behind interest rates in the commercial paper market early in 1973,
many corporate borrowers found it advantageous to switch to bank credit
as a means of meeting their working capital needs. As a result,
dealer placed paper contracted by $3.8 billion during the January-April
period of this year. The amount of such paper outstanding rose by
$1.1 billion in the same period of 1972 and by $1.7 billion in 1971.
In contrast, business loans at large commercial banks rose by $11.6
billion during the January-April months of this year--whereas the
increase in the same months of 1972 was $677 million, and in 1971 a
decline of $481 million was recorded. Thus, the relatively low prime
lending rate at commercial banks led to the substitution of bank
credit for a sizable amount of borrowing which corporations otherwise
would have done in the money market.
In April of this year, the CID issued guidelines which
permitted a two-tier prime rate to emerge. Under this arrangement, the
prime rate that banks charge large corporate borrowers could be aligned
more closely with rates on other money market instruments, while the rates
charged small businesses were expected to remain fairly stable. Banks
moved quickly to take advantage of this greater flexibility, and lending
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rates to large borrowers were raised substantially. Partly in response
to the rising cost of bank credit, business loans at large banks rose
by only $884 million in May vs. an average of $2.9 billion in the
preceding four months. The increase in June was much larger ($2.1
billion), but the May-June average of $1.5 billion was well below
that recorded in earlier months. Also in May, the volume of dealer-
placed commercial paper rose by $222 million, and June brought another
gain of $180 million. So, by mid-year, as commercial banks raised
their prime lending rate progressively, an increasing number of corporate
borrowers were induced to look to nonbank sources of funds to meet their
demands for funds to finance working capital and inventory investment.
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Housing Demand and the Supply of Funds
The significant role which the housing sector has played in
economic expansion during the last few years is widely known and need
not be recounted here. However, it might be helpful to summarize the
highlights of recent (and prospective) developments relating to the
demand for and supply of housing. As mentioned above, the increasingly
adverse impact of rising market interest rates on the availability of
mortgage funds was one of the major factors influencing the decision
of the Federal Reserve Board and other Federal bank regulatory agencies
to lift interest rate ceilings on consumer-type savings earlier this
month.
Trends in Residential Construction: Real outlays for private
residential construction have drifted downward since March. Underlying
the decline has been a noticeable decrease in private housing starts
from the near-record pace of activity during the winter months. Neverthe-
less, the average level of starts in the first quarter of this year (at
a seasonally adjusted annual rate of 2.40 million units) was second only
to the peak recorded in the same period last year. Moreover, starts
in the second quarter averaged 2.22 million units—still one of the
highest averages on record. On the other hand, on the basis of
preliminary figures for June, it appears that the sharply higher
level of starts reported for May (2.42 million) was not sustained.
At 2.12 million units, the level of housing starts last month
apparently receded to that recorded in April (which was also 2.12
million).
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In the meantime, an unusually large volume of housing units is
still under construction. This suggests that homebuilding activity through
the remainder of 1973 and into 1974 will remain at a fairly high level-
thereby affording an increasingly strigent test of the absorptive capacity
of the real estate market. These newly-completed units, carrying rather
liberal mortgage financing terms arranged sometime earlier, will add to
downward pressures on new housing starts financed under relatively less
favorable terms.
Supply of Mortgage Funds: Through last month, the slackening of
deposit inflows at thrift institutions (caused mainly by the rise in market
interest rates) apparently had a growing adverse impact on the availability
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of new mortgage funds. At savings and loan associations (S&Ls) in particular
(the largest single source of housing finance), the growth of share capital
appears to have slowed to a seasonally adjusted annual rate of 9-1/2 per
cent in the second quarter, compared with 16 per cent in the January-March
months. If this were the case, the April-June quarter would be the first
one since che same period of 1970 in which share capital has failed to
grow at a rate significatly in excess of 10 per cent. Under these circum-
stances, the total of S&L mortgage loans in process and outstanding commit-
ments for future mortgage loans was down by 7 per cent through the month
of May from record high levels. For example, outstanding commitments and
loans in process peaked at $21.5 billion (seasonally adjusted) in February;
by May the level had declined to $20,1 billion—a relatively sharp decline
for these items but--nevertheless--to a level still above that for any time
prior to this year.
