speeches · March 11, 1973
Speech
Darryl R. Francis · President
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OPERATIONS
By
Darryl R. Francis, President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
To
Central Banking Seminar
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
Dallas, Texas
March 12, 1973
The Federal Reserve System, in addition to conducting
monetary policy and supervising banks, performs a variety of
regular services for member banks, the U. S. Government, and
the public. My assignment is to discuss some of the principal
service functions ~ called "operations" — of the Federal Reserve
Banks.
In addition to reviewing the major operations of the
Reserve Banks -- collecting and transferring funds, distributing
currency, maintaining member banks reserve accounts, and per
forming fiscal agency functions — I will relate some aspects of
each to the chief function of the System — that is, the conduct
of monetary policy. Certain other activities ~ such as safekeeping
of securities for member banks, bank protection, and personnel
administration — require little explanation and have little bearing
on monetary policy. I will omit these.
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Collecting and Transferring Funds
The largest operation of a Reserve Bank, in terms of
number of employees, is collecting and transferring funds. In
dollar value, over 95 percent of all transactions are conducted by
transferring commercial bank demand deposits through checks
or other means.
The use of checking accounts by individuals and busi
nesses is facilitated by the service of the Federal Reserve Banks
in clearing and collecting checks, in providing wire transfer
services, and in furnishing a mechanism through which com
mercial banks settle for the funds cleared and collected.
The basic check-clearing process is simple. Suppose a
manufacturer in Dallas sells $50,000 worth of equipment to a
dealer in St. Louis, and receives in payment a check drawn on a
St. Louis bank. The manufacturer deposits the check in his
Dallas bank. The Dallas commercial bank sends the check to the
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas for credit in its reserve account.
The Dallas Reserve Bank forwards the check to the Federal Reserve
Bank of St. Louis, which, in turn, sends it to the St. Louis com
mercial bank. The St. Louis commercial bank deducts the amount
from the account of the dealer who wrote the check, and has the
amount deducted from its own reserve account at the St. Louis
Federal Reserve Bank. The St. Louis "Fed" remits the amount to
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the Dallas "Fed" through the Interdistrict Settlement Fund. At
the same time, the Dallas Fed credits the reserve account of the
commercial bank in its District. Of course, at times the procedure
may be shortened and simplified by the Dallas commercial bank
sending the check directly to the St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank
for collection, but the above description outlines the basic check
collection procedure.
The volume of checks handled by the Federal Reserve
Banks has grown rapidly over the years. In 1940, the System
handled 1.2 billion checks; last year, 8.5 billion checks were cleared
through the System. In dollar amount, the upward trend has been
even more pronounced — from $280 billion in 1940 to about $4
trillion in 1972.
Over the years this increasing volume of checks has
necessitated continuous improvements in check-clearing procedures.
Use of the high-speed computer has been an important step in this
direction. Today, virtually all checks cleared through the Federal
Reserve Banks are processed by this means.
Despite the improvements, check clearing remains a
labor intensive operation. Given the rate at which check volume
continues to grow, even computer-assisted collection will eventually
be inadequate. Consequently, still more efficient means of funds
transfer are being investigated and developed. The goal of such
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efforts is an "Electronic Funds Transfer System" ~ EFTS for
short — in which electronic signals will replace checks as the
principal medium of payment.
Although complete evolution to such a system will take
a number of years, a substantial amount of funds are already
transferred by electronic means through the Federal Reserve's
computerized Communications Network. The dollar volume of
these wire transfers is growing faster than the dollar volume of
checks processed, spurred in part by the removal of service charges
for member banks on transfers of $1,000 or more. For example, in
1972 the dollar volume of checks at the St. Louis Federal Reserve
Bank and its branches was 10 percent greater than in 1971, while
the volume of funds transferred by wire rose 14 percent. The
St. Louis Reserve Bank transferred $397 billion by wire in 1972,
compared with $171 billion worth of checks processed. Still greater
use of wire transfers is anticipated, as commercial banks install
terminals with direct access to the Federal Reserve Network, thereby
eliminating the need for time consuming phone calls to the Fed's
wire transfer department.
