speeches · April 23, 1972
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Monday, April 24, 1972
5 p.m. G.M.T. (12 noon, E.S.T.)
MONETARIST CRITICISM AND THE CONDUCT OF
FLEXIBLE MONETARY POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES
Lecture
By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Presented at the
Institute of Economics and Statistics
Oxford University
Oxford, England
April 24, 1972
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
I. Introduction 1
II. Analytical Limitations of the Monetarist Arguments 5
A. Monetarist vs. Keynesian Doctrine 6
B. Differences in the Perception of the Monetary
Process 9
C. Stability of Demand for Money 10
D. Nature and Speed of Response to Monetary Action 13
E. Role of Price Expectations 14
III. Assessment of Federal Reserve Performance 20
IV. Concluding Observations: Need to Maintain Flexibility
in Monetary Management 25
Appendix Table
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MONETARIST CRITICISM AND THE CONDUCT OF
FLEXIBLE MONETARY POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES
By
a
Andrew F. Brimmer
I. Introduction
The debate over the best way to conduct monetary policy in
the United States has been in full flower for a generation. Yet,
the controversy seems to produce as much heat today as it did a
decade ago. The reasons why this is so are easily understood: the
leading critics of monetary policy (who in varying degrees can be
grouped under the banner of the monetarist school of thought) have
attracted numerous supporters not only in the economics profession
but also in the financial community as well as in some Government circles.
Assigning considerable weight to the role of money in economic activity,
the monetarists have become increasingly vocal participants in the
argument over the best way to conduct national economic policy.
* Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to several members of the Board's staff for assistance
in the preparation of this paper. Mr. James L. Pierce was particularly
helpful in tracing the differences in the monetarist and Keynesian approaches
to monetary management. Assisted by Mr. Jared Enzler, he performed the
computer-based simulations of the national economy to estimate the effects
on GNP of a reduction in inflationary expectations. I was able to draw
on work done by Mr. Peter M. Keir to assess the performance of the
Federal Reserve in its conduct of a flexible monetary policy in the
last two decades.
Having expressed my appreciation for the staff's assistance, I
must also stress that the views expressed here are my own and should
not be attributed to the Board's staff—nor to my colleagues on the
Board.
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The nature of the monetarist criticism of monetary management
by the Federal Reserve is widely understood: monetarists generally
argue that we know very little about the linkages between monetary
variables and the real economy and that we are quite ignorant of the
time lags between monetary actions and their impact on economic
activity. Given these limitations, they assert that the best way to
conduct economic stabilization policy is through relatively small
variations in the rate of growth of the money stock. Their leader,
Professor Milton Friedman, goes so far as to argue that attempts to
conduct monetary policy on a contra-cyclical basis are likely to
increase instability in the economy and produce distortions that are
long-lasting. Consequently, he suggests that the Federal Reserve
should aim for a steady and moderate rate of growth in the quantity
of m o n e y M o n e t a r i s ts downgrade the efficacy of fiscal policy as
a stabilization device.
On the opposite side of the debate are the Keynesian and
post-Keynesian economists. For the most part, they emphasize Government
tax and spending policies as useful instruments of economic stabilization.
While accepting the importance of monetary policy, these economists
stress the role of interest rates as the proper focus for that policy.
For most of the last twenty five years, the Keynesians have been
1/ See Milton Friedman and David Meiselman, "The Relative Stability
of Monetary Velocity and the Investment Multiplier in the United
States, 1897-1958," in Stabilization Policies, Commission on
Money and Credit, Englewood Cliffs, 1963.
21 See Albert Ando and Franco Modigliani, "Econometric Analysis of
Stabilization Policy," American Economic Review, Vol. 59,
No. 2, May, 1968, pp. 296-314.
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trend-setters in contemporary economic thought, and they have also
occupied most of the economic advisory positions in Government. To
a considerable extent, they have dominated thinking in the Federal
Reserve for several decades.
In recent years, however, the monetarists have also had
some influence on the way in which the Federal Reserve System
conceives its role. Partly in response to monetarist criticism, the
System has modified both its conception of the monetary process and
the operating techniques used to implement its policy decisions.
But for a variety of reasons, the System has stopped far short of
3/
focusing simply on the money stock as prescribed by the monetarists.—'
In my judgment, the Federal Reserve has displayed much
wisdom in refusing to pursue the course advocated by the monetarists.
To do so would mean that the nation would be denied whatever contribution
that a more eclectic monetary policy can make toward achieving a better
record of economic performance.
There are a number of reasons why I believe it is preferable
for the Federal Reserve to maintain a flexible posture in the conduct
of monetary policy rather than focusing on a single economic variable:
--The monetarists have not shown convincingly that the
relationship between the money supply and economic
activity is particularly close. Moreover, their perception
of the monetary process in the United States offers
little insight into the ways in which changes in money
affect real output.
3/ In another paper, I have discussed these developments in considerable
detail. See "The Political Economy of Money: Evolution and Impact
11
of Monetarism in the Federal Reserve System, presented at the
Eighy-fourth Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association,
New Orleans, Louisiana, December 27, 1971.
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—The monetarists take little or no account of the impact
of unpredictable changes in the demand for money on the
behavior of financial markets. Since such shifts
obviously occur, the monetary authorities must attempt
to cope with them—if the pace of real economic activity
is not to be distorted.
--The monetarists ignore the information that interest
rate movements can provide. They also refuse to
recognize the possibility that the relationships
between money, income,and prices also depend upon
such factors as the degree of capacity utilization,
the extent of unemployment, and the stance of fiscal
policy.