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But as the spring continued to unfold, the cumulative effect
f
of reduced net savings inflows to the S&Ls and savings banks during June
and through early July apparently continued to induce further cutbacks in
the volume of new residential mortgage commitments, particularly in view
of the large backlog of outstanding commitments. Consequently, under these
f
circumstances, S&Ls have been borrowing heavily from the Federal Home Loan
Banks (FHLB). To date this year, they have borrowed a net of $3,5 billion--
$700 million of which was raised during the 3 weeks ending in mid-July.
By then, outstanding advances had reached more than $11 billion.
The willingness of the FHLB system to support S&L's in their
lending efforts has been an important source of partial protection for the
housing market in 1973 in the face of sharply rising interest rates. Of
course, reliance by S&L's on higher cost FHLB advances is no real substitute
for regular deposit inflows as a means of sustaining the flow of funds
into housing. But such advances do enable S&L's to adjust their residential
mortgage lending in an orderly manner as the pull of market interest rates
dampens savings inflows.
Just how important FHLB advances have been to S&L's can be seen
by a comparison of this year's experience with that registered in 1966 and
1969-70. In 1966, the FHLB Board responded in limited fashion to the
restricted flow of funds to its member institutions. At that time, its
policy on advances was initially influenced by concern with the loan
portfolio quality and dividend rate policies of the S&L's. Futhermore,
the FHLB System's ability to raise funds for advances was subject to some
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uncertainty in the market environment it faced and because of a Government
program of restricting agency borrowing. As a consequence, advances
outstanding rose less than $1 billion during 1966, and net mortgage
debt formation by S&L's fell three-fifths from the 1965 level. Housing
starts also fell sharply in the course of the year.
The experience in 1969-1970 differed markedly from that in
the 1966 period of credit restraint. The FHLB System responded aggressively
to the credit squeeze in order to assure the availability of mortgage
funds. Advances outstanding rose by $4 billion during 1969 and by another
$1.3 billion in 1970--despite the upsurge of deposits in the second half of the
latter year. The greater availability of FHLB advances in 1969 helped
S&L's to maintain a steadier flow of mortgage loans than in 1966, and
hence aided in cushioning the decline in housing starts in 1969. Thus,
1
the FHLBs actions in the 1969-1970 episode, rather than those in 1966,
better reflect its current perception of its role in support of the
savings and loan industry and the nation's housing objectives.
Trends in Mortgage Interest Rates: Even before ceilings on
savings deposits were raised earlier this month, interest rates on
residential mortgages had already risen appreciably. In late
June, conventional first mortgages on new homes carried contract interest
rates which averaged 8.05 per cent. This represented an increase of 50 basis
points from the most recent low registered in March, 1972, and it was the
highest monthly average since late 1970. Even so, the June level was
roughly 55 basis points below the peak attained in the Summer of 1970.
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The average rate of interest on existing-home mortgages was also 8.10 per
cent in June. In a number of states (located primarily in the East and
South) that still have fairly low usuary ceilings, yields required by
lenders had already reached the legal limits by last month.
The gradual uptrend in costs of residential mortgage financing that
began early in 1973 has apparently accelerated in July. To some extent, this
represents a reaction to the increase in ceilings on consumer-type savings
effected earlier this month. Moreover, contract interest rates on FHA
and VA mortgages were raised by 75 basis points in early July, although
no new commitments can be made under these programs until the Congress
reinstates the insurance authority that expired at the end of June. Rates
on new commitments for conventional home mortgages apparently were averaging
10 to 15 basis points in excess of 8 per cent as of mid-July, thereby
intensifying structural problems associated with usury ceilings that
have become increasingly restrictive again.
In the secondary mortgage market, the uptrend in yields also
has accelerated, partly stimulated by the announced upward adjustment
in FHA/VA mortgage rates. In the mid-July FNMA auction of forward
commitments to purchase Government underwritten home mortgages, the
average yield climbed to 8.38 per cent, the highest level in more than
2-1/2 years.
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Interest Rate Ceilings and Savings Flows
The decision made earlier this month by the Federal bank
regulatory agencies to raise interest rate ceilings on consumer-type
time and savings deposits was received with mixed feelings on the part
of many depository institutions. In fact, among some officials in these
institutions, there have been explicit criticism of the increase in rate
ceilings. Perhaps to some extent this has reflected a misunderstanding
of the role and effect of such ceilings when viewed from the national--
as opposed to the industry--level.
After an unusually high rate of growth in January of 1973,
deposit flows to nonbank thrift institutions began to slow in succeeding
months. The seasonally adjusted annual rate of expansion in these deposits
was 13.6 per cent during the first three months of the year, but it is
estimated to have moderated to about 8-1/2 per cent in the second quarter.