Even more dramatic experiments in Electronic Funds
Transfer are taking place across the country. Perhaps the best
known of these are the SCOPE project in California and the COPE
project in Atlanta. The Federal Reserve Banks of San Francisco and
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Atlanta are working with commercial bankers in their respective
areas to develop systems in which "paperless entries" will replace
checks for certain types of transactions. Developments like these
are almost certain to continue. Most of the proposed checkless-
cashless payments systems envision an organization much like
the present one, with banks providing the interface between
individuals and businesses, and Federal Reserve Banks interfac
ing between commercial banks.
At this point I would like to digress for a moment. The
movement towards a more highly automated payments mechanism
has significant implications for monetary policy as well as for the
competitiveness and profitability of commercial banks. Yet, these
are areas in which our knowledge is very limited. It seems likely
that these developments will influence the public's desired average
cash balances and, therefore, the income velocity of the money
supply. Furthermore, the multiplier relating the money supply
to a measure of bank reserves will no doubt change as the public's
desired relative holdings of currency, demand deposits, and time
deposits change. These are areas in which I believe substantial
research effort can profitably be devoted in years to come.
During the period of transition to the Electronic Funds
Transfer System, the Federal Reserve has instituted a program
designed to eliminate unnecessary handling of checks and acceler
ate check collection. Regional Check Processing Centers, or RCPCs,
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have been established at strategic locations around the country
to provide expanded zones for overnight clearing services. More
than 30 such centers began operation in 1972. The increase in
check-clearing speed for banks in these outlying areas was not
costless, however. Additional personnel and new transportation
arrangements were required by the RCPC operation. RCPC
operation costs are borne entirely by the Reserve Banks and thus,
ultimately, by the taxpayer.
In some areas RCPCs ran into early operating difficulties.
A large increase in items presented for clearance by banks not
previously using Federal Reserve check clearing facilities, combined
with seasonal increases in the number of checks, resulted in slow
downs in check clearing.
Such slowdowns can result in an increase in a form of
Federal Reserve credit known as "hold-over float." Float, of any
kind, results when a bank is given credit for a check before the
Reserve Bank collects from the bank on which the check is drawn.
Credit for checks is passed according to a schedule which is predi
cated on normal collection times. The time actually taken to collect
the checks is often longer than that allowed in the schedule. The
float which results from delayed collection is classified as hold-over
float, remittance float, or transportation float, depending on the
source of the delay. Float adds directly to member bank reserves,
just as do gold inflows and System purchases of Government securi-
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ties. The average level of float, $3.3 billion in 1972, is no problem
for monetary management - the System merely holds fewer securi
ties than it would if float were less or did not exist.
However, large fluctuations in float have been of concern
to monetary managers. Movements in float are dependent upon any
factor affecting the amount of checks handled and their collection
time, such as changes in the number of checks written, rail or
airline strikes, weather conditions which affect airline schedules,
and varying speeds of check handling. Float frequently changes as
much as $400 million a day, and on occasion changes by more than
$800 million within a brief period.
Since float is the biggest single factor influencing bank
reserves on some days, monetary managers have given it much
attention, addressing themselves to such questions as "How can
it be practically eliminated or its fluctuations reduced in amplitude?"
or "How can its movements be predicted so that offsetting actions
can be taken?"
At least two viewpoints exist as to the proper approach
required to deal with this problem. Some who have been concerned
about float have felt that the primary emphasis in monetary manage
ment should be to maintain a given "tone" or "posture" in the money
market. This tone is generally measured by the Federal funds rate,
other short-term interest rates, free reserves of member banks and
the feelings of major money market participants. Fluctuations in
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float affect these variables greatly nearly every day and every week.
Consequently, those who hold this view of monetary management
desire to keep float, or at least fluctuations in float, to a minimum.
As a body which generally has been concerned with float,
the Board of Governors in 1972 took steps intended to reduce the
average level of float. One such step involved the establishment of
the RCPCs which I described earlier. Another step was the amend
ment to Regulation J, which was implemented last November. Be
fore this change took place, banks outside overnight check-clearing
zones were able to delay payment to the Reserve Bank for one or
more days after being presented a check drawn on them. This gave
rise to a fourth type of float called "time schedule float." All banks
using the Federal Reserve check collection system must now remit
for checks drawn against them in immediately available funds the
same day the checks are presented for payment. The effect of this
amendment was to eliminate "time schedule float." Before it was
eliminated, this type of float accounted for about 65 percent of the
total.