These deficiencies (among others)in the monetarist approach
to monetary management suggest to me that it would be unwise for
the Federal Reserve to recast the conduct of monetary policy along
the lines urged by Professor Milton Friedman and his followers.
Moreover, while the monetarists accuse the Federal Reserve
of being a major source of economic instability, it appears that in
recent years the System has greatly improved its ability to use
monetary policy to help stabilize economic activity. The nature of
this performance can be appraised fully on the basis of the statistical
record.
The rest of these remarks is organized as follows: several
1
analytical limitations of the monetarists arguments are discussed in
Section II. The varying performance of the Federal Reserve System
f
in the conduct of a flexible monetary policy since the early 1950s is
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assessed in Section III. Finally, in Section IV, I conclude with
a statement of why I believe personally the Federal Reserve should
continue to maintain a flexible posture rather than adopt a fixed
rule for monetary management.
II. Analytical Limitations of the Monetarist Arguments
As I mentioned above, the sharpest criticism of monetary
management in the United States originates with those economists who
classify themselves (or are classified by others) as monetarists.
To a considerable extent,the monetarist criticism has been countered
by economists who approach the issues from a Keynesian perspective.
The general content of monetary theory espoused Dy the two schools
is widely understood and need not be discussed here in any detail.
However, several arguments advanced in the debate carry crucial
implications for the conduct of monetary policy, and these should
be explored carefully. These arguments concern (1) differences in the
perception of the monetary process, (2) the stability and predictability
of the demand for money, (3) the speed at which the economy responds
to monetary actions, and (4) the role of expectations in the determination
of output and prices. Each of these arguments is examined below.
First, however, it might be helpful to sketch the main outlines of
the general positions occupied by the monetarists and the Keynesians.
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Monetarist vs. Keynesian Doctrine
While one can identify numerous differences in detail between
the monetarist and Keynesian positions, several fairly uniform elements
can also be traced. Expressed most simply, Keynesians argue that
monetary policy influences the real sector of the economy through
interest rates, among which a few strategic rates are of major
importance. The process works as follows: the central bank changes
the quantity of money, and interest rates respond in the opposite
direction. This change in interest rates influences investment which
in turn has an impact on consumption and other forms of spending. Strict
Keynesians also argue that changes in the quantity of money are often
offset by shifts in the demand for money (implicitly arguing that
the demand for money is highly unstable). Furthermore, they argue that
the demand for money is highly interest elastic so that a given change
in the quantity of money produces small changes in the rate of interest.
On the other hand, the monetarists argue that the demand
for money is highly stable and not very interest elastic. They also
argue that there is no single rate of interest in the economy—but rather
a large number of rates which have differing effects on aggregate
demand. Thus, they hold that there is no single interest rate to follow
or which should be a target for control, and any attempt to set a single
interest rate will not have any predictable impact on aggregate demand.
Monetarists- also assert that the central bank cannot even set single
a
interest rate for very long because all interest rates are essentially
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endogenous to the economy--that is, they depend on the behavior of
the economy itself. The reason for this is that a change in the
growth of the money stock influences not only short-term rates of
interest but also the actual and expected rate of inflation. So in
the monetarist view, attempts to reduce interest rates through
expanding the money stock can be frustrated by a rise in prices which,
in turn, lead to expectations of further increases in prices and to
a rise in the nominal rate of interest. They argue that it is perfectly
possible (and they believe quite likely) that increases in the quantity
of money will lead to increases in the nominal rate of interests.
In recent years, economists of both the Keynesian and
monetarist persuasions have developed their theories to the point
that it is very difficult to tell them apart. Both groups of economists
actually cast their arguments in terms of the same general equilibrium
theory, but they come to their theoretical framexvork from different
ends of the political spectrum. While divergencies in the political
orientation of many of these different economists lead them to
recommend different monetary policies from time to time, actually there
is nothing in their theories which requires this. In fact, when the
best expositions of the general monetarist theory are viewed apart
from their specific policy prescriptions, it is virtually impossible
4/
to distinguish their theory from that presented by the Keynesians
4/ Fo>r example, see Milton Friedman, "The Role of Monetary Policy,"
American Economic Review, Vol. LVIII, No. 1, March, 1968, pp. 1-17,
and James Tobin, "A General Equilibrium Approach to Monetary Theory,"
Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking, February, 1969, pp. 15-29.
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The reason for the similarity of theory is readily understood:
nearly all economists are convinced that neo-classical general
equilibrium theory holds in the long-run. For this reason, there
really is no difference between modern monetarists and modern
Keynesians with respect to the long-run implications of their theory.
The main implications are: (1) Real output is determined by available
capital and labor, and output growth is determined by growth in
these two sectors along with technological progress. (2) In the
long-run, the supply of labor is determined primarily by real wages in the
economy; as a result there is little effective trade-off between employment
and inflation in the long-run. Put another way, the labor market is
cleared in the long-run, and there is a natural unemployment rate
determined essentially by frictional factors. (3) Changes in the
money stock produce proportionate changes in the price level in the long-
run and have no permanent impact on the real sectors of the economy.
(4) However, in the long run, an increase in the rate of growth of money
can lead to an increase in interest rates because of the impact of
the money stock on prices.
Given this similarity of theoretical approach, one might
ask, why is the argument continuing to generate so much heat? It
appears that the debate between the monetarists and the Keynesians
hinges on the several central issues outlined above. We can now proceed
to an assessment of those arguments.