The personal savings rate during the first half of this year was only
marginally lower than in 1972, and savings flows may have been buttressed
in April and May by income tax refunds. But deposit inflows slowed under
the impact of the sustained and sharp rise in yields on alternative
investment instruments. At savings and loan associations, the
reduced expansion in savings accounts came at a time of an exceptionally
high volume of mortgage takedowns. This generated a substantial increase
in borrowing from the Federal Home Loan Banks, some reduction in liquidity
positions, arid a reported tightening of mortgage commitment policy.
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?
I can understand why spokesmen for S&Lf: and other depository
institutions urged that interest rate ceilings (particularly those on
passbook savings) not be increased. It is true that interest rate ceilings
can and have protected the thrift institutions from competition of commercial
banks that could prove undesirable for mortgage credit supplies. But, at
the same time, it is necessary to realize that ceilings on depository
claims cannot protect depository institutions as a group from the increased
relative attractiveness of yields on market securities.
f
At both S&Ls and mutual savings banks,the inflow of funds in
May and June seems to have exceeded the volume which many observers
anticipated—given the already high and still rising level of market yields.
During the first quarter, deposits at mutual savings banks expanded at an
f
8.1 per cent seasonally adjusted annual rate, and at S&Ls the rate of
increase was 16 per cent. So their combined growth rate was about 13-1/2
per cent. In April, the annual rate of deposit growth eased off to 5 per
f
cent at mutual savings banks and to 7 per cent at S&Ls--for a combined
growth rate of 6-1/2 per cent. However, in May a rebound occurred. At
mutual savings banks, the rate of expansion climbed to 6.1 per cent, and
1
at S&Ls the rise was even more marked at 10.7 per cent. Taken together,
the two sets of institutions recorded an annual rate of increase 9.3 per
cent in May. Moreover, the uptrend in deposit growth appears to have
continued during the early weeks of June. For the month as a whole, inflows
may have risen at an annual rate of 8 per cent at mutual savings banks and
r
at an 11 per cent rate at S&Ls. If so, these figures would suggest a
combined annual rate of expansion of 10 per cent.
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Yet, when the trend of inflows within the month of June is
examined more closely, it becomes quite evident that the substantial
increases in market interest rates had placed these thrift institutions
on the brink of disintermediation. Commercial banks also were faced
with a significant reduction in the rate of increase in deposit
inflows. The pattern and magnitude of inflows at the three typeff of
institutions can be traced in the following statistics:
Net Deposit Inflows at Insured Savings and Loan Associations-^
(Millions of Dollars)
Month 1972 1973
January 3,117 3,117
February 2,700 1,795
March 2,532 1,628
April 1,668 724
May 2,107 l,741p
June 1,626 700e
1/ Net of interest crediting,
p - preliminary, e - estimated.
Deposit Inflows During the Reinvestment Period at the Seventeen
Largest New York City Mutual Savings Banks
(Millions of Dollars)
Year Last Three Grace Days of June First Five Business Days
Net Adjusted for of July—^
Net Passbook Loans
1969 -326.3 -170.6 -108.0
1970 -242.7 -118.9 - 28.5
1971 -112.3 - 69.8 1.4
1972 -147.2 - 67.7 38.0
1973 -118.0 - 86.8 - 88.6
1/ Net deposit flows, adjusted for repayment of passbook loans made
earlier to save earned but unpaid interest.
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Consumer-Type Time and Savings Deposits at
Weekly Reporting Commercial Banks
(Change in Millions of Dollars)
Time Period Passbook Savings Consumer-Type Time Deposits
May 31 - June 28, 1972 220 761
May 30 - June 27, 1973 22 568
The message transmitted by these figures is inescapable: in the
face of sharply rising short-term market interest rates, all of the principal
depository institutions faced an increasingly real prospect of serious attrition
!
in the inflow of funds. It appears that S&Ls--after allowing for interest
credited—experienced a substantially slower net inflow in June. At mutual
savings banks in New York City, outflows during the June grace period were the
largest since 1970; in early July of this year, they also had a large net
outflow in contrast to net inflows in the previous two years The
c
increase in passbook savings at large commercial banks in the month of
June this year was only one-tenth the size of that recorded in 1972;
inflows of consumer-type time deposits also fell off by one-quarter.