The reduction in float that was expected to result from
these changes did not immediately materialize, however. In fact,
the average level of float actually increased early this year, largely
because of the previously mentioned initial difficulties associated
with RCPC check clearing operations.
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Although changes in float have a considerable effect on
total member bank reserves over short periods of time, the subject
probably has been given more emphasis than it deserves. The view
of monetary management that I prefer is that these day-to-day money
market conditions should be of only secondary interest to the central
bank. Equating short-run fluctuations in the demands for and sup
plies of funds is the function of the commercial banks, especially
the large correspondent banks, Government bond dealers, and
other money market participants.
The primary function of monetary management, accord
ing to this second view, is to influence economic activity through
controlling the growth of monetary aggregates, such as total mem
ber bank reserves, the monetary base, and the money supply. In
this quantitative approach, less emphasis is given to short-run
control — both because daily data are not available on most aggre
gates, and because our studies of the effects of monetary actions on
economic activity are based on longer-term trends. Fluctuations
in bank reserves because of float are always temporary. Hence, even
though float movements do affect monetary aggregates on a daily or
weekly basis, we tend to be less concerned about them. Over a
relevant period of monetary control, say three or four months, float
movements are likely to have little influence on the rate of increase
in the monetary aggregates.
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Distributing Currency
A second major operation of a Reserve Bank is the
distribution of coin and currency. The ready availability of cur
rency at Reserve Banks enables commercial banks to provide the
amounts and kinds of currency that people in their communities
desire.
When member banks desire to replenish their currency
supply, they order it from their Reserve Bank and have it charged
to their reserve account. Conversely, if a member bank has
excess currency on hand, it may deposit currency in the Reserve
Bank and receive credit in its reserve account. Last year the twelve
Federal Reserve Banks handled over nine billion coins and over
four and one-half billion pieces of currency.
Movements of currency into and out of the banking
system have a two-fold monetary impact. First, movements of
currency between the public and banks affect the volume of bank
reserves, the base upon which deposit expansion is built. Second,
currency in the hands of the public is one component of the money
supply, a crucial monetary variable.
The effect of currency movements on member bank re
serves can easily be overemphasized. Currency fluctuations, unlike
those in float, may proceed in one direction for an extended period.
For example, in the fall of every year there is a pronounced increase
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in currency in circulation, reaching a peak just before Christmas.
Also, an expanding economy will produce a trend flow of currency
in circulation. These broad seasonal and trend movements can be
readily detected and their impact offset and, generally, they do not
cause the monetary managers much concern.
On the other hand, like float, there are many irregular
movements of currency between banks and the public. Such move
ments raise problems for those seeking to foster a desired money
market posture from day-to-day or even week-to-week. To those of
us focusing on growth rates of bank reserves, the monetary base,
and the money stock over several months, however, these move
ments are of relatively little importance since they are largely
offsetting.
Member Bank Reserve Accounts
The third operation we might discuss is the maintenance
of member bank reserve accounts. By law, member banks must
keep a portion of their deposits in reserves, either in the form of
vault cash or deposits in their Reserve Bank. Reserve requirements
at the present time vary from 8 percent on the first $2 million of net
demand deposits, to 17-1/2 percent on net demand deposits over $400
million. On time deposits up to $5 million and on savings deposits
the requirement is 3 percent; on time deposits over $5 million
the requirement is 5 percent.
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Member banks use their reserve accounts — that is,
their deposits in Reserve Banks ~ much as individuals use their
checking accounts in day-to-day transactions. Banks draw on
them for making payments and replenish them with funds they
receive. For example, entries are made in these accounts as
member banks obtain currency to pay out to their customers, or
as they redeposit currency in excess of the amount desired for
circulation. Entries also arise as checks are cleared and collected,
as wire transfers are made, as Treasury deposits are transferred
from member banks to the Reserve Banks, or as member banks
borrow from or make repayment to Reserve Banks.