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B. Differences in the Perception of the Monetary Process
The significant differences in the way in which the monetarists
and the Keynesians perceive the monetary process arise mainly from
philosphical rather than from analytical considerations. There is
nothing in the theoretical approaches per se that lead them to describe
the monetary process as they do. Monetarists argue that the money
stock influences the economy through changes in relative interest rates
and in wealth. However, they argue further that the process is simply
too complicated to specify in detail. They emphasize the point that
changes in the money stock influence not only interest rates on
financial instruments but also implicit rates of return on all commodities.
Because there is no way to observe all of the relevant rates of return,
they believe that any attempt to specify explicitly the mechanism by
which the effects of changes in money are transmitted and translated
into changes in income is doomed to failure.
While monetarists lament intellectually the inability to
specify the monetary process, they argue on a practical level that it
is not necessary to specify it at all. Instead, they assert that it is
possible to relate the money stock directly to aggregate demand. They
believe that a stable relationship between money and a number of key
economic variables (such as GNP and prices) does exist. This analytical
technique of proceeding directly from money to, say, GNP has been
ff 11
compared to a black box in which money is poured into one end and
GNP flows out of the other. This rather uncomplimentary analogy
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apparently does not trouble the monetarists very much. Rather, they
believe that they can predict the impact of monetary policy on the
economy more accurately using this technique than can be done with
the elaborate models used by the Keynesians.
In contrast, the Keynesians believe that it is possible
to specify the transmission mechanism for monetary policy. Working
on this belief, in their research they insist upon using empirical
models in which this mechanism is imbedded in a large number of
simultaneous equations.—^ Using these large-scale structural models,
Keynesians have sought to identify and analyze the channels through
which monetary variables, fiscal variables, interest rates, etc.,
affect economic behavior. In their view, one of the main weaknesses
in the monetarists' approach is their failure to explore fully the
structure and performance of financial markets and to examine the
links between those markets and the markets for goods and services.
c#
Stability of Demand for Money
Another basic issue dividing the monetarists and the
Keynesians concerns the stability of the demand for money, on the one
hand, and the stability of spending relationships, on the other. The
reason that stability is at issue is that in a deterministic world
5/ For a good discussion of whether large-scale econometric
models have an inherently Keynesian bias, see James L. Pierce,
"Do Large-Scale Macro-Econometric Models Have a Keynesian Bias,"
paper presented at the Second World Congress of the Econometric
Society, Cambridge, England, September, 1970.
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(that is, a world without shocks or unexpected autonomous changes), it makes
absolutely no difference, theoretically, whether one focuses on
interest rates in Keynesian fashion or on the money stock in monetarist
fashion. In such a world, the amount of money demanded at different
interest rates is known. Hence any statement about the interest
rate can be easily translated into a statement about the money stock--
and conversely. Given the demand for money, it makes no difference
whether one describes responses to monetary actions in terras of the
interest rate (price) or the money stock (quantity).
As soon as one drops the assumption of a deterministic
world, the question of the stability of the various demand relationships
in the economy becomes central to the debate between the monetarists
f\ /
and the Keynesians.—As observed above, many Keynesians assert that
the demand for money is highly unstable. If this demand is both
unstable and unpredictable, attempts to run monetary policy by setting
the quantity of money would lead to instability and unpredictability
of interest rates--and hence make the relationship between the money
stock and aggregate demand a very loose one. In this sort of world,
it would be preferable simply to set the interest rate and to accommodate
the shifts in the demand for money. Monetarists willingly concede
the intellectual issue that such instability in money demand would
make the money stock an unappealing candidate for policy control.
They argue, however, that this instability simply does not exist.
"67 For an interesting discussion of the issues involved see William Poole,
~~ "Optimal Choice of Monetary Policy Instruments in a Simple Stochastic
11
Macro-Model, Quarterly Journal of Economics, May, 1970, pp. 197-216.
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Instead, they point to a welter of empirical studies that purport
to indicate that money demand is highly predictable.
Monetarists also argue that the basic source of economic
instability lies in the economy's demand for real output. In this
situation, attempts to conduct monetary policy through interest
rates would lead to wide variations in aggregate demand. The reason
can be seen readily: if there should be an unexpected increase in
aggregate demand, the maintenance of an interest rate would essentially
accommodate this demand and push the economy off of its desired path.
If the money stock rather than interest rates were set by the central
bank, the increase in aggregate demand would tend to bid up interest
rates which, in turn, would retard the expansion in aggregate demand
itself. Thus, the issue of the primacy of the money stock depends
upon the stability of the demand for money relative to the stability
of the relationships between income and consumer spending or between
income and business investment.
In passing, it might be worthwhile to mention a related
issue. Monetarists believe that focusing on the money stock provides
a fail-safe system: in the long run, errors in setting the money
stock will not affect real variables in the economy. On the other
hand, an interest rate policy, they say, lacks this fail-safe quality.
If the central bank picks an interest rate and it proves to be the
wrong one, there will ensue changes in the money stock and in the
price level which will force the economy even farther from its desired
path. Thus, if the monetary authorities must pick a policy and if
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they must stick with it for some overriding reason, it is better to
stick with the money stock than it is to stick with interest rates.
D#
Nature and Speed of Response to Monetary Action
The speed with which the real economy responds to monetary
action is also a matter of considerable importance—as well as
controversy. Monetarists appear to argue that the reactions expected
in the long-run can also be expected to hold even in the short-run.
Thus, they argue that changes in Government expenditures have only
a transitory impact on GNP--with virtually all of the effects being
exhausted in two or three calendar quarters. They also seem not to
be greatly concerned over unemployment. Instead, they argue that
attempts to eliminate unemployment through changes in the money stock
will lead to changes in prices with little impact on the unemployment
rate itself.