So, in the absence of a change in interest rate ceilings during
the present period of monetary restraint, savings inflows most probably
would have deteriorated much more sharply. As a consequence, institutions
undoubtedly would have cut back on new mortgage commitments, raised mortgage
f
rates, tightened nonprice terms, and S&Ls would have borrowed much more
heavily from the Federal Home Loan Banks than is now in prospect. Moreover,
those institutions able and willing to compete for funds through offering
higher deposit rates could not have done so. Along with these inefficiencies,
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small savers—those of moderate income and minimal financial sophistication--
would have been more severely and inequitably penalized by being paid much
less than the return that their savings could earn if employed in other
channels«
I realize, of course, that a chief problem in the regulation of
interest rate ceilings at depository institutions concerns the interest paying
capacity of S&L's, where longer-term assets provide a slower cyclical change
in cash flow and gross earnings than is experienced at commercial banks or
mutual savings banks. Since early 1970, when interest rate ceilings were
last adjusted upward, S&L earnings have improved sharply with the addition
of higher-yielding mortgages to S&L portfolios. For example, in 1970, the
f
cost of funds to S&Ls averaged 5.30 per cent; their average interest return
on mortgages was 6.56 per cent--giving them an earnings spread of 126 basis
pointso By 1972, the cost of money had risen to 5.38 per cent; the average
return on mortgages had risen by substantially more to 7.05 per cent. So
the margin had widened to 167 basis points—nearly as high as it was in 1965.
On the basis of this evidence, I conclude that the S&L industry—
if not all associations—is in a position to compete for funds by offering
higher rates to depositors. By so doing they can pay a return to savers
closer to the economic value of their deposits.
f
It is still too early to tell in a definitive way how S&Ls and
other depository institutions have responded to the greater flexibility
afforded them to set their own offering interest rates on savings However,
0
on the basis of information from informal soundings and other sources, it
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appears that a sizable number of commercial banks have moved up to the
new 5 per cent ceiling on passbook accounts, and they also have raised
rates on savings certificates of under 4-year maturities. A much smaller
number of banks have posted rates on the new 4-year $1,000 minimum denomi-
nation consumer certificates. Where they have done so, nominal rates have
generally centered at 7 or 7-1/2 per cent. Fragmentary information suggests
f
that many S&Ls have generally adopted the new 5-1/4 per cent passbook
rate. However, in some areas, it seems that they have perhaps been slower
than commercial banks in raising their rates on certificates.
On balance, as I mentioned above, I believe the decision of the
Federal Reserve Board and other regulatory authorities to raise the
ceilings on the maximum interest rates payable on consumer savings was
well-founded. As thrift institutions adjust their offering rates, the
pull of market yields on the flow of funds to them--and on into the
housing sector—will be moderated compared to the more adverse impact
they would have otherwise suffered.
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Concluding Observations: Elements in the Financial Outlook
Before concluding these remarks, we ought to pause briefly
to see what inferences for the financial outlook we can draw from the
foregoing review of recent developments in money and capital markets.
But I must confess at the outset that there are severe limitations
on the extent to which I am able to scan the horizon to chart the
probable course of interest rates and credit flows. Of course, one
of these constraints arises from my own limited ability (along with
most other economists!) to forecast economic developments with any
substantial degree of accuracy—particularly in times such as this. But
beyond this difficulty, as a Member of the Federal Reserve Board, I am faced
with another serious handicap. By long-standing tradition (which I fully
support), Members of the Board refrain from speaking publicly about the
probable future course of monetary and credit policies. Since I share in the
formulation and implementation of such policies, any attempt on my part to
forecast the future path of interest rates would necessarily involve
telegraphing my own views and preferences with regard to the appropriateness
of prospective decisions.
Within these limitations, however, several elements which
will undoubtedly influence financial developments in the months ahead
can be cited. First among these, of course, is the impact of Phase IV
1
of the Administrations wage and price controls program on the rate
of inflation. I have no special basis on which to evaluate the effects
of the effort on price pressures or to form a judgment about its
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probable effects on the public's deeply-rooted inflationary expectations.
But to the extent that the strengthened program does help to check the
upward tendency of wages and prices, it might also help to dampen the
public's demand for money and credit.
In a similar vein, the continuing uncertainties affecting
the dollar in the foreign exchange markets—as well as the uncertainties
on the domestic political front—will also influence financial developments
in the United States. These can only be noted here to indicate my
awareness of their presence.
