speeches · May 3, 1972
Speech
Darryl R. Francis · President
CURRENT ECONOMIC OUTLOOK
Speech by
Darryl R. Francis, President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before
American Stock Yards Association
Annual Convention
Colorado Springs, Colorado
Thursday, May 4, 1972
It is good to have this opportunity to discuss
with you my views on the economic outlook for the
United States over the next few months. I will begin
by examining the current state of the economy. Then I
will discuss the outlook for the general economy and
for agriculture. Finally, I will comment on some basic
issues relative to the overall performance of our economy.
Let us begin by examining some factors which
led to the current state of economic activity. 1971 was
a year of mild recovery from the mild recession of 1970.
The recession of 1970 was preceded by moderately
restrictive monetary actions taken in 1969 to curb in
flation. The recovery year, 1971, was preceded by
moderately expansive actions taken to "get the economy
moving again."
Given the momentum of strong inflationary ex
pectations and the usual lag with which policy actions
work, it should not have been surprising that inflation
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was not stopped in its tracks by the slightly re
strictive measures taken in 1969. Research at our
Bank indicates that sharp and sustained price rises
cannot be halted quickly without incurring a severe
temporary rise in unemployment. The unemployment
rate, which began to rise in early 1970, was never
as high in 1971 as in the two most recent recessions
of 1958 and 1961.
Most private forecasters predicted that
the aggregate unemployment rate would remain high
in 1971. Many economists, however, did not foresee
the continued advances in prices which led to the
President's decision to impose wage-price controls.
Also few predicted the sharp deterioration in the
United States' balance of payments which precipitated
sweeping international monetary reforms.
There is considerable evidence that exces
sively stimulative monetary actions throughout much
of the decade of the 1960's was the underlying cause
of both domestic inflation and our balance-of-payments
difficulties. Recent research shows that increases in
the rate of money growth have consistently preceded
expansions in economic activity. Conversely, a slow
ing in the rate of money growth has been followed by
a pause in economic activity. There has been a
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distinct correlation between the length and degree of
the rate of change of the money stock and the dura
tion and scope of the corresponding economic expansion
or contraction. In short, the faster money is pumped
into the economy, the more spending there will be,
and the slower money grows, the less spending there
will be.
Whether spending is channeled into real
output changes or price changes depends on the amount
of slack in the economy and the expected trend in
prices. From I960 to 1965, there were both consid
erable slack in the economy and a prevailing expecta
tion of relatively stable prices. Most monetary
growth was thus channeled into gains in real output
and employment. In the 1965 to 1969 period, monetary
growth accelerated, but since there was little slack
in the economy, much of the change in total spending
was channeled into price increases. In 1970 and 1971,
there was substantial unemployment, but inflationary
anticipations persisted and most of the gains in total
spending were absorbed by price increases.
The rate of price increase had leveled off
in 1970 and 1971, but prices had not yet clearly be
gun to decelerate when the President called for the
wage-price freeze last August. The imposition of the
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freeze halted the Inflation for three months, but
Phase 11 has achieved little success to date in
curbing inflationary pressures. Most prices have
tended to rebound since the freeze was lifted. For
example, the consumer price index has risen at a
3.5 percent rate since November, compared to a 4.2
percent rate in the six months prior to last August.
The wholesale price index has increased at a 7.8 per
cent rate since November compared to a 4.8 percent rate
in the six months prior to August. While the sharp in
crease in farm prices was an important factor in the
wholesale price increases, the wholesale prices of
industrial commodities have risen faster since November
than in the six months prior to the August freeze.
The wage-price control program may give the
appearance of some success. But we must remember
there is currently some economic slack which is work
ing to hold back inflation. I think we are finding
out that inflationary expectations cannot be controlled
by Government order. The only way that I know of to
reduce such expectations is to reduce inflation and
that means reducing the rate of growth of total spending.
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In order to assess the outlook for economic
developments in the near future, we must examine re
cent monetary growth rates, as well as nonmonetary
factors which we can expect to influence economic
activity. During the past year, the performance of
the money stock has been much more uneven than usual.