Monetarists also assert that the lags between changes in the
money stock and changes in GNP are quite short. As evidence of this,
they point to results reported by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
which indicate that the total impact of changes in money on GNP are
realized within a year. In addition, they seem to argue that the lags
between money and prices are also quite short—although their own
empirical results do not bear this out. An examination of the price
equation estimated by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis indicates
that the lag between changes in money and the response of prices is
quite long—in the neighborhood of 10 quarters. In fact, the lag is
quite similar in length to the lag estimated by Keynesian economists.
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Working with large-scale econometric models, Keynesians
have also obtained evidence of much longer lags between changes in
money and changes in GNP. These models indicate that the impact
is spread over at least 8 calendar quarters, and several models indicate
that the lag is very long indeed.
The Keynesians also obtain evidence of a trade-off between
unemployment and inflation in the short-run. Thus, there are times
when unemployment can be reduced by expansionary monetary and fiscal
policies and, furthermore, at a very low cost in terms of accelerating
the rate of inflation. The Keynesian approach also leads to the
conclusion that the impact of monetary policy on the economy depends
crucially upon the current status of the economy--i.e., upon factors
such as the degree of capacity utilization and the extent of existing
inflationary pressures. This, in turn, leads to the conclusion that
there is no simple relationship between changes in the money stock
and changes in the real economy. Thus, they assert that the monetarists
have seriously underestimated the complexity of the economy by
concentrating on a simple linear relationship between money and GNP.
E. Role of Price Expectations
It might be useful to end this section with a discussion
of the role of price expectations. Again, there is little difference
in theory between the monetarists and the Keynesians. Both groups
assert that spending decisions in the economy are influenced by real
interest rates and not by their nominal counterparts. Nominal interest
rates are influenced by the expected rate of inflation. Thus, a rise
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in the nominal rates that is caused by an acceleration in the expected
rate of inflation will not retard spending because the real interest
rate has been left unaffected.
Again, there are significant empirical differences that
appear in the two approaches. To illustrate this point, with the
assistance of several members of the Board's staff and using the
large-scale econometric model available to us (the SSRC-MIT-PENN
model)^ several simulation experiments were conducted in which the
expected rate of inflation was reduced. The task was to estimate
the differential effects on the economy of achieving a significant
reduction in the rate of inflation. The issue studied provides an
interesting example of how the structural equations specified by
lf
the Keynesians can be used to study an important problem. The black
11
box approach used by the monetarists provides us with no insights into
the same problem.
In the SSRC-MIT-PENN model, spending decisions are based, in
large part, upon the behavior of the real rate of interest—i.e.,
the nominal rate less the expected rate of inflation. If the nominal
rate of interest remains unchanged while inflation is expected to
be reduced, the real rate of interest has risen. Other things equal,
a rise in the real interest rate will retard spending since it is now
more expensive in real terms to invest.
Whereas the nominal interest rate is an observed value, the
value assigned to expected price changes has to be constructed. In
the model used, the value of price expectations is constructed from a
relatively long series of observed past changes in prices. In this
7_/ The simulations were performed with a modified version of the
Social Science Research Council-MIT-PENN quarterly econometric model.
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specification, the changes in prices in periods in the immediate past
have little effect on current price expectations; it takes an extended
history of price changes before there is an appreciable alternation
in price expectations. Therefore, it ordinarily takes a long time
before a given change in prices (such as a sudden fall) is perceived
as permanent--thus changing price expectations—which causes a
change in the real interest rate—which in turn, causes spending to
change.
In the simulation experiments, consideration was focused on
the differential impact of two sharply varying changes in price
expectation. In Case I, an abrupt fall in prices is only gradually
perceived as permanent. In Case II, a reduction in inflation is
immediately perceived as permanent. In carrying out the simulations,
in Case I an adjustment is made to the model which causes the rate
of change in prices to be reduced suddenly, but spending units adapt
only gradually to the new circumstances. In Case II, the price
anticipation terms are altered so that spending units immediately
incorporate the changed inflation situation into their behavior.
To isolate the differences between the two situations, an
initial simulation, Case I, was run by applying the GNP and related
assumptions contained in the Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) Report
for 1972. These projections incorporate a decline in the inflation rate
of 1.0 percentage point attributed to the New Economic Policy. This yielded
a Base Projection which could be taken as an indication of the course
the economy might follow in the absence of major changes in price
anticipations. The next step was to conduct the experiments for Case II.
It Was assumed that the anticipated rate of inflation was reduced by 1.0
percentage point, and the process of adjustment was traced over two years,
beginning in the first quarter of 1972.
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The differences in the two sets of results for key economic
variables can be summarized here.
Case II less Case I
($ Billions)
$ GNP Real GNP _ Unemployment
1972 I --2.9 -2.3 .1
II - 6.4 -4.8 .2
III - 9.0 -6.4 .3
IV -10.8 -7.2 .3
1973 I -11.3 -7.0 .4
II -10.9 -6.1 .3
III - 9.8 -4.7 .3
IV - 8.4 -3.2 .2
These results suggest that it does make a great deal of
difference whether the public reacts slowly or rapidly to changes in
the actual rate of inflation. Under circumstances where spending
units do react quickly to a decline in the rate of inflation
(Case II), the effect would be to depress nominal GNP by approximately
$11 billion more after four calendar quarters than would occur if
the reaction takes place gradually (Case I). Over the same period,
real GNP would be about $7 billion lower, and the unemployment rate
would be about .3 per cent higher under Case II than under Case I.