It seems quite probable that the exceptionally strong demands
for goods and services that have been evident so far in 1973 will
abate somewhat as the year progresses. Just how rapidly this abatement
might be expected to emerge cannot be predicted with precision. Yet,
it appears that a number of strategically placed manufacturing industries
are working at or close to capacity, and this factor can be expected
to restrain somewhat the rate of growth of real output. On the demand
side, consumer expenditures (especially outlays for durable goods) are
clearly expanding much more slowly than they were earlier in the year.
As indicated above, homebuilding—which was a major source of strength
during the first quarter—has already eased off somewhat, and the
level of activity is expected to decline through the rest of the year.
The demand for output generated by the business sector (particularly
in the form of spending for fixed investment) will probably lessen
somewhat as well in the months ahead. It also seems unlikely that
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spending by the Federal Government will give a noticeable boost to
the economy. So, when the principal economic sectors are viewed in
the aggregate, the unfolding evidence suggests that the overall pace
of economic activity is likely to slacken through the second half of
1973.
With respect to financial developments, the money and
capital markets are still adjusting to the recent monetary policy
moves to restrict further the availability of money and credit. Both
short- and long-term interest rates are still responding to those actions,
and it may require somewhat more time for the process to be completed.
On the other hand, in view of the continued high level of economic
activity (as measured by the rate of growth of nominal GNP), credit
demands appear likely to remain quite heavy for some time. Under these
circumstances, commercial banks and other financial institutions can
be expected to tighten further their lending policies and to make more
of the difficult portfolio adjustments—such as liquidating municipal
securities—that are required if monetary policy is to be effective in
restraining excess demand.
In the case of business firms, funds generated through internal
cash flow may lessen appreciably as profits shrink. Since their need
for funds to finance working capital and inventory investment will continue
to expand, businesses will have to turn increasingly to external sources.
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Undoubtedly they will rely heavily on credit provided by commercial
banks. To respond to such needs, banks themselves may find it
necessary to attract a sizable amount of deposits through the sale
f
of high-yielding CDs and by borrowing from non-deposit sources.
Moreover, bank liquidity—which has already shrunk well below the
high levels prevailing a year ago—can be expected to decline further.
Banks will undoubtedly attempt to pass on to business borrowers as
large a proportion as they can of the increased cost of money which
they must themselves assume. Other lending terms may be tightened
still more, and customers wilL probably find it increasingly difficult
to obtain accommodations for some of their projects.
In response to the reduced availability of credit at banks,
many corporate borrowers can be expected to rely much more heavily on
the commercial paper market to meet their credit needs. Corporations
may also become more interested in floating long-term issues in the
capital market as pressures in the short-term market remain strong.
So far, however, industrial enterprises apparently have shown little
inclination to tap the long end of the market for an appreciable amount
of funds. On the basis of the experience in previous periods of
monetary restraint, State and local governments may encounter somewhat
greater difficulties in marketing long-term obligations. Some of these
might arise because of statutory interest rate limitations. Other
borrowers may choose to postpone projects—especially if the funds
are to be raised through sales of long-term revenue bonds which frequently
contain restrictive call-protection features^
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As far as the Federal Government is concerned, there may
be little need for direct borrowing over the months immediately ahead.
On the other hand, Federal agencies may bring to the market a sizable
volume of debt issues. Among these, offerings by the FHLB Banks may
be especially large—since these institutions are committed to a
f
policy of providing substantial support to S&Ls in the face of
declining savings inflows. Nevertheless it appears that furtfter
r
cutbacks in new commitments for home mortgages are clearly on the way,
and additional upward pressure on conventional mortgage interest
rates seems to be in store.
I know that the picture which emerges from the foregoing
scanning of the financial horizon is far from comforting. If it
materializes, a number of borrowers may be disappointed in their
quest for funds to meet all of their needs. Still others will have
to bear interest rate costs that they find particularly burdensome.
However, all of us should recognize that these consequences are inherent
in the use of a restrictive monetary policy as a leading instrument in
the fight against inflation. At the same time, of course, the greater
the contribution to the overall stabilization effort that is made by
fiscal policy and Phase IV of the wage and price controls program the
smaller is the burden which monetary policy has to carry. But, in
the final analysis, my own responsibilities—along with my colleagues
at the Board—center in the area of monetary policy. The task before
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us at this juncture seems clear and unmistakable: given the tenacity
of the continuing inflation in the United States, we ought to be
prepared to stick with the policy of monetary restraint as long as
it is required.
- 0 -
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1973, July 22). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19730723_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19730723_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1973},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19730723_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}