After rising 5.4 per cent from December 1969 to Decem
ber 1970, the money stock accelerated to a 10.3 percent
annual rate of growth the first seven months of 1971
and then slowed to virtually no growth during the last
five months of the year. Money grew 6.2 percent during
the year ending last December. Since December money
growth has again picked up to a 10 percent rate.
In my view monetary growth will be the most
important factor influencing the course of spending
in 1972. But, it is certainly not the only one. We,
at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, also believe
that fiscal actions are important. Fiscal, or budget
ary, measures affect economic activity in two ways.
First, increases in Federal Government expenditures,
whether financed by taxes or borrowing from the public,
have an important short-run effect on total spending.
Overtime, however, such expenditures tend to displace
private purchases of goods and services. Second, in
creased Federal Government expenditures often induce
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expansion in the money stock, as the Federal Reserve
tends to "monetize" the debt in an effort to avoid
large increases in interest rates. The larger the
deficit, the more likely is the Federal Reserve to
increase its purchases of Treasury securities.
The Federal deficit in the fiscal year
ending June 1972 (on a unified accounts basis) was
estimated to be $38.8 billion. Although some now
believe that the deficit will be less, it will still
be higher than the $23 billion deficit for fiscal
1971. A deficit of $25.5 billion is officially fore
cast by the Administration for fiscal 1973. Thus the
budget deficit, reflecting such actions as the 7 per
cent tax investment credit, the increased personal
income tax exemptions, and a planned acceleration in
the rate of Government spending, will work toward
stimulating economic activity this year. In fact,
stimulative fiscal actions provide much of the basis
for the very optimistic 1972 forecasts which you have
probably been reading about in the newspapers.
Let us now turn to the specifics of this
year's economic outlook. The standard projections of
economic activity in 1972 include: (I) about a $100
billion rise in total spending compared to a $75 bil
lion increase in 1971; (2) a doubling of real product
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growth from 3 percent in 1971 to 6 percent; (3) a
decline in the rate of inflation from 4.7 percent in
1971 to around 3 percent; and (4) a steady fall in
the unemployment rate from 6 percent to about 5.2
percent by year end.
Are these optimistic figures attainable,
and if so under what conditions are they likely to
be met? In reply, I would contend that they are
possible but are likely to be attained only if three
important conditions are met.
First, there must be an improvement in the
demand by foreigners for United States goods and ser
vices. Our balance-of-payments deficit of $22 billion
last year was the worst that the nation has experienced
since World War II. 1/ The devaluation of the dollar
and upward adjustment of foreign exchange rates should
eventually help the U.S. to become more competitive in
world markets. An improvement in the foreign sector
would generate a positive influence on total spending,
output, and employment. Gains in net exports to date,
however, have not been realized. We had a deficit in
net exports of $6.0 billion in the first quarter of
1972 following deficits of $2.2 and $6.1 billion in
the third and fourth quarters, respectively, of 1971.
1/ Net liquidity basis.
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Second, wage and price controls must demon
strate more ability to curb inflationary pressures
than has been evident to date. A lower rate of price
increase not only represents the progressive achieve
ment of the inflation target, but also permits any
given amount of total spending to be channeled into
output and employment gains. Unfortunately, the achieve
ments of the price-wage control program have been, at
best, disappointing. Consumer and wholesale prices
have increased about as rapidly in the period since the
freeze as in the months preceding the freeze. The same
is true of most wages.
The implicit GNP price deflator, perhaps
the best measure of prices throughout the economy,
has likewise continued up. It rose at a 6.2 percent
rate in the quarter ending in March. This increase
plus the 1.7 percent rise in the fourth quarter of
last year resulted in a 4 percent average increase for
the two quarters, the same rate as in the three quarters
prior to the freeze. The increase in prices since last
August has been about what the econometric models in
dicated would have occurred without price-wage controls.