As the adjustment proceeds over time, the gap between the two sets
of results narrows steadily. The reason for this is related to the
effects of reduced expectations of inflation in Case I. The actual
inflation rate gradually has an impact on anticipated inflation—which,
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in turn, tends to depress aggregate demand in that simulation.
Eventually the anticipated inflation rate will equal the actual rate,
and the two simulations will give the same results.
It was not possible to perform a comparable experiment with
monetarist econometric models—for example, with the model developed by
the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. The structure of the economy
represented by that model is not spelled out in structural equations.
Instead, a set of reduced-form expressions is used which prevents
the effects of price expectations from being separated out from
other effects. The change in nominal GNP is determined by changes
in the money stock coupled with a transitory effect of changes in
Federal expenditures. The change in the price level is determined
by a demand pressure variable (nominal GNP relative to full employment
GNP) and by the anticipated rate of inflation—which, in turn, depends
solely upon previous changes in prices. The expressions for changes
in nominal GNP and changes in the price level imply an expression for
changes in real GNP.
Given this set of expressions, there simply is no way to perform
an experiment comparable to that conducted with the quarterly structural
model. It would be possible to revise downward the expression for the
actual change in the price level, but this would only yield a simulation
comparable to the Case I simulation discussed above. With the St. Louis
Bank's model, nominal output would remain unchanged and real output
would rise in proportion to the constructed decline in prices. Once
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this were done, however, there would be no role for the price
anticipations variable because this variable only influences the
actual change in prices which has already been modified. Thus,
there is no simulation possible for Case II.
One might take the view that monetarists regard price
anticipation effects as unimportant. Apparently, they believe that
in most circumstances the structure of the economy does not change
enough to upset the reduced-form description. If this is true, then
a sudden reduction in inflation can lead only to a corresponding
increase in real output leaving nominal output unchanged. More likely
the monetarists do feel the structure is changed enough to upset
the relationships implied by their equations. Presumably the implied
rise in real interest rates would lower nominal GNP--given the money
stock. However, we do not know the magnitudes of the effect because
they have not specified the structure from which their reduced form
stems.
From the foregoing discussion, I conclude that the analytical
framework developed by the monetarists is not capable of yielding much
insight into some of the most pressing issues faced by the monetary
authorities. A number of inherent deficiencies(relating to matters
such as the nature of the monetary process, time lags, the demand
for money, and price expectations) must be remedied before central bankers
can expect to find much guidance in the monetarist prescription for
monetary management. While the Keynesians have not provided all the
solutions to these important problems, they have supplied us with a
structure which provides important insights into the workings of monetary
policy. One important insight is that the world is too complicated to allow
us the luxury of focusing only on the money stock in setting policy.
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III. Assessment of Federal Reserve Performance
To gain a summary impression of the performance of the Federal
Reserve in its conduct of a flexible monetary policy, an analysis
was made (with assistance from the Board's staff) of the behavior of
interest rates, net reserves, and monetary and credit aggregates in
the face of changing economic conditions in the last two decades.
The analysis proceeded on the assumption that a flexible monetary
policy would require the monetary managers to anticipate prospective
changes in economic activity with sufficient lead time to allow
changes in policy to counter emerging inflationary or deflationary
tendencies. As evidence of excess aggregate demand began to
materialize, the authorities would be expected to adopt a policy to
restrict the growth of money and credit. The authorities would also
be expected to anticipate the end of the expansion phase of the
business cycle and to move in a timely fashion to offset tendencies
toward recession.
For purpose of analysis, seven episodes were identified. Five
of these centered on business cycle peaks, and two were points at
which the economy was judged to have reached full employment. Using
as reference the month in which the cyclical peak or full employment
point occurred, six-month periods before and after the reference point
were delineated. The monetary policy appropriate under the prevailing
circumstances was indicated. Changes in interest rates, net reserves,
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arid monetary and credit aggregates were then calculated. Finally, the
actual changes in the monetary variables were compared with the
objectives required by a flexible, contra-cyclical monetary policy.
The details of the analysis are shown in the Appendix
Table (attached). The general conclusions can be summarized briefly:
1. July, 1953: Cyclical Peak
Most of the indicators suggest strongly that the
performance of monetary policy fell short of what was
required in the context of a developing recession. The
discount rate was not reduced during the first six months
following the peak in economic activity. While both
short- and long-term interest rates dropped appreciably
after the peak, this was mainly a reflection of reduced
credit demands. Each of the monetary and credit aggregates
(M-^, M2, and bank credit) increased less in the six months
after the cyclical peak than in the like period prior to
the downturn. (The very rapid rate of growth in free
reserves prior to the cyclical peak reflected in part
a large drop in the level of member bank borrowing
coincident with the subsequent expiration of the Korean
War excess profits tax.)
2. June, 1955: Period of Excess Demand
Given the principal national goal of curbing
excess aggregate demand, the record of monetary policy
was reasonably good. The Federal Reserve discount rate
was advanced by 1/4 percentage point as the economy
approached full employment and by 3/4 percentage
point in the six months after aggregate demand had
begun to press against capacity. On balance, market
interest rates climbed higher both before and after
June, 1955. An especially sharp spurt in short-term
rates occurred over the half year following that date.
The level of free reserves shrank significantly. Bank
credit, M-^ and M2 increased after June at rates below
those registered in the preceding half year.