Member bank reserve accounts are also important for
the conduct of monetary policy. Monetary actions — whether open
market operations, discounting, or changing reserve requirement
percentages — have their initial impact on the demand for or supply
of bank reserves. Bank reserves, in turn, set a maximum on
and determine, to a great extent, the amount of bank deposits,
bank credit, and the money supply. These proximate variables
affect spending, employment, prices, and other economic conditions.
Monetary policy, then, is largely a matter of proper control
of the reserves of member banks, although there is disagreement as
to how this control should be exercised. In the past, some have felt
that great emphasis should be devoted to attaining a level of, and
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minimizing short-run movements in, so called "free reserves"
~ that is, excess reserves less borrowings. We at St. Louis feel
that such measures of "tone" and "pressure" are inadequate and
frequently misleading, since most movements come from chang
ing credit demands.
The major focus, in our view, should be on seeking a
target growth rate for a measure of reserve aggregates over a
period of several months, which will cause the growth rate of
money to accelerate if economic expansion is desired and to de
celerate if economic restraint is desired. In short, we feel mone
tary actions are more appropriately judged by rates of change in
money, rather than the "feel of the market," which may be largely
influenced by feedback effects from the rest of the economy.
On occasion, it appears that the functions of reserve
requirements have been changing, and we at the St. Louis Bank
are not certain that such changes have been for the better. Some
of the changes in recent years have been in the direction of
utilizing this mechanism to influence the allocation of credit and
thus weaken the link between bank reserves and money.
The link between reserves and money has been weakened
by a proliferation of requirements on both type and size of deposit.
Hence, as funds flow through the economy, the amount of money
that can be supported by a given volume of reserves changes. Then,
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too, reserve requirements have been changed from a percentage
of deposits currently held, to a percentage of deposits held two
reserve periods earlier, with a two percent carry-forward of
excesses or deficiencies. This was presumably instituted to aid
banks in reserve management, but such a procedure complicates
short-run control of the money stock by the Federal Reserve
System.
On the other hand, new reserve requirements which
went into effect last November eliminated the old distinction be
tween "reserve city banks" and "country banks" based on their
location. Now all banks of equaI deposit size, regardless of
location, are subject to the same required reserve percentages.
A given amount of reserves will no longer support more deposits
in one bank than in another of the same deposit size. However,
there is still a problem in that the money multiplier is influenced
by shifts in deposits between large and small banks, and between
member and nonmember banks.
Examples of the use of reserve requirements for credit
control purposes include the following. A 20 percent reserve re
quirement has been placed on member bank balances above a
specified base for certain Euro-dollar borrowings. This was in
tended to moderate the flow of Euro-dollars to U. S. banks in light
of heavy reliance of some U. S. banks on Euro-dollar borrowings
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to avoid credit stringency, and to curb the repercussions on
foreign monetary reserves and financial markets. In addition,
reserve requirements are imposed on commercial paper issued
by subsidiaries of one-bank holding companies. From time to
time there have also been proposals in Congress to provide some
reduction in required reserves for those funds lent to finance
housing.
We seriously question this trend toward using reserve
requirements as a selective credit control. Not only do they raise
problems of enforcement, requiring more and more regulations
to prevent ingenious market participants from avoiding their
effect, but they also misallocate funds. In addition, they distort
the relationship between System actions and the movement of key
monetary aggregates. Finally, they represent movements away
from a free-market economy.
Fiscal Agency Functions
The last operation I plan to discuss is our role as fiscal
agent. The twelve Federal Reserve Banks carry the principal check
ing accounts of the U. S. Treasury, handle much of the work
entailed in issuing and redeeming Government obligations, and
perform numerous other important fiscal duties for the U. S.
Government.
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The Government is continuously receiving and spending
funds in all parts of the United States. Its receipts, which come
mainly from taxpayers and purchasers of Government securities,
are deposited eventually in the Federal Reserve Banks to the credit
of the Treasury. Its funds are disbursed primarily by check, and
the checks are charged to Treasury accounts at the Reserve Banks.
When the Treasury offers a new issue of Government
securities, the Reserve Banks send out subscription forms to,
and receive applications from, those who wish to purchase. They
make allotments of securities in accordance with instructions from
the Treasury, then deliver the securities to the purchasers,
crediting the amounts received to Treasury accounts. Funds are
disbursed from the Treasury accounts when interest is paid on
coupons and when securities are redeemed as they mature.