The third major condition required for ful
fillment of the standard forecast is that money growth
must be stimulative for the remainder of the year. A
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6 percent rate of Increase in the money stock (the aver
age of the past four years) during the rest of 1972 would
not be enough to generate a $100 billion increase in
total spending. If, however, the money stock continues
to increase throughout 1972 at rates of 10 percent or
higher, the standard forecast for GNP and output would
likely be attained. On the other hand, past experience
indicates that such a rapid rate of monetary acceleration,
if it persisted for some time, could set the stage for
even stronger inflationary pressures after 1972. Since
I am a strong advocate of a significant reduction in the
rate of inflation, this leads me to question the desir
ability of trying to rapidly achieve the output and
employment targets set forth in the standard forecasts.
Outlook for Agriculture
Another troublesome spot in the national
outlook scene with respect to inflation is that of
farm product and food prices. The outlook is quite
optimistic this year from the farmer's view. Gross
farm income may rise $3 to $3.5 billion from the 1971
level, and net farm income may increase $1.5 to $2
billion.
This improved outlook for agriculture re
flects an increase in food demand with little or no
increase in prospect for food output this year. The
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physical volume of livestock marketings are not likely
to change much from the 1971 level. Pork production
will probably remain well below year earlier levels,
and cattle marketings will be only moderately larger.
Poultry production will continue up but probably
slower than the average rate in most recent years.
The gain in demand is thus reflected largely in ris
ing farm prices in the short run. Crop prices are
not expected to increase much from the 1971 average
with the larger stocks in storage. Livestock prices,
however, will average well above year earlier levels.
Let me hasten to add, however, that farm
prices are just now catching up with the trend of the
general price level. Prior to the recent increases,
prices received by farmers had been relatively low for
about two years as a result of the cyclical pattern of
livestock production.
The catch up in farm prices occurred during
a crucial period of the wage-price controls program.
Since the end of the price freeze, rising food prices
have been a major factor contributing to the increases
in consumer prices. The increases have led to a sharp
controversy relative to proposals for expanding the
controls program to include farm products.
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As pointed out recently by the Secretary of
Agriculture, such controls will not work in our highly
competitive farm sector. They would result in black
markets, rationing, subsidies, and a whole host of
Government officials checking prices, weighing packages,
2/
and hauling people into court.-
The Fundamental Problem
Agriculture is thus subject to inflation,
the same fundamental problem that exists in the non-
farm sector. Similar to the inflation in the nonfarm
sector, its chief cause in agriculture is an excessive
rate of money growth. As pointed out earlier, money
growth has been excessive since 1965. We have slowed
money growth for short periods since then, a few months
in 1966, again in 1969, and during the last half of last year.
But, when we reduce spending by a marked slowing
of money growth we observe increases in unemployment.
Firms and labor unions expect prices to continue to
rise. Labor agreements are negotiated at excessively
high levels quite independent of the changed demand con
ditions. Workers are laid off, and unemployment is the
penalty which accompanies a rapid return to price sta
bility.
2/ Speech at the National Agricultural Outlook Conference.
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A major objective of the wage-price controls
was to reduce the expectations of higher prices and hold
negotiated wages and prices to moderate levels until the
inflation could be brought under control. Even with
appropriate monetary actions, a period of another year
or two may be required for the inflation to subside. In
the meantime individual incomes are influenced by the
arbitrary controls, and some groups contend that they
are not obtaining their so-called fair share of national
income. We have recently observed the withdrawal of most
labor union representatives from the pay board for this
age-old reason. Such pressure groups have been a major
cause of the abandonment of direct controls in Western
Europe.
In my view the impact of such groups on in
flation is relatively small. I do, however, believe
that all groups that exercise monopoly power are an
impediment to competitive pricing and contribute to
unemployment, inefficient resource allocation, and
inequities in the allocation of income and product.
Allocating Resources and National Income
In my view we should reduce monopoly power
at all levels and provide for competitive pricing of
resources and the free market allocation of income. We
must accept either free markets or a less efficient
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means of such allocations. Numerous alternatives to
free markets are available. Some groups have organ
ized and formed monopolies to enhance their share of
national income. Others, including farmers, have
called on the Government to assist in monopoly pric
ing practices. Still others have achieved some monopoly
power through licensing and chartering restrictions.