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3. July, 1957: Upper Turning Point
At this juncture, when the mainsprings of economic
expansion were weakening progressively, the performance
of monetary policy was probably the worst in the period
under review. Nearly all of the indicators of
monetary policy behaved oppositely—or responded
sluggishly--to what was required. The discount rate was
raised after the turning point--although it was reduced
subsequently. Free reserves expanded substantially
in the six months following the downturn--which gave the
impression to some that monetary policy had shifted from
a posture of restraint to considerable ease. While
interest rates declined, the drop in yields on long-term
U.S. Government securities was not much greater than
the rise which had occurred in the preceding half year.
The narrow money stock (Mi) actually contracted at a
sizable rate in the period following the cyclical peak-
after registering no increase in the six months before.
Bank credit and M2 also expanded at slower rates after
the crest in economic activity had passed.
4. May, 1960: Upper Turning Point
The monetary authorities were fairly successful
in pursuit of a flexible policy designed to cushion
the impact of the emerging recession. The discount
rate was reduced twice (by a total of 1.0 percentage
point) in the six months following the cyclical peak.
Free reserves expanded substantially both before and
after the turn. Interest rates declined throughout the
period. The two measures of the money stock (M^ and
M2) had recorded declines prior to the turning point,
and the subsequent swing to net expansion was noticeable.
Bank credit had grown only moderately in the six months
leading up to the peak, but a large rise occurred in the
following period.
5. January, 1966: Period of Excess Demand
The task in this episode was to use monetary policy
to dampen excess demand pressures generated in substantial
part by the military buildup associated with the Vietnam
War. Although the Federal Reserve waited too long in
moving to restraint in the face of this buildup, once
the move had been initiated, the performance was quite
good. The discount rate was increased by 1/2 percentage
point in December, 1965—over the opposition of the
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Administration. Net free reserves declined
appreciably in the January-July months of 1966.
Long-term interest rates rose throughout the period--
although some short-term yields dropped slightly from
January to July—following a sharp increase in the last
half of the preceding year. All of the monetary and
credit aggregates expanded at a greatly reduced pace in
the six months after January, 1966, compared with that
recorded six months earlier.
January, 1967: Informal Cyclical Peak
The record of monetary policy during this episode
was particularly encouraging. As signals of slackening
economic activity began to appear, the Federal Reserve
shifted promptly and substantially toward ease. The
strong response of the financial system was probably
traceable in part to the severity of the monetary restraint
imposed in the preceding year. In early 1967, the discount
rate was reduced by 1/2 percentage point. Net free
reserves were expanded both before and after the turning
point. Short-term interest rates decreased substantially
after January, but long-term yields rose following an
earlier drop. All of the monetary and credit aggregates
(M^, M2, and bank credit) rose much more rapidly in the
half year following January, 1967, than they did in
the preceding period. In fact, all of them expanded at
historically high rates. Some observers may feel that
monetary policy became too easy in early 1967--given the
mildness and short duration of the recession. This
criticism does not appear to be justified, although it
is true that monetary ease was carried too far into
the year—resulting in sizable increases in the monetary
aggregates (M-., 6.7 per cent, and 10 per cent) for the
year as a whole. Whatever weight one might want to assign
to this reservation about the responsiveness of monetary
policy at the lower turning point of the cycle, the
timeliness and speed of reaction to the earlier recession
cannot be overlooked and undoubtedly helped account
for the relative mildness of that downturn.
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7. November, 1969: Upper Turning Point
Here also the performance of the Federal Reserve
was fairly good—although in retrospect it could be
argued that restraint was pursued a bit too far in
1969 and the liquidity of the economy was not rebuilt
rapidly enough in the early stage of the recession.
As excess demand faded, monetary policy shifted from
considerable restraint to a posture designed to foster
lower interest rates and greater availability of money
and credit. Although the discount rate was not reduced,
net free reserves increased both before and after the
cyclical peak. Short-term yields declined appreciably,
but long-term interest rates—again reflecting the strain
on liquidity—continued to rise following the beginning
of the downturn. The major drop in long-term rates did
not begin until the summer of 1970. Expansion in the
monetary and credit aggregates quickened significantly
in the six months following the cyclical peak. Yet,
the growth rates remained relatively moderate—perhaps
below normal for M and bank credit.
0
On the basis of this survey, several conclusions stand
out: judged on the basis of timeliness in modifying the posture
of monetary policy, the Federal Reserve performed best during
the two most recent periods of inflation (following June, 1955,
and January, 1966) and during the two most recent periods of
recession (following January, 1967, and November, 1969). In the
early stages of the 1960 recession, the performance was also fair.
However, in earlier episodes, monetary management by the Federal
Reserve was not so good. In the case of the 1967 recession, the
magnitude of the shift to monetary ease was somewhat in excess of
what was required, and policy remained easy longer than was appropriate.
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Furthermore, while the rate of expansion in the monetary aggregates
(M^ and M2) slowed in the closing months of 1967 and in early 1968,
a sharp acceleration occurred subsequently. The results were two
consecutive years of relatively rapid monetary growth. The record
of these two years is frequently cited by critics of the Federal
Reserve as illustrations of the alleged dangers inherent in the
pursuit of a flexible monetary policy.
IV. Concluding Observations: Need to Maintain Flexibility in
Monetary Management
I want to conclude these remarks with a summary of the
principal reasons why I believe the Federal Reserve System should
maintain a posture of flexibility in monetary management rather than
confine its actions to small changes in the growth rate of the
money stock.