Each Federal Reserve Bank administers for the Treasury
the "tax and loan" deposit accounts of the commercial banks in its
district. Tax and loan accounts are merely Treasury demand
deposits in commercial banks. The main purpose of these deposits
is to permit the withdrawal of funds from commercial banks by the
Treasury to be timed closer to Treasury expenditures which re
inject funds into the banking system. Thus, some tax funds and
receipts from security sales are left temporarily in tax and loan
deposits in commercial banks. When the Treasury desires to
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increase its demand deposit account at the Federal Reserve Bank,
these funds are "called" into the Reserve Banks. In this way
the initial impact of Treasury transactions on the money market
is minimized.
When Treasury funds are transferred from commercial
banks to the Reserve Banks, member bank reserves are reduced.
Conversely, Treasury expenditures of funds in Reserve Banks add
to member bank reserves. These activities have an impact on re
serves similar to that of float movements and irregular fluctuations
in currency. As with float and currency, those monetary managers
who desire a prescribed market tone as a measure of monetary action
find these short-run fluctuations in the Treasury's balances at the
Reserve Banks of extreme importance. But, as I have indicated
several times, I feel monetary management should concern itself
much more with trends in total reserves and other aggregative
measures over a period of several months.
Because of the relationship between the Treasury and
Federal Reserve, and the Treasury's practice of borrowing very
large amounts of funds from time-to-time, the monetary managers
feel an obligation to avoid changing, or at least not give the im
pression of changing, monetary policy during a period of Treasury
financing. In practice, this means that the monetary authorities
attempt to prevent significant changes in market interest rates and
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other market conditions for a period beginning just before a new
issue is announced and lasting until it is distributed and a
reasonable time has elapsed for "digestion." One disadvantage
of this practice is that the freedom to take monetary actions deemed
appropriate for prevailing economic conditions is limited to periods
either prior to or immediately following such financings.
There is no legal authority for this practice, but it has
a long tradition both in this country and abroad. In my view, it
is primarily based on a lack of faith in the ability of a free market
to handle large Government financings efficiently. We at St. Louis
feel the practice should be discontinued, or at least moderated
greatly, since it has been, at times, a serious impediment in the
path of appropriate monetary action, and for those of us who feel
that proper monetary action is desirable for the public good, the
price of "even keeling" Treasury financings is high.
Conclusion
In conclusion, I have reviewed briefly four of our major
service functions — collecting and transferring funds, distributing
currency and coin, maintaining member bank reserve accounts, and
serving as fiscal agent to the Government. They all relate to the
primary objective of the System ~ that is, sound monetary actions.
Reference has been made to the two broad schools of
thought on monetary management. There are those who believe
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monetary authorities should focus on market forces in the short
run. These analysts are constantly examining short-run move
ments in float, currency, Treasury deposits and the other forces
affecting member banks reserves.
The other school places stress on controlling monetary
aggregates over a period of several months, increasing the rates
of growth if expansion is desired and reducing them if restraint
is desired. Concentration on the market forces from day-to-day,
according to this group, may be misleading, since, with any degree
of pressure in the money market, the aggregates may expand at any
rate, depending on the strength of credit demands. Consequently,
those in the second school place much less emphasis on the day-
to-day movements in float, currency, and Treasury deposits.
The difference between the two views is more than
academic or semantic. During 1972, the "pressure" school said
monetary actions became more restrictive, as evidenced by the rise
in interest rates and the tighter money market conditions. The
"aggregate" group came to the exact opposite interpretation; that
is, monetary actions became more expansive, as evidenced by more
rapid rates of growth in bank reserves, the monetary base, and
the money stock. I contend that if more attention had been placed
on monetary aggregates in the period since 1964, and less on the
movements of transient indicators, we could have avoided much of
the current inflation and experienced smaller fluctuations in pro
duction and employment.
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Cite this document
APA
Darryl R. Francis (1973, March 11). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19730312_francis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19730312_francis,
author = {Darryl R. Francis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1973},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19730312_francis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}