They often limit entry to occupations and reduce
employment opportunities to new entrants to the labor
market. A cursory examination of occupational groups
reveals that a large proportion of the population is
guilty of attempting in one form or another to enlarge
its share of national income and product through monopoly
practices.
Pure Marxists would solve the problem of
income distribution by having all share equally in
national income. Under their system, however, there
is little incentive to produce. For example, if each
of us were guaranteed a given share of national income
we could probably find a more desirable way to spend
our time than at our current jobs. A state which
espouses equality of incomes or excessively reduces
inequality resulting from free market forces must thus
use dictatorial power to force people to work and pro
duce efficiently.
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A system of allocation on the basis of group
or monopoly power is likewise inefficient. It causes
unemployment during periods of monetary restraint.
Output is reduced as resources move into less than
optimum uses. International specialization of labor
is limited as imports are restricted. Such a system
of power allocation lends itself to major disparities
in income. Furthermore, it leads to more direct
Government control of the daily affairs of people
and loss of individual freedom as confidence in markets
deteriorate.
On the other hand, the market or free enter
prise system allocates income and product according to
one's contribution to output and does not require direct
controls. For it to work, however, we must forego those
special powers and privileges through which we attempt
to get our so-called fair share of national income. The
competitive market allocates income to each of us on the
basis of individual production. It pays out a fair
share to all producing agents including both capital
and labor. If someone is not being paid a fair market
price for his services, someone else will hire him since
his output will produce a profit for some other employer.
Neither labor, capital, or consumers can be exploited in
a free competitive society. All get their fair share
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based on their contribution to society in terms of goods
and services. This system is more compatible with human
dignity and freedom than any other system known.
It is understandable that any one occupational
group would not want the market system to allocate its
income when monopolistic means of allocation are used in
so many other sectors. The Government price support
and production control program is an attempt to pro
vide the farmer with his so-called fair share. I
suggest, however, that there is not enough real output
for all to get what they think is their fair share;
thus, we must allocate income and output either through
the Government or monopolistic action or through the
competitive market place. Since the latter method
provides for both greater production of goods and ser
vices and greater freedom, in my view it is by far
superior to any of the alternative choices. Thus,
we should begin to dismantle these impediments to
efficient markets in agriculture, business, labor, and
other occupations. The only alternative is further
erosion of freedom as we move toward more intensive
direct controls.
SUMMARY
In summation, we have had several optimistic
forecasts for 1972 relative to output, unemployment, and
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the rate of inflation. But, if vigorous actions are
taken to achieve the output and unemployment forecasts,
we may have the economy poised for even stronger infla
tionary pressures after 1972. On the other hand, if
actions are taken to reduce the rate of inflation
gradually, output may approach capacity slower than
predicted. The resulting expansion, however, would
be sounder. It would lead to stable prices which are
consistent with faster growth rates and more efficient
allocation of resources.
One of the problems contributing to unemploy
ment during actions taken to reduce inflationary pressure
is the exercise of monopoly power by groups organized to
gain a larger share of national income and product. To
gether these groups constitute a large portion of the
nation's population. Individually they all work for the
good of their members. Combined they are detrimental to
national welfare and eventually they may lead to a further
loss of freedom for all citizens.
The only alternative, as I view it, is a return
to greater reliance on market forces to allocate resources
and income. A move in this direction involves each group
giving up its monopoly powers. Business and other occu
pational groups would have to forego some chartering and
licensing features which limit competition. Labor unions
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would have to be broken up into smaller units and perhaps
become subject to anti-trust laws. Farmers would lose
their Government price supports and production controls
and all would lose their special benefits from tariffs
and import quotas.
Almost all, however, would gain in the process
of moving toward competitive prices. Total output of
goods and services would be enhanced. Unemployment would
decline, and many of the inequities in income distribution
would disappear. In addition to these material benefits,
the free market system is consistent with a minimum of
government controls and maximum freedom, and dignity of
the individual.
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Cite this document
APA
Darryl R. Francis (1972, May 3). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19720504_francis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19720504_francis,
author = {Darryl R. Francis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1972},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19720504_francis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}