In the first place, adoption of such a policy strategy
would force the Federal Reserve to ignore the behavior of all other
factors affecting credit markets. In my judgment, the Federal
Reserve has a number of responsibilities beyond concern for the
money supply which must be met. It must encourage credit conditions
appropriate for the economy as a whole, and it also has responsibilities
for Treasury finance, the viability of financial institutions,
and conditions influencing international capital flows. These
considerations suggest that the central bank cannot ignore interest
rate and credit developments. Indeed, at times such developments
will impose severe constraints on the ability of the monetary authorities
to follow a strict course with respect to monetary growth.
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Moreover, it seems self-evident that the central bank
should be capable of providing more assistance in the attainment of
national economic objectives than is implied by the neutralist
policy of an unchanging monetary stance. In contra-cyclical terms,
particularly, monetary policy should be prepared to give more support
to the economy in recession and less in boom. Furthermore, the
Federal Reserve should be able to anticipate these developments
with sufficient accuracy to alter policy in advance of the needs of
the economy. The evidence presented here indicates that the
System's ability to do this has improved over the years. There will
also be circumstances under which national priorities with respect
to the allocation of credit might well require the monetary
authorities to depart for a time for what they would consider to
be the appropriate rate of overall monetary growth. While neither
the monetarists nor the Keynesians understand the monetary process
well enough, the behavior of interest rates and credit conditions
do provide information which the Federal Reserve should not throw
out in slavish pursuit of a policy with respect to M^.
Use of the money stock as the sole target of policy assumes
that there is a fairly constant relationship between monetary
growth and its influence on economic activity. This may be generally
correct in the long-run, but it cannot be true in the short-run.
The public's demand for liquidity obviously shifts from time to time,
depending on the confidence with which they view the future, changes
in inflationary expectations, and similar influences. If the
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Federal Reserve does not provide the additional liquidity
associated with an upward shift in preferences (or absorb the
liquidity released by downward shifts), a constant rate of growth
in money is likely to result in variable rates of growth in the
real economy. In other words, a constant rate of growth in
money—if precautionary demands for liquidity are shifting—would
be a source of economic instability. Furthermore, the relationships
between spending, interest rates, and money shift significantly—
depending upon the state of the economy.
A money stock target requires that the monetary variable,
or the weighted combination of variables, to be controlled be
specified in advance. The monetarists do not always specify which
variable is to be controlled by the central bank. However, they
have sometimes focused on M]^ and sometimes on M2. Yet, M^ would
be an equally good candidate, since depositors in thrift institutions
surely regard these deposits as the equivalent of bank time deposits
in all respects. And M4 (total liquid assets) would also be a
f
likely candidate, since only by including CDs and other money
market instruments does one incorporate a measure of corporate
liquidity. Of course, all of these quantities do not move up and
down at anything like the same rates in the short-run, so it is
not enough to use one measure of the money stock as a proxy for all
of the others. Nor is expansion in all of the different measures
closely related to the provision of bank reserves.
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The relationships between rates of change in the various
measures—and between these definitions of money and economic
activity—are clearly subject to a number of influences, including
structural, competitive and technological change. Thus, the emergence
of the savings and loan associations in the post-World War II years
clearly impinged on the growth of bank time deposits. Similarly,
the increasing sophistication with which money is managed (partly
a function of the upward trend in interest rates) has served to
reduce idle non-interest bearing cash balances (Mj) relative to total
liquid assets (M4). Technological improvements (such as jet aircraft
and bank automation) must have reduced the float of checks in transit
0/
on which depositors formerly counted, and future advances (such as
wire transfer) clearly will reduce such float dramatically further.
All of this makes it extremely difficult to measure the real impact
of monetary policy over time. It also strongly suggests that
targeted growth rates in money--however defined—need to be modified
in order to produce an unchanged secular stimulus to economic activity.
This need appears to be most pronounced in the case of M^, since cash
balancesare most subject to technological obsolescence.
For these reasons, I believe it is preferable that the Federal
Reserve continue to exercise discretion and judgment in monetary
management and not be misled by those who advocate the pursuit of a few
simple strategies for monetary policy.
8? In Federal Reserve statistics, money is measured in terms of balances
on the bank's books—not in customer records.
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1.
Appendix Table: Behavior of Interest Rates and Monetary Aggregates
1
Before and After Cyclical Peaks and Full Employment Points Since Mid-1950s
Objectives and Indicators of Change from Reference Point Change to
Monetary Policy 6 months before 6 months after
Economic Situation Cyclical Peak!/
Date (January, 1953) July, 1953 (January, 1954)
Federal Reserve Policy .
Desiraibbllee OObbjjce ctive Restraint Expansion
Policy Results 2' Adequate Inadequate
Money Market Conditions Level During Month
Interest Rates (per cent)
F.R. Discount Rate 2.00
3 month Treasury Bill + .08 2.04 -.86
U.S. Gov't. (Long-term) +.24 3.04 -.35
Corp. Aaa (New Issue) +.42 3.58 -.45
Free Reserves ($ millions) +1,006 366 +469
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2.
Appendix Table (continued)
Objectives and Indicators of Change from Reference Point Change to
Monetary Policy 6 months before 6 months after
Money and Credit Aggregates
(Annual Rates of Change: Per cent)
2.0 0.6
M 3.3 2.7
2
Bank Credit 6.0 0.4
2. Economic Situation Full Employment Point U
Date (December, 1954) June, 1955 (December, 1955)
Federal Reserve Policy
Desirable Objective Restraint Restraint
Policy Results Adequate Adequate
Money Market Conditions Level During Month
Interest Rates (Per cent)
F.R. Discount Rate + .25 1.75 + .75
3 month Treasury Bill +.27 1.41 +1.13
U.S. Gov't. (Long-term) + .23 2.82 + .09
Corp. Aaa (New Issue) +.21 3.13 + .11
Free Reserves ($ millions) -290 168 - 413
Money and Credit Aggregates
(Annual Rates of Change: Per cent)
Mi 3.2 1.2
M 3.3 1.7
2 2.6
Bank Credit 3.3
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3.
Appendix Table (continued)
Objectives and Indicators of Change from Reference Point Change to
Monetary Policy 6 months before 6 months after
3. Economic Situation Cyclical Peak
Date (January, 1957) July, 1957 (January, 1958)
Federal Reserve Policy
Desirable Objective Restraint Expansion
Policy Results Adequate Inadequate
Money Market Conditions Level During Month
Interest Rates (per cent)
F.R. Discount Rate 3.00 8/
3 month Treasury Bill +.05 -.72
U.S. Gov't, (Long-term) +.26 3.60 -.36
Corp. Aaa (New Issue) +.31 4.62 -.97
Free Reserves ($ millions) -500 -383 +505
Money and Credit Aggregates
(Annual Rates of Change: Per cent)
Mi 0.1 -2.2
M2 3.0 0.8
Bank Credit 3.8 1.9
4. Economic Situation Cyclical Peak
Date (November, 1959) May, 1960 (November, 1960)
Federal Reserve Policy
Desirable Objective Restraint Expansion
Policy Results Adequate Barely Adequate
Money Market Conditions Level During Month
Interest Rates (per cent)
F.R. Discount Rate 4.00 -1.00
3 month Treasury Bill -.86 3.29 - .92
U.S. Gov't. (Long-term) -.35 4.74 - .11
Corp. Aaa (New Issue) -.35 4.74 - .11
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4.
Appendix Table (continued)
Objecttives and Indicators of Change from Reference Point Change to
Monetary Policy 6 months before 6 months after
Free Reserves ($ millions) +400 -33 +647
Money and Credit Aggregates
(Annual Rates of Change: Per cent)
Mj -3.2 0.9
M -2.1 5.1
2
Bank Credit 1.7 6.4
5. Economic Situation Full Employment Point
Date (July, 1965) January, 1966 (July, 1966)
Federal Reserve Policy
Desirable Objective Restraint Restraint
Policy Results Barely Adequate Quite Adequate
Money Market Conditions Level During Month
Interest Rates (per cent)
F.R. Discount Rate +.50 4.50
3 month Treasury Bill +.75 4.59 -.09
U.S. Gov't. (Long-term) +.31 4.52 +.32
Corp. Aaa (New Issue) +.19 4.81 + .67
Free Reserves ($ millions) +130 -44 -318
Money and Credit Aggregates
(Annual Rates of Change: Per cent)
M 6.7 2.1
M t 10.1 5.6
B 2 ank Credit 9.9 6.9
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5.
Appendix Table (continued)
Objectives and Indicators of Change from Reference Point Change from
Monetary Policy 6 months before 6 months after
6. Economic Situation Cyclical Peak 9/
Date (July, 1966) January, 1967 (July, 1967)
Federal Reserve Policy
Desirable Objective Restraint Expansion
Policy Results Adequate Especially Adequate
Money Market Conditions Level During Month
Interest Rates (Per cent)
F.R. Discount Rate 4.50 -.50
3 month Treasury Bill -.08 4.72 -.51
U.S. Gov't. (Long-term) -.34 4.50 +.51
Corp. Aaa (New Issue) -.05 5.43 + .35
Free Reserves ($ millions) 346 -16 288
Money and Credit Aggregates
(Annual Rates of Change: Per cent)
M 0.5 8.5
X
M 4.3 12.0
2
Bank Credit 4.4 11.0
Economic Situation Cyclical Peak
Date (May, 1969) November, 1969 (May, 1970)
Federal Reserve Policy
Desirable Objective Restraint Expansion
Policy Results Adequate Adequate
Money Market Conditions Level During Month
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6.
Appendix Table (continued)
Objectives and Indicators of Change from Reference Point Change from
Monetary Policy 6 months before 6 months after
Interest Rates (Per cent)
F.R. Discount Rate 6.00
3 month Treasury Bill +1.21 7.24 -.40
U.S. Gov't. (Long-term) + .63 6.74 +.50
Corp. Aaa (New Issue) 1.10 8.32 +.78
Free Reserves ($ millions) +114 -988 +223
Money and Credit Aggregates
(Annual Rates of Change: Per cent)
M 2.1 5.4
M 0.4 5.0
2
Bank Credit 2.9 4.3
1/ Cyclical turning points identified by the National Bureau of Economic Research.
2/ Objectives required by a flexible, contra-cyclical monetary policy.
3/ Assessment of results is based on actual behavior of interest rates, reserves, and monetary aggregates
during period indicated.
4/ Consists of currency plus demand deposits.
5/ Consists of M^ plus time deposits at commercial banks other than certificates of deposit in excess
of $100,000.
6/ Loans and investments at commercial banks (end of month series).
Tj Point at which excess aggregate demand threatened generalized inflation. Periods (arbitrarily chosen)
and related unemployment rates were: May, 1951, 3 per cent; June, 1955, 4 per cent; January, 1966, 4 per cent.
8/ The Federal Reserve Discount rate was raised to 3-1/2 per cent in August, 1957, and subsequently reduced to
3 per cent in mid-November of the same year.
j?/ Cyclical peak used by the U.S. Bureau of the Census in establishing the turning point for the 1966-67
mini-recession.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1972, April 23). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19720424_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19720424_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1972},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19720424_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}